Fascism is a most ferocious attack by monopolies on working people. Although Fascists represent themselves as being against big business and for 'the ordinary bloke', their policies are those of open terror and destruction against workers and their organisations. These policies help big business. Fascists represent themselves as being above classes and class conflict and the defenders of the 'whole people' against foreign enemies and their local agents—usually minority groups. But they only serve monopoly capital.

Fascism serves the interests of monopoly capital primarily by destroying all organisations of the people which oppose and restrain the exploitation by the ruling class of monopolists. It destroys these organisations by using the terror and violence of the state and its own para-military forces.

In Italy for example, the use of terror against workers organisations began in 1920. "At the end of 1920 the Fascists began methodically to smash the unions and the co-operative societies by beating, banishing or killing their leaders and destroying their property ... All organisations of workers were singled out for destruction because they were "Bolshevist". The Fascists were provided with arms, ammunition, and means of tramsportation by the military authorities, and could always count on the passive and frequently active connivence of the police". (1) Soon after this terror began, the Fascists began to set up their own workers organisations which they called Syndicates. In 1926 the Syndacicates were made the only legal representative of the workers by the Fascist government.

It should also be noted that the final suppression of trade unions in favour of the Fascist syndicates was carried out with the cooperation of the social democratic (ie Labour Party) leadership of the trade unions. Principal social democrat trade union leaders including D'Aragona, a former leader of the Italian Socialist Party, passed over to Fascism.

Syndicates lead to impoverishment

The Fascist Syndicates were no protection from rapidly falling living standards, as the free workers organisations had been. They allowed peoples' livelihood to be lowered even in times of economic prosperity. During the mid 1920's, which were relatively prosperous years for Italy, real wages and consumption declined. Responsible for this decline were the Syndicates.

The Fascist Syndicates consistently negotiated lower rates of pay and poorer conditions of work than the trade unions. For example, the socialist unions pact in 1920 gave day labourers in Ferrara 1.50 to 2.30 Lire an hour. The Fascist pact in 1922 reduced the hourly rate to 0.85 to 1.50 Lire an hour.

"Fascism promised the workers "a fair wage", but it actually brought them an even lower, a pauper standard of living. It promised work for the unemployed, but it has actually brought them even more painful torments of starvation, and compulsory servile labour. It actually converts the workers and unemployed into pariahs of capitalist society stripped of rights, destroys their trade unions; deprives them of the right to strike and to have their working class press, forces them into fascist organisations, plunders their social insurance funds and transforms the mills and factories into barracks where the unbridled arbitrary rule of capitalists prevails". (2)

Fascists and 'profitability'

The arbitrary rule of monopoly capitalism which is fascism allows the monopoly capitalists to make increasing profits. In Italy, net profits declared by business companies in 1922 were 1.7% of capital. Profits this low are disastrous for capitalism. They had been forced down by increased wages, and other concessions granted to the workers such as annual holidays. Under the Fascist Government, by the time the Trade Unions had been suppressed, and these gains had been taken away, profits recovered. In 1925 profits had recovered to 8% of capital. As has been pointed out above, the main factor in this increase was the destruction of independent trade unions and their replacement with unions run by the state.

The concessions given to Italian workers were the result of the revolutionary upsurge from 1919 to 1921. During this upsurge the workers occupied the factories. The army could not be trusted to act against them as many in the lower ranks supported the workers. Instead of pressing this revolutionary upsurge home to the seizing of state power and the establishment of a Socialist state, the social democratic leadership of the workers used the occupation to gain only economic reforms from the employers.

The revolutionary upsurge in Italy was part of a general movement in Europe following the first World War and the establishment of the Soviet Union. During this period economic gains by workers and consequently economic losses by employers were widespread, They were part of a larger economic crisis brewing in capitalist society, that of overproduction.

The Drive towards World War

Fascism attempted to solve the crisis of overproduction which afflicted capitalism with policies of "autarky" or "national self-reliance", the planned destruction of productive capacity and commodities, and the return to less productive, more manual forms of production. By these means they attempted to reduce unemployment and reserve the domestic market for the production of their own monopoly capitalists. However, in order to compete in international markets, highly productive machinery was maintained in export industries.

