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The Pamphlet Collection of Sir Robert Stout: Volume 76

Federation Meeting At Suva. — From the Fiji Times, September 22, 1900

Federation Meeting At Suva.

From the Fiji Times, September 22, 1900.

According to advertisement, a public meeting was held in the Mechanics' Institute, on Thursday evening, 13th instant, to consider what steps should be taken to bring about the Federation of Fiji with New Zealand.

At 8 o'clock precisely the Warden of Suva, Mr. F, E Riemenschneider, took the chair, there being present some 170 to 200 people in the hall; all classes of the community being thoroughly represented.

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On rising, the chairman said:—Gentlemen, the object for which this meeting has been called has been prominently before you for some months past, through the columns of the local press, and, also, by public meeting held at Levuka some short time back, at which a resolution favoring the movement was passed without one dissentient voice. Before going fully into the business of the evening, I would like to make a few remarks in explanation of why this meeting has been called. Some little time back, and shortly after the Right Hon. Mr. Seddon's visit to Suva, I, in my capacity as Warden of Suva, and your representative, called a meeting in my office of a few of the leading townspeople, to discuss what steps should be taken to endeavour to bring about the Federation of our colony with New Zealand, and at that meeting, of which I was appointed chairman, it was proposed by Mr. J. H Garrick, and seconded by Mr. G. A. Woods, that the chairman be directed to write to the Premier of New Zealand asking whether his Government would be inclined to favorably consider the question of the Federation of his colony with Fiji, In accordance with the resolution I wrote the following letter (letter read), to which I received the following letters in reply (letters read), and in order to give general publicity to what was being done I had this correspondence published in the Fiji Times. Shortly after receipt of Mr. Seddon's replies I again invited the gentlemen who attended the first meeting, together with a few others, to meet at my office to further discuss the subject. All attended with the exception of Mr. Garrick and Mr. Woods, who for reasons best known to themselves declined to attend the second meeting. At this latter meeting, at which there were present Messrs. Humphry Berkeley, G. L. Griffiths, W. T. Sturt, H. G. Hunt, J. Rennie, F. A. Thomas, Dr. Fox and myself in the chair, it was decided after very lengthy discussion to call this public meeting, in order that the matter might be fully thrashed out, and the opinion of the general public taken as to whether or not it was desirable to proceed with the movement; and that, gentlemen, is why we are gathered together this evening. I wish it to be distinctly understood that we gentlemen, who have taken the initiative steps in this matter, do not consider ourselves as the elect of the people; we simply formed ourselves into a committee in order that the movement might take some definite form, and it will rest with you this evening to form a permanent committee from your number to carry on page 60 the work. And now, having carried out the wishes of the self-appointed committee by fully explaining to you why this meeting has been called, it only remains for me to vacate the chair, and you will appoint from amongst your number a chairman to conduct the business of this meeting.

The Warden was unanimously voted to the chair amidst loud and prolonged cheering, and after returning thanks, said: I will now ask that the business before the meeting be fully discussed by both those for and against (if any) the movement, and request that a fair and impartial hearing be given to all speakers. I now call upon Mr. Humphry Berkeley to move the first resolution.

Mr. Humphry Berkeley, on rising, said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen. The resolution, the proposal of which has been entrusted to me, is as follows:—"That, in the opinion of this meeting, it is desirable that the Premier and Government of New Zealand be approached with the view of obtaining their assistance for the purpose of securing self-government for Fiji; or of taking such further or other steps as they may deem necessary for the Federation of this colony with New Zealand."

