Higher Education.

And I now come to a subject on which, I know, there is some difference of opinion. I come now to the question of aiding higher education. I find throughout the colony—and I suppose it will be the same here—that people will say, "Oh, by ail means maintain the primary schools, but as for grammar schools and high schools, those who want that kind of education should pay for it." (Hear, hear.) I am glad to hear that "hear, hear "—(laughter),—because it shows me that there are some people in this room to be convinced, and I am going to try to do so. (Cheers and laughter). First, I ask you, what would be involved if there were no high schools and no universities in this colony. I do not need to prove to you that no university could exist without Government assistance in different ways. No university in the world perhaps has ever been created without either through the beneficence of some exceedingly wealthy men or State aid. We have not an exceeding number of wealthy men, who either can afford or perhaps are willing to found universities in our midst, and if, therefore, the State is to stop aid to our higher education. New Zealand would be without high schools, and without a university. Now, what would happen? So far as your wealthy people are concerned, they do not even make use of your universities when you have them here. They can afford to send their children page 7 to England or Scotland or Germany for their education. You take up the list of students in Oxford, Cambridge, and Edinburgh, and you will see the names of colonial lads whose fathers have been able to send them there to obtain a higher education. So far as the wealthy people in this colony are concerned, they don't need your assistance, and some of them do not take advantage of it. Rut I ask you what is to happen to your youth, who, perhaps endowed with genius, endowed with great intelligence, is yet poor and unable to obtain a higher education? What is to happen to him? Is he to be condemned to this lower plane and to this lower level? What is to happen to him? Are you to have no high school, no high education, and no chance for him? Do not think I am picturing something that is not likely to happen. I have been a fellow-student with lads whose fathers were poor, aye, poorer than the poorest labouring man in Auckland, who through our Scotch system of having higher education were attended to. (How little many of my fellow-colonists realise what the State is doing for them in this respect). I have known poor places where the labouring man was content perhaps with 1s. a day, and never exceeding is. 2d., where he had to pay fees out of his earnings, and where there were school rates also, to keep up some higher education, not to keep up merely primary schools. The school I was brought up at was a school for the poor, not a school for the rich. If it had been a school for the rich I should not have had a chance of being educated. (Cheers). We were taught Latin, Greek, French, mathematics, and through these means what happened? I can point even to one fellow-student of myself simply the son of a bootmaker whose earnings were not equal to the earnings of any bootmaker in Auckland, and whose son finished his education at Tubingen University through getting proper education at the parish school and getting a bursary, and getting into the University. You do not know, some of you, what some Scotch boys have to do in order to get higher education. In England until lately there was very little chance given to poorer English boys. I have seen the students of Edinburgh bringing their barrels of meal, dried fish, and perhaps cheese, and having to live on that, and having to go and work to herd cows during the summer in order to maintain themselves. I say we have not been driven to that here, but if you sweep away all aid from higher education, you are condemning the sons of the poor amongst you to have no chance of rising in life, and to become distinguished. I say hold fast to the high schools, if I had my way I should make the high schools as free as primary schools here. (Cheers.) I would say there should be no limit to the bright boy, the boy of genius, getting the best education the world can give him. (Cheers.) What are some of those who condemn higher education. I would like to ask them if they should (I do not think they would) place themselves in the position of a poor boy anxious to obtain a higher education, and to be turned round on and told if you want a higher education pay for it. What mockery that would be. Why, some of the most brilliant students I have known have been the sons of poor men, who have had nothing but hard work and a determined spirit to bring them on. (Loud cheers.) Why even take our able Professor of Chemistry in the Otago University. What had he to do earn his living—he who obtained the high distinction of Doctor of Science of the Edinburgh University? He had during the summer months, in order to obtain a little money to attend the University, he had to herd cows. If we are—if this nation is is be raised higher in the social and intellectual scale, we will have to give opportunity to every poor boy to obtain the highest possible education that can be given. (Cheers.) I ask you to remember also, looking at that from another point of view, what