With the decline of free trade, and increasing pressure for world markets, those powers without large empires (Italy, Germany and Japan) began casting envious glances at those countries with empires, secure world markets, and sources of supply of raw materials. The policy of autarky thus led inexorably to the next world war.

As Fascism serves the interests of the monopolists, bankers and large landowners, they provide the bulk of the money necessary to finance the movement to power. But although Fascism is financed by big business, the ruling class is not the main source of its recruits. Much of Fascism's mass support is drawn from the petit-bourgeoisie—professionals, self employed people and those who work and also employ others, peasants or small farmers, and intellectuals, But by consolidating the hold of big business over the economy. Fascism places these people in greater insecurity and servility. Big land owners are able to charge their tennants higher rents. The banks charge higher rates of interest to small businessmen. As a result of the the strengthening of big business, there was an increase in bankruptcy in Italy, and increasing numbers of peasants were stripped of their ability to procure their livelihood on their own land.

How did fascism come?

Fascism rules in the interests of the smallest and richest section of the bourgeoisie. It impoverishes the working class and drives greater numbers of the petit-bourgeoisie into servitude and hardship. How is it that such an enemy of the people can come to power—what conditions bring about its victory? there are five main conditions which favour the growth and victory of fascism in any one country.

1. Economic Crisis.

The economic crisis is the basis for intensified struggle between the different classes, particularly workers and bourgeoisie. In the development of fascism the economic crisis and the strength of working class organisations are inseparably linked. If the burden of an economic crisis of capitalism can be loaded onto the backs of working people without resistance from workers organisations, then the crisis for the bourgeoisie is solved. The crisis is reflected in falling profitability; profitability can only be restored in an economic crisis by cutting workers wages. If the working class resist wage cuts, and the rate of profit is not restored, then the economic crisis is intensified for the bourgeoisie. The relative success of the workers struggles against the bourgeoisies' measures strengthens their organisations and so further weakens the position of the bourgeoisie. In this situation Fascism is the salvation for the bourgeoisie, as it destroys the workers organisations. The rapid rise to power of Fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany both occurred in the midst of an acute economic depression. During the economic crisis the social democratic trade union leaders in Germany, and the leaders of the Social Democratic Party, supported the economic policies of wage cuts, unemployment, and cuts in Government spending that were carried out. Why, in the name of workers did they do this? "The Leipzig Congress of the German Social Democratic Party in 1931 gave out the watchword: "We must be the physicians of ailing capitalism . . . . And the French Socialist, Montel, had indeed already proclaimed before the (economic) crisis: "The Socialist Party will present itself as the only party capable of saving bourgeois society ". (3)

Rather than support the Communist party which called for a Socialist State, the social democrats accepted economic attacks on workers in order to save capitalism. Growing fascism represented to the Social Democrats the 'lesser of two evils' to the Communist Party and socialism.

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2. Petty-bourgoisie, backward workers and lumpen-proletariat under the influence of capitalist ideology

The organised working class is the mainspring of opposition to fascism. They are not generally duped into fascist organisations or deceived by fascist propanganda. For example, at Turin in the Fiat Motor Works there was an election in 1925 among 18.0 workers for the Factory Benefit Society Council. 94% voted. Not one of those votes was cast for a Fascist candidate. Where capitalism is less developed, then the working class is less concentrated and less organised. In Germany for example, only 54% of the population lived in towns of 5.0 plus in 1928. Small industries were numerous. Workers in such enterprises are close to the employer and management and are inevitably more influenced by them than workers in large concerns who mix only with their own kind. Where so many small concerns exist, then organising the workers to resist fascism is difficult too.

How do the Fascists get the support of such a Iarge section of society? How do they convince these people that Fascism serves their best interests when in practice Fascism allows them to be exploited and impoverished even more?

The Fascists win support from amongst the ordinary people by the "art" of demagogy. They use revolutionary sounding slogans, they present themselves as anti-capitalist revolutionaries. They distinguish themselves from Communism by ardent nationalism—hence the name of German fascism. National Socialism.

