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The Pamphlet Collection of Sir Robert Stout: Volume 76

Australasian Federation — Public Meeting in Auckland

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Australasian Federation

Public Meeting in Auckland.

At the Y.M.C.A. Rooms, on the 12th July, a meeting of those interested in the federation of the Australasian colonies was held. There was a very good attendance, several ladies being amongst the audience.

Mr. J. Kennedy Brown, who was received with applause, stated that he had received a memo, from the Mayor, who was to have taken the chair that evening. Mr. Goldie explained that he had to attend an important meeting of the Joint Committee, to consider the loan proposals of the Auckland City Council. Apologies had also been received from Mr. E. W. Alison, and the Revs. Fitzgerald and Milne. Mr. Brown proposed that Mr. John Burns take the chair.

The Chairman, Mr. John Burns (president of the Chamber of Commerce), thanked those present for the honour conferred upon him. As to the important subject which they had been called together that evening to discuss, he might say that the matter was one of great importance, and deserved careful and earnest consideration at the hands of the people of the colony, and of the Government. Our Parliament was supposed to lead the people, and yet they appeared to simply attend to personal matters—they adopted a laissez faire attitude, while they should be paying very close attention to the great historical event that was taking place in other colonies. As a merchant, he might be excused if he looked at the question from a mercantile point of view. He recognised that it was impossible to satisfy everyone. The whole question might be described as one of profit and loss, so far as its commercial aspect was concerned, and so far as New Zealand was concerned he took it that, if New Zealand decided to join this great federation, the balance would be in favour of this colony. The raw products formed the basis of industry, and as New Zealand was rich in these, he was of opinion that if the page 4 Colony joined her industries would flourish. The Chairman referred to the advantages that would accrue to New Zealand if a free market were secured, for if our products were non-taxed, and full and free ingress given to her goods, the industrial and commercial position of New Zealand would improve. None, or very few, of the Colony's industries would suffer. Then they should remember that it would be two years before any uniform scale of duties would be brought into operation. All things considered, he thought the balance was very much in favour of federation. (Applause). For the last 40 or 50 years federation had been in the air. Italy had brought themselves into unity, so had Germany, and then again they could point to the great federation of the United States. The extent of federation had extended to Canada, where they did not wish to be separated. There was no doubt but that unity is strength. They talked a lot about the brotherhood of man, but what better bond of unity could there be to unite a number of colonies than their inclusion in one grand federation? They should not fear one another; they should trust each other. So far as New Zealand was concerned, he was convinced that she would more than hold her own under a federation. He was also convinced that federation must come—(applause)—and it was the duty of New Zealanders to welcome the day and do all that was possible to hasten its arrival. (Applause.) He trusted the resolutions to be proposed would prove acceptable to the audience, and would be carried unanimously.

Mr. C. E. Button moved the first resolution, which was as under:—"That the Federal Constitution of Australia is a noble monument of human wisdom and statesmanship; that it is just and equitable to the Confederated States, and carefully conserves the rights and liberties of each in all purely State questions; and this meeting expresses its entire approval of the same." He appreciated the honour in being asked to move the first resolution, for though he had not taken part in meetings for some time, he considered this question the most important of all. The federation of the sister colonies that was taking place was an historical event, and it was a movement in which New Zealand should heartily join, for he considered it was but the preliminary step to a great event—the federation of the English-speaking race. (Applause). His mission that evening was to deal principally with the constitutional aspect of the question, and the advantages it page 5 possessed in that particular respect. He explained at length the principles on which federation had been accomplished, and referred to the equitable nature of those principles which were embodied in the Bill. Mr. Button then took the various clauses of the Commonwealth Bill seriatim, and explained to those present the prominent features of the measure, which he said had been carefully and efficiently thought out, and was a Bill that safeguarded the interests of all included in the federation. The constitution of the governing body was as near as possible like that of the Government under the Imperial Parliament. There was a Governor-General similar to the same position in India, the salary for which was £10,000 per annum. Yearly sessions of the Federal Parliament were to be held. There were six senators for each Federal State, and their mode of election would be similar in every State—the principle of every voter having one vote being observed. The senators would be appointed for six years, but half of the number would retire at the end of three years, and a fresh election for that number of vacancies would take place, the other half retiring at the end of the six years, so that every three years half the Senate would retire and a fresh election would take place. There would be a President of the Senate, while the number of members of the House of Representatives would be in proportion to that of the number of senators. That, he considered, was a very wise provision. As to the number of members of the House of Representatives, that would be 12 for each State in the Union. They would remain in office for three years, unless previously dissolved; the several States would make laws for determining the electoral divisions in each State, or failing to do so, the State could vote as one constituency; the qualification of members the same as at present in voting for the popular Chamber, but in the choice of members each elector would vote only once. As to the representation on a basis of population, the speaker had worked it out that the representation of the various States in the Commonwealth would be as under :—New South Wales, with a population 1,300,000. would have 25 members in the House of Representatives; Queensland, population 473,000, would have 10 members; Victoria, population, 1,200,000, would have 23 members; Tasmania, 170,000 population, 5 members; South Australia. 360,000 population, 7 members; West Australia, 140,000 population, 5 members; and New Zealand, with page 6 800,000 population, 15 members. He referred to the introduction of uniform Customs duties, which would be established two years after the forming of the Commonwealth, and thought that by the consolidation of existing Colonial debts much better terms could be arranged. It had been said that New Zealand could come in under the Commonwealth at any time, but the speaker said it was in the power of the federated States to impose conditions and terms if New Zealand, after declining to join, changed its mind and wished to come into the federation, and in addition there was the loss of prestige to be considered. If New Zealand was so blind as to stand out, her industries would languish, while the federated colonies would prosper; whereas if the colony decided to join in this great assemblage of nations, and take its part in the same, it would be assisting in the bringing about the federation of the whole of the English-speaking people. (Applause.;

