Questions for Parliamentary Candidates.

[it is assumed that the official Liberal Programme of "reforms urgently needed," and "questions ripe for settlement," as declared at Manchester by the Conference of the National Liberal Federation in December, 1889, may be taken as the least that a Radical can accept from any candidate. Conservatives may equally be questioned on this programme whenever they profess—as they usually do—to be more eager for Social Reform than their rivals.]

The Official Liberal Programme.	Questions.
I. Justice to Ireland. 1. The establishment of an Irish legislative body for the management of exclusively Irish affairs. 2. Condemnation of any scheme of Land Purchase in Ireland which would entail a risk of burdening the British taxpayers for the benefit of Irish landlords. Note.—This is apparently a frank enough repudiation of Mr. Gladstone's Land Purchase Scheme of 1886. As Mr. Henry George says, "Don't buy the landlords out; don't kick them out; but Tax them out." But Mr. John Morley and others have since referred to the matter in more evasive terms, and may again bring forward proposals to settle the Irish Land Question, not on the sound Radical lines of helping an Irish Parliament to secure the land to be held by the State inalienably for the whole Irish nation, but to buy out the present landlords for a set of new ones called peasant proprietors. This would merely re-establish the old mischief on a broader basis, and though the Irish may have a right to do it for themselves if they like, for us to do it for them would be the worse kind of reactionary legislation. Hence, ask all candidates for a clear answer on this point. II. Electoral Reform.- 1. The amendment of the Registration Laws for Parliamentary and other elections by the appointment of responsible Registration Officers; by reducing the qualifica-	I. 2. Will you oppose any attempted settlement of the Irish Land Question which does not leave the matter to be settled by an Irish Parliament? Will you oppose any scheme, by whatsoever Government it may be brought forward, for buying out Irish or other landlords with the view of creating a new class of landowners under the name of "peasant proprietors" or "occupying owners"? II. 1. Will you strive to obtain genuine "Manhood Suffrage:" that is, such an alteration of the Registration Laws as will aim at giving every man a vote, subjectpage 14
tion to a minimum period of residence without restriction to any particular house; and by such other means as will secure that every qualified person shall be enabled to exercise his electoral rights. Note.—What is meant by a "qualified person"? At present one-third even of the adult men are not qualified to vote. 2. The basing of the Franchise solely on the principle of "one man one vote." 3. The public provision of the necessary cost of Parliamentary elections. Note.—If elections cease to involve expense to candidates, these will be multiplied, and "Second Ballot" will be required to ensure representation of the majority. The London Liberal and Radical Union, in November, 1889, in vain urged this reform on the National Liberal Federation. 4. The "recognition of the principle" of the payment of Members of Parliament by the State. Note.—This is mere shuffling. Liberal M.P.'s know that an effective measure would mean the dismissal of many of the present capitalist members. Insist on a plain statement as to it. 5. The holding of elections for all constituencies on the same day. 6. The w mending or ending "of the House of Lords. Note.—This is purposely vague, as some Liberals desire to strengthen the Upper House by reform, which would enable it to be an even more effective check to the popular demands than at present. Thank God we hare a House of Lords, and not a cunningly devised and powerful Senate, forming an impregnable citadel for the so-called "Rights of Property"! 7. The shortening of the legal term of Parliaments.	only to the requirements absolutely necessary for making up a Register? Will you support the grant of the Franchise to women on the same terms as to men? 2. Do you by "one man one vote" mean "every man a vote"? 3. Will you, in order to prevent a solid minority outvoting a divided majority, press for the introduction of the "Second Ballot" at Parliamentary elections? 4. Will you press for the direct payment of all Members of Parliament by the State? 6. Will you vote against the continuance of any hereditary legislators whatsoever?page 15