You will understand from what I have read you that it is proposed, in the first instance, to endeavour with the aid of New Zealand to obtain self-government for Fiji, with the ultimate view, possibly of federating the two colonies. But, before I can ask you to record your votes in favor of this scheme, which necessitates a change, it becomes necessary for us to consider the form of Government under which we are living at present, and the benefits to be derived from the discontinuance of the present and the adoption of the proposed new form of Government. The laws of the colony of Fiji are enacted by a Legislative Council comprising six official and six unofficial members. The head of that Council is his Excellency the Governor, and all of the members are appointed by him. The six official members are bound to support the Government in every measure that is brought forward by it, while the six unofficial members are popularly supposed by the outside world to be the representatives of the colony, and as such to have the right of voting as they please. The Governor, in the event of there being an even number of votes for and against any measure, has the casting vote, and thus may at any time pass any laws he pleases, regardless of page 61 the wishes of the so-called unofficial element. From the unofficial members, however, he has little to fear, for it is inconceivable that the Governor, who after all is only human, would appoint anyone to the Council from whom he might experience opposition. The consequence is that laws are passed by which we are governed, taxes are levied which we have to pay, while we, who are the parties who are most concerned, have absolutely nothing to say in the enactment of the one or the levying of the others. Now, it seems to me that, at the close of the nineteenth century, this is hardly a state of things which should be permitted to continue. At a time when the franchise is being extended in all of the neighbouring colonies, and all restrictions on the liberty of the subject are being rapidly removed, it is indeed a sad thing to see the colony of Fiji struggling on under the superabundant weight of Crown Colony Government, a government which, while adhering to the customs of past generations, is at the same time absolutely regardless of the wishes of the present. As an instance of this disregard, let me remind you of the conduct of his Excellency Sir George O'Brien in connection with the Canadian Mail Service. You will all remember the joy with which we hailed the advent of this line of steamers. Our late Governor, Sir John Thurston, after considerable trouble managed to induce the directors of the company to which they belonged to make Suva a port of call. For four years these steamers had regularly visited us. On the arrival of our present Governor, however, and before it was possible (one would think) that he could have formed any definite idea, from his personal knowledge, of the advantages the colony was gaining from this line of steamers, he abruptly stopped the paltry subsidy of £1500 per annum, paid by the colony to induce them to call here. That his Excellency was laboring under the impression that he would be able to get another line of steamers to call in place of the Canadian line is clear from the correspondence which took place between the Premier of New Zealand and the Colonial Secretary relating to the San Francisco boats calling at this port. But, be that as it may, at a public meeting held in this room certain gentlemen were chosen to interview the Governor, and to lay before him the very real advantages that the colony gained by these steamers calling at Fiji, and the very real disadvantages which the colony suffered by the withdrawal of the subsidy, and the consequent withdrawal of the mail line. That page 62 deputation was fortified with a petition numerously signed, setting forth facts which it was hoped would convince his Excellency, and so induce him to alter his decision. It was clearly pointed out to him that the colony derived a very much larger amount of money from the advent of the steamers than the £1500 per annum spent on subsidy. Gentlemen, you will remember the answer his Excellency vouchsafed to this deputation. It was to the effect that it would be useless to apply to the Home authorities for a renewal of the subsidy, because he would certainly be met with the reply that the colony of Fiji was indebted to the Imperial Treasury, and that, if the colony could afford to subsidise steam communication, it could also afford to pay off a further portion of the Imperial loan. A few days after, however, a notice appeared in the local newspaper to the effect that the colony of Fiji had contributed £1000 to the Patriotic Fund, the vote being passed by his Excellency in Council. Now, it is indeed hard for one to see how these two actions on the part of the Governor can be reconciled, On the one hand he is unable to ask the Home authorities to sanction the renewal of a subsidy to a mail service which contributes to the general welfare of the colony more than the amount of the subsidy. On the other hand, by a vote passed through a Council which cannot oppose him, he absolutely takes £1000 of the people's money—your money—without consulting your wishes, and hands it over to the war fund. You are doubtless aware that there was at this very time a Patriotic Fund in Fiji, and one which was most generously contributed to by great and small. Gentlemen, in referring to this donation of £1000 I am in no way desirous of leading you to suppose that the colony was unable to afford it, nor that, loyal colony as it is, the people would not willingly have granted it. I am only bringing it forward as an instance of the insincerity of the assertion that the Imperial Treasury would not sanction the renewal of the subsidy on account of the indebtedness of this colony. And, now I come