The fascists woo the workers with promises of a better life. In this way they secure a following amongst the backward workers and unemployed who are not organised to resist the fascists. The Nazis promised German workers higher wages and the unemployed were promised work. Using generous financial aid from the bourgeoisie (several coal barons, for example, gave definite sums of money for every ton of coal mined) the Nazis provided food and clothing for the unemployed. They were able to keep up a constant barrage of propaganda which penetrated every corner, from which there was no escape. Their financial backing was such that the Nazis could carry out these activities on a wide scale and recruit their Storm Troops from the very heart of the non-industrial proletariat and the unemployed.

To all Germans they promised to restore national pride by overturning the Treaty of Versailles. The treaty had deprived Germany of economically important regions and had caused great resentment among the German people. The Nazis organised the destitutes and criminals into their para-military organisations. They took people with no hope, dressed them in uniforms, fed them and housed them in barracks, and gave a purpose in life. Their purpose was to be the bully boys for the fascists and carry out the work of terrorism that was essential to the Nazi victory. During the March 5, 1932 elections, the Storm Troopers stood constant guard at the ballot boxes; they personally knew the revolutionary workers in their districts, and when they came to vote, the fascists seized them, dragged them off to their barracks, brutally beat them up or even killed them. The Fascists were demagogic in their propanda in Italy—proclaiming themselves to be revolutionaries. "Italian Fascism systematically applauded the occupation of factories by workers, food riots, strikes, peasant land seizures etc. and called for the hanging of speculators from lamp-posts and similar measures". (P209)

Why did the Fascists use such demagogy? They adopted a revolutionary sounding programme to attract the disgruntled members of the peiti-bourgeoisie, peasantry and backward workers. These classes became disillusioned with the Social-Democrats and, instead of turning towards Communism like the organised workers, they fell for the revolutionary phrases Fascism. Such was the prestige of socialism amongst even the most politically backward that the Fascists were compelled to preach "socialism" in order to appeal to the masses, create a mass movement, and come to power.

3. Failure to fight fascism at its beginnings

"Before the establishment of a fascist dictatorship, bourgeois governments normally pass through a number of preliminary stages and institute a number of reactionary measures, which directly facilitate the accession to power of fascism. Whoever does not fight the reactionary measures of the bourgeoisie and the growth of fascism at these preliminary stages is not in a position to prevent the victory of fascism, but, on the contrary, facilitates that victory". (5) In Italy for example, the Fascist terror began towards the end of 1920. Instead of meeting the Fascist violence with counter-violence, the Socialist Party placed their faith in the electoral process to defeat the Fascists. In May of 1921 they announced after the election that: "The Italian proletariat has submerged the Fascist reaction under an avalanche of red votes". (P134). But in reality the civil war continued and votes could do nothing to defeat the Fascists. By refusing to carry the fight to the Fascists, the Social-democrats in both Germany and Italy ensured the Fascist victory.

4. Disillusionment with Parliament and Social Democracy

Where the organised working class has been predominantly under the leadership of social democrats, (Labour Party) then the policies of the social democrats have been crucial in the struggle against fascism. It is the social democrats' role as splitters and saboteurs of struggle that brings about fascism more than any other single factor in political life.

The reformist policies of the social democrats in times of economic crisis attack the conditions of the people. The people are alienated by such policies. As the people desert the social democrats, and become disillusioned with parliament, they are intercepted by the fascists in the interests of big business. The fascists impress with their irreconcilable attitude towards the social democrats and old bourgeois parties, and their demagogy.

The Social Democrats are but one device for splitting the working class in the interests of maintaining bourgeois rule. The other is fascism. Social democrats preach socialism by peaceful means, [unclear: ie] by winning a majority [unclear: in] parliament, in reality they attacked the workers as viciously as any bourgeois Government. They strengthened the centralised state. They preached national interests as opposed to the international solidarity of all workers against all employers. In these ways they are no different to the fascists—indeed the beginning of fascism can be found in social democracy.

The role of social democrats in carrying out anti-people and anti-working class policies and splitting and sabotaging the struggle against fascism and the reactionary measures of the bourgeois governments which preceed the fascists are best illustrated in Germany.

Each step towards fascism was taken with the help of German Social Democratic Party. Instead of opposing the first world war and the butchery of workers on the fronts, the German Social Democrats called on workers to support the war and accordingly they voted for war credits in the German parliament. In 1919 the Social Democrats saved German capitalism again when they shot German workers who had overthrown the Kaiser and who wanted to overthrow wage slavery as well.