III. Financial Reform. 1. The equitable re-adjustment of the incidence of local and imperial taxation. Note.—Ambiguous in the extreme. No one can say what this means. If you really want Financial Reform vou must ask for specific measures. He-member that incomes derived from the mere ownership of land and capital usually pay at present a much smaller proportion in taxes than incomes derived from labor; and that nearly all members of Parliament benefit pecuniarily by this unfair system. 2. The completion of the policy of a "Free Breakfast Table" by the abolition of the duties on all necessary foods. Note.—Liberals have professed themselves in favour of this for a whole generation, but have never yet found opportunity to carry it out ! 3. The equalization of the Death Duties as between real and personal property. Note.—But the Death Duties ought also to be much increased on the larger estates, Mr. Goschen introduced the principle of graduation in 1889. As regards the need for a Metropolitan Death Duty, to secure to the London County Council some of "London's Unearned Increment" now accruing to the (J round Landlords, see Facts for Londoners (Fabian Tract No. 8). 4. The taxation of land values, ground rents and mining royalties. Note.—Consult on this subject Fabian Tract No. 7, Capital and Land. But even Mr. John Morley has expressed the view that the State should own the minerals. 5. The just apportionment, as between owner and occupier, of all rates and local charges. Notes.—Nothing is said as to the method of dealing with existing con-	III. 1. Will you press at the first opportunity for the graduation and differentiation of the Income Tax, so as to press more heavily on large and unearned incomes than on small and earned ones? Will you resist any further grants in aid of local rates from national funds? Are you in favour of the special taxation as well as rating of Town Ground Rents and Values? 2. Will you, on the first Budget, press for the total abolition of the duties on tea, cocoa, and coffee, by means of the substitution for them of a direct Tax on Land Values, without necessarily a-waiting the existence of a surplus? 3. Will you press for an increase of the Death Duties, graduated so as to fall more heavily on all large inheritances? Will you support a special Death Duty for Municipal purposes on the "unearned increment" of urban land values? 4. Will you press for the Reassessment of the Land Tax on the full yearly value of the land to-day, instead of (as at present) on the value which it bad in 1692? Will you urge the nationalization of mining rents and mining royalties? 5. Will you press for the fair division of the exisiting local rates between owner and occupier, any agreement to the contrary notwithstanding?page 16
tracts. "When the Income Tax was imposed (in 1842) the amount placed upon the landlord was made payable by him any agreement to the contrary notwithstanding. "Without such a clause, the tenants would have had to pay the tax on the landlord's income. This arrangement is the most practical form of the Taxation of Grouna Rents. Unoccupied land (even if merely "held for a rise") escapes at present all rates and taxes. IV. Land Reform. 1. The amendment of the system of the tenure and transfer of land. 2. The securing to tenants of compensation for all their improvements. 3. "Leasehold Enfranchisement" (!) 4. The facilitation and further public provision of allotments and small holdings. 5. Extension and simplification of powers for compulsory taking of land by local authorities.	Will you support the proposal of the London County Council for the separate assessment of Land Values apart from House Values? Will you press for giving prompt legislative effect to the recommendation of the Eoyal Commission on the Housing of the Working Classes that vacant land should be assessed to local rates as if yielding an income of 4 per cent. on its selling value? IV. 1. Will you support measures enabling the community to appropriate for public purposes, as far as this is practicable, the "unearned increment" of Land Value? 3. Will you resist any attempt to create a new statutory class of freeholders under the guise of "Enfranchised Leaseholders"? Will you vote against the Leaseholders' Enfranchisement Bill? 4. Will you press for the grant of ample compulsory powers to all local authorities (including Parish Councils) to acquire land to be let out—not sold—in allotments and small tenancies? Will you strenuously resist any attempt to create additional landowners (under the guise of peasant proprietors) at the public expense or by public guarantee? 5. Will you urge the retention by all public authorities of all land now owned by them, so as to secure to the public the future "unearned increment"? Will you resist the sale of any public lands (including Crown lands, charity property or Church glebes), or the extinction of the public rights over commons?page 17