to other grave instances of absolute disregard of the wishes of the public by his Excellency. They occurred so lately that I need not go into them at length. I venture to say that there is hardly a man here to-night who has not taken the greatest interest in the controversy between the public of Suva and the Governor, relative to the Bubonic Plague and Leper scandals. We all know that, at the present moment, his page 63 Excellency persists in keeping a Leper Settlement and Bubonic Plague Station within the precincts of the town of Suva. That, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts that have been made to induce him to alter his hastily formed determination, he persists in his refusal to remove these grave menaces to the public safety. Gentlemen, you have doubtless read the correspondence in the newspaper on the subject, and you will not have failed to notice the undignified and discourteous language in which his Excellency couched his replies to the remonstances respectfully addressed to him on behalf of the townspeople. As no redress could be obtained, the matter, as you are aware, has now been referred to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. But Downing Street is a long way off from Fiji—some 16,000 miles—and any matters put forward on behalf of the people are sure to be liberally discounted by his Excellency the Governor, through whose hands all communications have to pass. It is always an unfortunate thing when those in a Crown Colony are compelled to appeal to the Colonial Office against the arbitrary acts of their Governor; for the Colonial Office must necessarily back up its representatives, even at the expense of the colonists. And, now that I have given you these few instances, amongst many, of disregard of the wishes of the people, let me ask you, would it be possible for such things to occur in a colony which was self-governed, or Federated with New Zealand. Gentlemen, no responsible government would have dared to treat the wishes of the community in this way. If it did it certainly would very speedily cease to exist. And, now I would like to refer you to the question of taxation. I take it to be admitted that the person who has to pay the tax has some right in saying how the money derived from that tax is to be expended. In countries where the people are represented, their wishes are made known through their representatives, but in a Crown Colony the only part that those who pay the taxes have to play is to pay those taxes and endeavour to look cheerful. How many of you, may I ask, agree with the Government on the question of the Rewa Water Scheme. Thousands of pounds have been expended for the purpose of supplying the natives on the Rewa with water. Those natives are living on the banks of the largest river in Fiji. They, and their fathers before them, have been drinking the waters of that river for generations. But our present Governor thinks it necessary to supply each little village with water page 64 conveyed through pipes from a different river altogether. Admitting, for the sake of argument, that this water is better. You know the Fijian as well as I do. In the early morning he is turned out to his labor on the roads or in the fields, there is no water laid on there, and the water he drinks is out of the same river as he has been accustomed to drink from for years. He gets back to his house about six, and you may depend upon it he does little water drinking then. He is too tired out with his day's labor. With regard to the women, they too are absent from their village all day, either engaged in finding food for the men, fishing, etc., or looking after their gardens. Now, I have no hesitation is saying that if we had representation, and if your representative allowed you to be burdened with taxation for so absurd a scheme, you would probably find someone else to represent you in the future. In further support of what I have just said, I may add that recently, when visiting the Province of Nadroga, it was brought to my notice that the Government had given orders that every native house should be supplied with wooden doors. Gentlemen, this involved an expenditure of hundreds of pounds. Anything more ridiculous to the mind of a man who knows anything about Fijians, or to a Fijian himself, it is impossible to conceive. The Fijian for centuries has been accustomed to his own kind of door—the sogo—he only regards the substitution of the wooden doors as an easy means of obtaining a supply of excellent firewood. Nevertheless the doors have to be paid for, and in order to obtain the money to pay for them taxes have to be imposed, and gentlemen, please remember that we all have to bear our share of the consequent taxation. Shortly, the case may be summarised as follows: The Governor may tax us as he pleases. We have no right to object for we are only members of a Crown Colony. There is a point I wish to touch on now. It is the Native Policy. The Government regards the native question as their strongest card when any idea of a change of administration is suggested. It is said that the native would suffer much were we to obtain responsible government, or were we to federate with New Zealand. What would become of the poor native is the cry. Who would look after him? Well, gentlemen, if the poor native had a little less looking after by the present paternal Government I think he would be much better pleased than he is. The native, at the present moment, is no better off than a slave. He is a slave to all intents and page 65 purposes, except that instead of being the slave of a private individual he is the slave of the Government. We, living in Fiji, are accustomed to the way in which the native is treated, it is useless to object, for we are in a Crown Colony, and our wishes, as we know to our cost, are absolutely disregarded. Their treatment does not perhaps strike us with