Also, in 1923-4 under the Presidency of Ebert, when the whole German financial system had crashed, they bludgeoned and shot workers who wanted to bring an end to capitalism.

The other arm of the bourgeoisie for splitting the workers was fascism. When the Social Democrats carried out their anti-working class anti-people policies in support of big business, increasingly people became disillusioned with them. Organised workers passed over to Communism. The others were intercepted by Nazism.

Did big business really see the Nazis and the Social Democrats as two different forces that were to be used to split the working class and ensure the maintainance of bourgeois rule? The answer lies in the 'Deutsche Fuhrerbriefe' (a confidential circular to the heads of large German corporations which was organised by the Federation of German Industry)

"The parallelism is really striking. The then Social Democracy (from 19181930) and the present day National Socialism both perform similar functions in that they were both the gravediggers of the previous system (the monarchy and the Weimar Republic respectively(, and then, instead of leading the masses to revolution proclaimed by them, led them to the new formation of bourgeois rule. The comparison which has often been drawn between Ebert and Hitler is also valid in this respect. Both appeal to the anticapitalist yearning for emancipation; both promise a new "social" or "national" commonwealth. The paralellism itself shows that National Socialism has taken ovar from Social Democracy the task of providing mass support for the rule of the bourgeoisie in Germany". (P 173—4)

As the economic and political crisis developed in Germany the Social Democrats supported the anti-working class measures of the Government. They consistently refused to join in a United Front with the Communist Party and other anti-Fascist forces. The Social Democrats were saying in effect that the Nazis were the lesser evil to Communism. On that basis the Social Democrats in effect supported the Nazis up to the time they took power, and even after that event.

The result of the Social Democrats support for wage cutting and repressive laws, their refusal to a general strike when Hitler came to power (because he had power legally and had not gone beyond the framework of the Weimar Constitution) was that the Nazis were able to consolidate their position. The anti-people policies of the reactionary governments, and the support of the Social Democrats for these policies, meant that the people became disillusioned with the Social Democrats and the other bourgeois parties which made up parliament. While many of the class conscious workers turned to the Communist Party, the majority of the non-industrial proletariat and the peasantry and petit-bourgeoisie turned to fascism.

5. Lack of independent leadership of the working class

The working class is the mainspring of opposition to fascism. They are the largest class in society, they are the decisive class in production, and they are easily organised because they are geographically concentrated and have nothing to lose. Where the main body of the working class is lead by the Social Democrats, then the effectiveness of those fighting fascism is impaired by the Social Democrats belief in reformism and their belief that parliamentary power is the key aspect of state power. Struggle independent of Parliament by a united working class requires independent class conscious leadership—leadership which realises that the state is an instrument for coercing the working class in the interests of capital.

When the oppressed classes are united, particularly the entire working class, to defeat fascism, then fascist is bound to be defeated. Such a united front is difficult to form when the working class is split. The peasantry and the petit-bourgeoisie will follow behind a united working class. But they may desert to the bourgeoisie if the working class is split.

A successful united front was formed in France in 1934 to check the fascist offensive in that country. On the 6th of February 1934 fascist rioting began. The groundwork for a fascist victory in France had been laid in much the same way as in other countries. The demonstrations were to help bring fascism to power. Consequently the fascist rioters met little resistence from the police and the armed forces. On February 9th a Communist demonstration took place—a demonstration banned by the Government and suppressed by the armed forces and police. This demonstration was sucessful in stemming the first fascist offensive. A General Strike was held on February 12th. This strike which was called by the Communist Party gained such wide mass support that even the unions led by the social democrats (the French Socialist Party) were compelled to support the call. These struggles point the way to the defeat of fascism. The strike and the accompanying united front demonstrations won overwhelming support throughout the country.

It is these conditions that bring about the victory of fascism. In the long run there are only two choices open to modern capitalist society, fascism or communism. Fascism is the path of war, destruction, poverty for the masses, and the reversion of society to the dark ages. Communism is the path of peace, of unrestricted science in the service of society, of the creation of plenty for all working people.