6. The reform of the system of compensation to owners of property used for public purposes. Note.—The subject of Land Reform is one on which much evasion is practised by candidates. Many of them are still wedded to the obsolete ideal of Peasant Proprietorship. "Reform of the Land Laws" is the phrase most com-monlv used to conceal their views. It will be noted that "Leasehold Enfranchisement" still stultifies the official Liberal programme, though it has been omitted from that of the London Liberal Members and candidates. The only sound reform which could possibly come under the head of "Leasehold Enfranchisement" would be a measure enabling tenants of Leaseholds to obtain compensation for improvements. In cases where the tenant is a democratic representative body, power to enfranchise the leasehold would of course be unobjectionable. V. Social Reforms. 1. The extension of full municipal powers to the London County Council and all representative governing bodies. 2. The development and completion of Local Government by the creation of District and Parish Councils. Note.—It is important to lay stress on Parish Councils. Nothing else will be of use to the agricultural laborer. Parishes too small for separate Councils can be grouped with their neighbors.	V. 1. Will you press for a measure conferring upon the London and other County Councils the full control over the local police? Will you vote in favor of allowing the London County Council to permit and regulate meetings in Trafalgar Square? Will you grant to the Town and County Co'uncils full powers to directly undertake provision for the supply of water, gas, and tramways, and such other public services as it may be called upon by its constituents to enter upon? 2. Will you resist any attempt to impose any pecuniary or rating qualification for membership of the Parish or District Councils? Will you oppose any attempt to form the Parish and District Councils otherwise than entirely by direct election.page 18
3. The extension of the Factory Acts. Note.—Does this vague phrase mean anything? "Extension" to what or to whom? All candidates should be strongly pressed to explain their meaning on this point. No Bill for the Extension of the Factory Acts has yet been introduced or described by any of the Liberal leaders. Note.—See Fabian Tract No. 9, An Eight Hours Bill, in the form of Amendment of the Factory Acts, an price 1d. 4. The popular control of the Liquor Traffic. 5. The adequate public provision of Dwellings and Lodgings for the Working Classes. Note.—Insist on a definite statement as to the building and maintenance of artizans' dwellings by the elected local authorities themselves—not by any "philanthropic" company or speculative builder. 6. The provision of 'Free Education, of Continuation, Intermediate and Technical Schools. Note.—Besides the so-called "voluntary" schools for elementary education, the secondary schools sadly need public organization and control.	3. Will you vote for the Eight Hours Bill for Miners? Will you insist on "an Eight Hours Day" for all public servants? Will you insist that, where the direct employment of labor by public authorities is not possible only "fair houses" should be em' ployed, and sub-contracting prohibited or strictly regulated? Will you press for the legal limitation of the hours of work of Eailway Servants? Will you support a measure enabling local authorities to limit, if thought fit, the maximum hours of work on tramways and other local monopolies? Will you press for the special extension and development of the Factory Acts necessary to mitigate "sweating" in London? Will you support such an "Eight Hours Bill" as that drafted by the Fabian Society? 5. Are you in favor of the grant of full powers to enable local authorities (both urban and rural) themselves to build and maintain dwellings, to be let at "fair rents"? 6. Will you support the provision from public funds, and the management by elected public authorities, of Continuation, Secondary and Technical Schools?page 19
The whole of the existing colleges for training teachers are denominational, and managed in sectarian interests, although virtuallv supported from public fundi. No college exists in which a non-Christian teacher can obtain training without conforming to a religion in which he does not believe. Note.—Over 43,000 children go to school in London without adequate breakfast. (See Report of Committee of London School Board, 1889.) 7. The application of tithes in Wales to national purposes. 8. Disestablishment in Scotland and Wales. 9. The promotion of International Arbitration. Note.—Nothing is yet stated in the official Liberal programme as to any reform of the Poor Law; but Mr. John Morley has given this as one of the prominent desires of the Liberal party bee his Eighty Club speech, Nov. 17th, 1889.	Will you press for the establishment of training colleges for teachers, free from any religious test, and exclusively under public control? Do you agree that free meals must, without delay, be provided out of public funds for all destitute children not otherwise adequately fed?. Will you urge the provision from public funds of ample scholarships, so as to make au effective "ladder to the University" for all? Will you press for a reform of the Poor Law, so as to remove all stigma of dishonor from the public provision for persons destitute through no fault of their own? Will you press for a system of honorable pensions for the aged, instead of the workhouse? Will you press for the removal of the rating qualification for Poor Law Guardians and the regulation of Guardian elections, under the system of "one man one vote" by ballot? Will you support the creation of a single "Poor Law Council" for London (with local committees), and the equalization of the London Poor Rate?