the same force as if we were living elsewhere. Let us for a moment consider their position and the restrictions which are placed on their liberty, the labour they are compelled to perform. No native may leave the colony of Fiji without leave; anyone taking him away is liable to fine and imprisonment. No native may leave his district without leave from a government official. If he does he is liable to be arrested, taken before the nearest magistrate to be dealt with, and returned in custody to his town. You can, all of you, satisfy yourself that this is so by paying a visit to the Police Court. There is hardly a day in the week that some unfortunate native is not brought up and dealt with in the manner I have described. The native is taxed £1 4s. a head—to get this money he is compelled to plant maize, cotton, or something else. It takes him weeks of work to raise this wretched poll tax. When the maize or cotton is ready it is sent into the Government and sold, and in this primitive way his tax is paid. The amount raised by this poll tax is £18,000. It costs £7556 out of this to collect in the tax and to look after these natives. Anyone can satisfy himself that these figures are correct by referring to the Blue Book for 1899. But this is not the only tax the native is subject to. He has to pay duty on every sulu he weal's, on every mosquito net he sleeps under, on his biscuits, his meats, his kerosene. So, as a matter of fact, the natives not only pays the same taxes that the white man does, but he is also compelled to pay a poll tax. Nor is this all, he is bound to give his labour free whenever called on by the Government. Who has made the hundreds of miles of roads in this colony? The natives. Why have they done it? Because they were compelled by the Government to do it, and they would have been imprisoned if they had not obeyed. Perhaps some of you would like to know if they were paid for their work. Gentlemen, the Government does not pay natives for making roads nor in the majority of cases does it even feed them. Not long ago, when the road was being made to Nadurulolo, I happened to pass by and I saw some hundreds of natives cutting down the cliff. Now, I will give page 66 you some idea of what these men had to do—a herculean task you must confess. They had no less than three taskmasters. 1st. There was Mr. Swayne, the magistrate, insisting on having the road made. 2nd. There was Dr. Finucane, the provincial inspector, insisting on having the houses for the district built. 3rd. There was Mr. Reay, insisting on having the native tax cane cut. And there were these wretched natives, who were supposed to do all these three things at once, slaving out their existence. Here's another instance of the way in which they are treated by this paternal government which fears for their safety if entrusted to other hands. Have any of you heard of a place called Nabumakita? Well, it is a town in Colo East, right in the heart of this island. The Government decided to build a hospital there, in which the various ills to which the Fijian is heir might be cured. It is true that in the majority of cases the Fijian who was desirous of being attended to would have to walk or be carried from 30 to 40 miles, but that is a mere detail when his Excellency has made up his mind to carry forward one of his pet schemes. But, to build a hospital, timber is required. The question was, how was the timber to be got to Nabumakita? Well, that problem was very soon solved. An order was given that the natives of certain districts should carry the timber to Nabumakita. And carry it they did like beasts of burden. And, more than that, they had to first cut the road to carry the timber. Were they paid, you ask? Gentlemen, I have already told you the Government never pay natives—it would create a bad precedent. Now, passing from the extraordinary manner in which these natives are dealt with by the Government, I come to the unfair way in which they are treated from a legal point of view. As illustrating this, let me refer you to what occurred some three years ago. You all remember the Nakelo case. The facts were these: There was a disturbance between the people of Nakelo and those of Togadravu, occasioned by a dispute over some land. Several of the parties on both sides were severely injured. Some sixty of the Nakelo men were arrested and taken before the magistrate at Nadurulolo. They were charged with offences cognisable by the Supreme Court. I appeared for the defence; the police then applied to have the men remanded for a week, and the remand was granted. On the day appointed for the hearing, I again appeared to defend, and was informed that the police intended to withdraw the charge, page 67 The men were thereupon discharged. As they walked out of the Courthouse, however, they were again immediately arrested and marched off to Bau. They were there then placed on their trial the next morning before the Native Court. As their legal adviser, I asked to be heard on their behalf. I was refused the right of audience on the ground that a barrister has no right of audience in a Native Court. A written statement of their defence was then handed in by these men, but the magistrate refused to receive any such defence. Evidence was tendered on their behalf but the Court refused to allow the witnesses to be called. Sentences were then passed on these men varying from two years and a flogging to six months, without the right of appeal. What I tell you is within my own personal knowledge and can without difficulty be vouched for by fellow colonists. Gentlemen, could this have occurred in a self-governing colony or in a colony federated with New Zealand? You have seen the large gang of prisoners working on the roads and probably are aware a very considerable number of them are in that gang for fornication. Fornication, according to the native law, in punished