is it that makes a nation great? Do you think it is wealth alone? (A voice: No.) What is it makes a nation great? After all, a nation's greatness depends on its great men. If you read history, what do you find? The nation reckoned great is the nation which produces great men. When we look at the pages of Grecian history, what is it that recalls to us the greatness of Athens, or those noble Grecians in the past? It was its great men. And so it is always. It is the man of genius that elevates the nation more than the nation elevates the man of genius. And as one writer has said—I will quote it to you, because I thoroughly agree with it—perhaps he puts it in better language than I could put it in. He says: "But as the value of a nation to the human race does not depend on its wealth or numbers, so it does not depend even upon the distribution of elemantary knowledge, but upon the high water mark of its educated mind. Before the permanent tribunal copyists, and popularisers count for nothing, and even the statistics of common schools are of secondary value." I say now, if you in Auckland are to say, Down with the higher education, down with the high schools, it simply means this, that you are con- page 8 demning perhaps hundreds of your brighest youth to secondary places in life. (Hear hear.) How else can they obtain higher education? Why, some will say, by scholarships. Scholarships to what? Where is the schools to be established to which the scholarships apply? You must establish the schools, or else what is the good of your scholarships. Therefore I hope, as we are members of a democracy, we may never forget this: If a democracy is to be grand it must have high-class educated men and have its avenues open to these men without distinction of race, distinction of creed, and without distinction of wealth. (Cheers.) Let me say one or two words further on the question. I have pointed out to you some ideal in reference to land, some ideal in reference to education, some ideals that we must have ever before us. Let me now see if there are other ideals that we must keep in mind. Bearing on this question, I would point out that, as a State, we must insist upon a secular State—(cheers)—and that I will not put it to you, because I have other things to speak of, and have not time; but I would ask you, if you have time, you will likely find in your Public Library, to go and read a picture that one of the ablest Athenians drew—namely, Pericles. You will find it in Thucydides—Jowett's translation, perhaps, is the best: you will see what he pointed out the Athenians had before them; how they gave the highest positions not to men of wealth—although they did not despise wealth—but to men of merit, and they cared nothing about their poverty and cared nothing about whence they had sprung. (Cheers). In a secular State religion must be left to the individual—(cheers)—and any religion that requires the State's care is not worth much—(loud cheers)—and therefore in your secular schools, in your State schools, you must lay down this principle, that we can recognise no nationality, no creed, and no race. (Cheers). Let me tell you what is involved in that. Here we have come to this colony, men from different countries, and I hope none of us will forget the country from whence they came—(cheers)—but we have come here as colonists to make a new nation and to create a new national life, and I say the very existence of the State depends on this, that we have a national life, and we can have no national life if we allow the old national prejudices or any creed barriers to interfere with us in our actions (cheers), and I believe that if we are to have a true national life founded on universal suffrage in this democracy, we must maintain our public schools, and must be careful as members of Education Boards and members of School Committees to see that we have no bias in the administration of our duties. (Cheers.) I believe that which will injure our State system of schools more than anything else is if you send in—I do not know the members of your Education Board of Auckland, so there is no personal application—I am only laying down general principles, but I have seen in other districts this, that there have been men returned to Education Boards who wish to make their position a vehicle for getting their own sectarian views carried out. I hope you will not permit that thing with you. (Cheers). I hope you will see that your members feel the high position that they occupy—there is no higher position perhaps in a community than directing the education of the youthful mind. You have got to give them a literary education, a moral education, and a technical training perhaps, and and have got to fit them for the various duties in life, and you can only fit them to be true citizens by teaching them that they are citizens of a nation, and must live in peace and concord with their fellow-citizens, giving them equal rights with themselves, and the right to express their opinions when and how they please. (Cheers.) That is the only way to carry out true national life. I find, as I often find, that I will not be able to get over all my notes. I have spoken, however, of two ideals that you may set before you. Let me now say one or two words as to how these ideals may be carried out.