by imprisonment. I refer to this to show you that there is one law for the Fijian and another for the white man, and I feel certain that, if your opinion were asked, you would unanimously and unhesitatingly declare that it would be undesirable to extend the operation of this law to the white man. If this be so, then why punish the native for an offence which in the white man is regarded as venial? In concluding my remarks on this point, I feel I cannot do better than commend to your earnest attention the very able letter written by the Rev. Mr. Slade, which appeared in the Fiji Times of September 1. It is a letter deserving of the greatest consideration, coming as it does from one who, as a missionary, has been so intimately connected with the Fijian race for a great number of years, and who is consequently conversant with the grave hardships and unnecessary burdens that these poor people are compelled to endure. (Mr. Berkeley here quoted at length from Mr. Slade's letter.) Now, I have told you the strongest argument that the adherents of Crown Colony rule can bring forward against Self-Government or Federation is "that no self-governing colony will treat the natives properly." Gentlemen, you have heard what I have just told you. You have heard the way in which the natives are treated under the present Crown Colony system, I have page 68 not, however, related to you a tithe of the oppression to which they are subjected, but I have told you enough, I am convinced, to strengthen the opinions which you have all probably formed long ago, that so far from the natives having anything to fear from Self-Government, on the contrary they will have every reason to rejoice in gaining this emancipation from the bondage under which they have so long groaned. The decrease of the native population has caused successive Governors no little anxiety. Various theories have been put forward to account for the steady decrease during the last 25 years, which represents the period which has elapsed since annexation. During this time the native race has dwindled from 120,000 to 95,000. A Commission has been appointed, and has sent in its report, but the problem is as unsolved to-day as it was ten years ago. I submit to you that the present Crown Colony Government has been unable to give any satisfactory explanation of this decrease, and I suggest that it is attributable solely to the mismanagement of the natives. Whatever the cause may be, the Government is confronted with this solid fact, that, according to their own showing, the native race had decreased by some 25,000 since it assumed control. The prosperous condition of the colony is frequently put forward by those interested in the continuance of the present form of government, but, gentlemen, the present prosperity is not to be attributed to anything that the Government has done for us, but, as you all know, to the favourable seasons which we have been fortunate enough to experience during the past five years. Supposing a hurricane had come down on us last year, or even the year before, where would the boasted prosperity be then? No, gentlemen, if any advance has been made in this colony it is not from the support that has been accorded it by the Government, but is an advance which it has made in spite of the many difficulties it has had to overcome, and which, thanks to the bountiful seasons, it has been able to surmount. I have put to you the very serious disadvantages from which we are suffering under a Crown Colony system of Government, and I shall leave it to those who follow me to explain to you the very real advantages which will accrue to this colony if we obtain Self-Government, and if we are federated with New Zealand. At the same time, I would like to give you my views on a point with which, as a lawyer, I have some acquaintance. It is the right of appeal from the Supreme Court. The Supreme page 69 Court, as at present constituted, consists of one Judge—the Chief Justice. To appeal from his decision necessitates an appeal to the Privy Council. The essentials constituting a right of appeal are (1) The matter at issue must be above the value of £500. (2) Leave to appeal must be obtained. (3) Security not exceeding £500 must be given for the due prosecution of the appeal. (4) Security shall be given for the amount awarded by the Court. This practically means that, unless an unsuccessful litigant is possessed of £1000 he is debarred from appealing. Well, there are few of us in this colony who can afford this amount. If, however, we were federated with New Zealand, there would be no more difficulty in appealing to Wellington from a decision in Suva, than there would be in appealing from Dunedin to Wellington. The remarks I am making are naturally of the briefest nature as time will not allow me to continue at length. The question of black labor, which is continually being raised by those who are opposed to Federation with New Zealand, has been so thoroughly threshed out that I should only be wearying you by addressing you on this subject. It has been distinctly stated, from the very outset, by those who have interested themselves in the federal campaign, that it must be a condition precedent to our federating with New Zealand that our labour laws shall be safeguarded. Therefore, it is useless to argue on a matter upon which we are all agreed. There are some, I believe, who desire Self-Government without reference to new Zealand. To them I can only say that to seek for Self-Government through our own unaided efforts is an endeavour to attain the impossible, New Zealand has offered to champion our cause. You have heard the letters which have been written by her Premier, Mr. Seddon—the most powerful colonial statesman of the day. Now is our opportunity; do not let us reject the proffered hand of New Zealand. Gentlemen, I ask you with every confidence to support the resolution.

Dr. Fox seconded the resolution.

Mr. G. L. Griffiths said he rose to support the motion. It had not been his intention to address the meeting, but since the seconder of the proposition had been so very brief of speech he felt impelled to say something in support. Fifteen years ago it had been his privilege to second a similar motion to the one they were discussing that evening, and that, too, was addressed to the Premier and Government of New page 70 Zealand. The reply of the Home folk on that occasion was that it could not consent at present. For years past the country has been on the down-grade. The Fijian Blue Book of to-day gave the European population as 4000. He (the speaker) doubted very much if it exceeded 3000. He thought it was more like 2500. Why had colonists' sons to leave the country in search of employment? Years ago the attention of the Home Government had been drawn, by petition, to the unsatisfactory condition of the country, but the prayer of their petition had not been vouchsafed. As an old colonist he recognised that there was no help for it, but to follow the course now proposed. The Government of New Zealand, through its Premier, held out their hand to us, and he thought it a duty we owed to ourselves, and our children, that the colony embrace the opportunity. It gave him pleasure to support the resolution. (Cheers.)

Mr. J. B. Turner addressed the meeting in opposition to the resolution. He said Mr. Berkeley had shown no reasons at all why Fiji should federate with New Zealand. He had, indeed, shown reasons for self-government in Fiji, and this has also been shown us by Mr. Seddon, who has advised us to secure self-government, and in doing so he has promised to assist us. Mr. Berkeley, himself, has said that self-government is better than Federation with New Zealand. He (the speaker) had declined to join the Provisional Committee simply because it was aiming at Federation. Had it been for self-government only he would have joined it. Now, people say it is impossible for us to secure this self-rule, that Australia will object to it, and the British Government will not consent to our being federated with any colony. This, he thought, may be so; but then the British Government would allow us to assume self-government as soon as we showed capacity to do so, and this self-government is all that we require. We want elbow-room and power to set things right-side up. We have a fine colony; it will grow almost anything, and from various resources we can supply other colonies with all the tropical produce that they need. Croakers have attempted to run the country down. At one time they said: Oh! this country will not grow sugar; but look at our sugar mills of to-day. We can grow abundance of good sugar. Again, the croakers said we could not grow rice. Go and look at the rice-fields to-day in proof of the contrary. This little colony, if possessed by N.Z. would be worth page 71 millions of money to her, for its produce is supplementary to her own. And now, what does she offer to give us in return? Nothing! literally nothing! By all means let us have the friendship and assistance of all the Australian colonies, and thus secure the free market of the whole of Australia for our produce. It was for these reasons that he had determined to oppose the resolution. It was also a fact that, if we tried to secure self-government, nine-tenths of the officials would be with us, and those who are not with us will be found classed with the useless and incompetent. (Hear, hear.) One of these gentlemen, writing in the paper the other day, said: "If we federate what is to become of me?" "Why," said the speaker, "let him go and work on the roads." (Laughter.) Now the Fijians must have a say in this question, and, if they are called upon to vote, and vote openly, they will vote as required by the Government. Some of these Fijian people said to him the other day: "Why don't you get a change of Government? We don't want this one. You people bought our lands for guns, and then the Government took them all away from us again. Then why don't the Government give us back our lands or pay us for the value of our guns?" The other day some natives told him they were going to plant yams for their Roko. "And who is your Roko?" he enquired. "Mr. Swayne," said they. "And is he going to pay for so doing?" "Sa sega, no, no," was the reply. He (Mr. Turner) had been told by the officials that the natives will be paid for their labor in making roads, etc., but he feared it is not so; every native that he has spoken to has denied it, and say they are to receive nothing for it. The speaker criticised the "native garden scheme," and said that while he was at one time in favour of it, now he had seen its evils. The economic waste of life and labour was enormous. We have had enough of this, said he. We have a fine colony, and under good rule it cannot help going ahead, but the present meeting did not represent Fiji, and the resolution, when it is known abroad, will not meet with approval. But if self-government alone should be our aim we shall receive a full success. He thought that Federation should be taken out of the proposed resolution.

Mr. G. A. Woods said: That his name had been used in connection with the committee, and he had reason to speak. He would tell them a little history. They had met to decide upon a question, the effect of which might bear upon the lives page 72 and fortunes of their children's children. What was the meaning of the meeting? What did they want to do? Many years ago some few gentlemen formed a nucleus of a Government, and the Government was called the Cakobau Government, the object being to put an end to the strife existing between "whites" and "blacks." A delegation was called, and out of this rose a "Constitution, a House of Repre-sentatives," and a "Ministry." He, Mr. Woods, was chosen Premier, and, in due time, money was wanted to carry on the Government. Fiji at this time was a very Cave of Abdullam. We found that our great difficulty was want of money, and he, the speaker, was sent up to the colonies to try and obtain money; he went and did his very best. But did he receive encouragement from New Zealand? No. From the people of Melbourne? Not a bit. It was the people of New South Wales who came to their assistance, and to the extent of one hundred thousand pounds. And what security had these people for this money. The chiefs gave a security for it. The chiefs alone did this, and now we are entering upon a discussion of this great change of policies without consulting even the chiefs. They, the meeting, desired to be free from the control of the Crown, which desire was, in his opinion, an utter impossibility to attain. Ho would like to know why, during the last 26 years, groaning under British Rule, we have never raised an issue before, and for what reason are we going to work in this hole-and-corner way. Now, why have we not approached the Government in a constitutional way? It is the only way to proceed, and Mr. Seddon, would desire that, whatever we do, it should be done in this constitutional manner. The Government of New Zealand, we are told, will assist. Yes, they will only assist, but it is the people of Fiji who must move in the matter. But, who are the people of Fiji. Sir A. Gordon said that they were only "barnacles on a ship's bottom." (Laughter.) Are we strong enough—remember we are only a few. (A voice: The men will act; the men are here now to act.) Mr. Woods continued, what business have we to set ourselves up in this way? We are here on suffrance only. (No, no.) He repeated that under present circumstances we were in that position, and to better it we must have a constitutional change. And it is necessary that we have personal representatives at the Council Board. And it is no good going to New Zealand for the change. He considered that the natives must be taken into partnership in this page 73 business. This country had never been "annexed" by Britain, it was constitutionally "ceded," and was originally to have been governed by a Governor of the country, representing the Queen. The native must be consulted, anyway, and must agree. (Voice: They will agree, every one of them). Having thrown in his lot, and having sacrificed almost everything he had in the world, he was now standing by the natives. He was an Imperialist to the backbone, but, now, he had thrown up his position in order to stand by the natives. He would tell them, the meeting, that he was the only Fiji white man in the country. A white Fijian, having been inducted into the order of chiefs at Bau, in the early days, and as such he had come forward now, in order to support the native race. Now, continued the speaker, don't sit down here passing resolutions which have no force. I tell you the Fijians are the owners of this country, and their interest must be consulted, and when the matter goes forward, the first question raised at the Colonial Office will be: "Who are these people? Oh! they are only a few people out there who are trying to make money out of the natives." (Groans, and cries of No, no.) Well, these people must be consulted in the matter; they must be taken in hand, and go forward with us. He would oppose the resolution.

Mr. G. L. Griffiths referred to the incident related by Mr. G. A. Woods, who had stated that over25 years ago he had borrowed £100,000 in Sydney, on the security of 160,000 acres of land, placed at his disposal for that purpose by the native chiefs of Fiji. He would suggest to the meeting if it were possible to-day to secure a loan on the same security. He thought not. Waste lands were comparatively valueless as a security, and this, too, after twenty-five years of British administration. If any present doubted what he (the speaker) alleged, let them go to the bank and test the allegation. He had lately referred to the petition presented to New Zealand fifteen years since—and he would take care that it was reprinted, and that it met the eyes of those present. Some of the figures contained in it would exhibit that the colony, since that period, had not made any substantial progress. The imports, to-day, were less than they were at that date. As regards the suggestion thrown out that the colony should ask the Home Government to grant it responsible government, a recommendation of the kind was beside the mark. How was page 74 it possible that a handful of people, as it were, could ask the Home Government, with any hope of success, to grant any such concession. Any one at all acquainted with the system of Government would at once recognise the folly of such a request. It would be within their province to petition the Home Government for an Elective Council, but he feared such a course would be abortive, were it not backed up by the powerful influence of the New Zealand Government.

The Chairman said: If no one else wishes to address the meeting, I would like, before putting the resolution, to make a few remarks in support of it. A good deal has been said this evening by the previous speakers about the native and labour questions, and the present form of Government; but none seemed to touch upon the advantages that must necessarily accrue to the colony, should Federation with New Zealand be realized. As a natural consequence there would be an influx of population, and with population would come capital, and with population and capital would follow settlement on the land. And, gentlemen, you all know, just as well as I can tell you, what the result of settlement on the land will be, more especially in such a country as this, where the land is so fertile, and where there are millions of acres of uncultivated lands, but no settlers to till the same. The policy suggested by Mr. Turner is a dog-in-the-manger one. He says the lands should not be settled on by the New Zealanders, but should be kept for our children. Well, if we are to wait for advancement until our children come on, we may as well throw up the sponge at once and sink into oblivion. But I think I can state with confidence there are none of you here to-night who agree with Mr. Turner on that point, and further, I venture to state, that within five years after we have federated with New Zealand (and mark me we are going to federate, for the gentlemen who have taken so active a part in this movement do not know the meaning of defeat, and will not rest until they have carried it to a successful issue) the European population will be at least treble what it is to day, and with increased population, and a liberal form of Government, we could have central sugar mills introduced, whereby the smaller farming classes, with only a limited capital, could farm their small blocks and reap the benefit of their labor. For, be it understood, these mills are established by the Government, not for its own profit, but for the benefit of the page 75 agriculturist, and all the Government expects and takes is sufficient per centage to cover a low rate of interest on outlay, and provide a sinking fund so that the planter receives the highest attainable price for his cane. Gentlemen, this is a very important item, but it is only one of the many benefits that will follow in the wake of Federation. So, therefore, let every one of us, no matter what his station in life, do everything in his power to assist in bringing the object to a successful issue. (Cheers,) It has been stated here this evening that the colony is at present in a most prosperous condition, and that the Revenue is better than ever it has been. Gentlemen, I grant that is so, but let us look at the reason why such is the case. With regard to the prosperous condition of the colony, would anyone dare be bold enough to assert that that is due to the paternal care of either our present or past form of Government. (Laughter.) No, certainly not—the present prosperity of the colony is due to the wonderfully prolific nature of the soil, the splendid seasons we have experienced the past five years by the absence of hurricanes, and the determined pluck of the few settlers we have here, which characterises the British nation generally. (Hear, hear.) Those, gentlemen, and those alone, are the reasons for our prosperous position to-day. The copra export for this year will be a record one, namely, from twelve to fifteen thousand tons, and next year, if we are fortunate enough to escape a hurricane (and God grant we may be), this total will be exceeded by some thousands of tons. Now, as regards the Revenue, we are all aware that somewhere about two years ago the tariff was raised on many articles, but more particularly so on flour, sharps, buscuits, tinned meats, and cotton goods, chiefly prints and calicoes. The first four articles mentioned were, previous to the increase, duty free; they are now taxed respectively at £1 per ton, £1 per ton, ½d. per lb., and 1d. per lb., while cotton goods, which were originally per cent, ad valorem duty, now are 1d. per yard duty for goods up to 36in. in width, 2d. per yard over 36in. and up to 72in. in width, and an additional 1d. for every 3Gin. in width, or equal to an average of say 45 per cent, duty all round on cotton goods. Well, gentlemen, it does not seem a very heavy increase, possibly to those of you who have not taken the trouble to work it out, but to put it in round figures it means about £10,000 to £12,000 extra duty, and this, together with the extra duty levied on boots and shoes, hats, page 76 etc., increases the Custom's Revenue per annum by about £15,000, and there, gentlemen, you have your increased Revenue. Now, let us see who this increased taxation affects most. The first four articles mentioned are the staple articles of food consumed by all, more or less. The next item, prints, is, we are all aware, in fact we might almost say, the only article of clothing the native wears, and as the European population is say 3000, while the native population is say 98,000, it will be seen at a glance who has to pay the bulk of the increased taxation of £15,000 per annum. The native contributes to the Revenue through the Custom's tariff on every article he consumes or uses just as much as the European does. They have to pay licenses for their boats, guns, dogs, and all other matters, and at the same rate as the Europeans, and in addition to this they are compelled to turn out and make roads, build houses, etc., for which they receive no pay, and have to find their own food, and on top of all this they are further compelled to pay a tax of 24s. per head to the Government, principally, I understand for governing them. This latter tax does not apply to every man, woman, and child, but only to the able-bodied men of the various districts, and from this source the native is mulcted in the further sum of £18,000 per annum, or thereabouts. Gentlemen, I ask you, are these poor natives what you would call free British subjects, or are they abject slaves? Why we know that a man is liable to a fine if he leaves his district without the permission of his chief. Gentlemen, it appears to me that the present policy of native government is the worst class of slavery existent. Would you stand it? Suppose the Government, in addition to the present mode of taxation, were to pass an Ordinance compelling the Europeans to pay a poll, tax of say £5 or £10 per head per annum. Do you think we would not be up in arms against it? But the poor, ignorant, and uneducated Fijian has to labor along under his heavy burden, while the present system of Government remains utterly insensible to his sufferings. Therefore, out of common humanity, and apart from the want of redress for our own grievances, let us, in the interests of the natives, endeavour to get some fresh form of Government. Now is the time to act, gentlemen; appoint your own committee and push the good work ahead. Let there be no backward movement, but forge yourselves steadily and surely along until we have gained that which this meeting desires, namely self- page 77 government with the view of Federation with New Zealand at a later date. Gentlemen, I have great pleasure in supporting the resolution, and unless there is any amendment I will put the proposition to the meeting.

Mr. J. B. Turner proposed the following amendment, and Mr. G. A. Woods seconded:—" That in the opinion of this meeting it is desirable that steps be taken with the object of obtaining self-government for this colony."

Capt. A. H. Ogilvie, in reply to Mr. Turner; said:—" I consider that it is impossible for us to command any influence in the Legislative Council against the desire and will of the Government upon questions that are opposed to the wishes of the people, and, therefore, I will support the resolution.

The Chairman then put the amendment, but only 22 voting for it it was lost. The resolution was then put and earned unanimously.

Capt. A. II. Ogilvie then proposed, and Mr. John Cleary seconded:—"That a committee consisting of Messrs. F. E. Riemenschneider, Humphry Berkeley, Dr. G. Fox, H. G. Hunt, G. L. Griffiths. J. Rennie, W. T. Sturt, and F. A. Thomas, with power to add to their number, be appointed for the purpose of carrying out the resolution of this meeting." This was carried unanimously.

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Printed by G. L. Griffiths, Suva, Fiji.—1900