Dr. McArthur said—Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen—My friend Mr. Button has so ably and lucidly explained to you the chief features of the Federal Constitution that my duty becomes a light, one. In seconding his resolution I should, however, like to call your attention more closely to one or two of the more salient points upon which he has touched. The Constitution, without being a slavish copy of the British Constitution, yet in its leading features is characteristic of the parent. We have the Governor-General, appointed by and representing the sovereign; we have the Senate, by reason of the longer duration of the term of office of its members taking the place of the hereditary House of Lords; and we have the Representative house, which fulfils all the duties of the house of Commons. Yet so wisely has it been drawn up that at the basis of all is that principle of election wherein one man has but one vote. Another characteristic feature of equality is that in the Senate each original State is to be represented equally, but States that come in afterwards shall only have such members as are allowed to it by the terms of admission. Concerning the powers of the Federal Parliament, I would like to point out that two principles have been insisted upon :—1. The Federal Parliament has no power of legislation except what is expressly given to it. 2. The States retain every power of legislation except what is expressly taken from them. There is no room for misunderstanding; all is clear and above board, and the individuality of each of the States is preserved. Each has all its page 7 old power of growth increased and encouraged by the assistance of the other States of the Federation The Federal Parliament will regulate the trade and commerce with other countries and among the several States. Here we have the basis of a mighty commercial union, and if we are not included as an original State in this union, and do not partake of its benefits, we shall, in future, deeply regret our want of foresight. If we do not join as an original State, can we expect the Federation to treat us on the same terms as the originals ? Certainly not. Will the Federation be so prepared to treat us ? Certainly not. Let us then be up and doing, asking for admission to this brotherhood of States, this union about to become a powerful factor in the history of the world. The deadlocks between the two Houses in a bicameral system of government have been a source of worry and anxiety to the statesmen of countries under that particular form of constitution. The Federal Constitution has laid down therein a satisfactory solution of such troubles by means of a double dissolution and a joint sitting. If a bill is twice passed by the House of Representatives, and twice rejected by the Senate, both Houses may be dissolved immediately; and if they still disagree a joint sitting is held, at which members will deliberate and vote as one House on the bill as last presented by the House of Representatives. All amendments must be carried by an absolute majority of all the members, and if the bill is carried by an absolute majority it will be treated as if it had passed both Houses. The creation of a High Court of Australia will do away with the necessity of appeals to the Privy Council, and the inevitable delays consequent thereon. There is still reserved a right of appeal to the Privy Council under certain circumstances, but this right is not likely to be exercised frequently. The High Court has also original jurisdiction in some kinds of cases of a federal character, and in its appeal jurisdiction its decision is final. An interstate Commission will carry out the law relating to trade and commerce, but its powers will of course be defined by Parliament, and the powers which Parliament can give it are carefully limited. The members will be appointed for seven years, and during their tenure of office are secured from political influence in the same way as the judges. The Constitutions of the States are to continue as before except as affected by the Constitution; each State will retain the power of amending its own constitution, page 8 and the State Parliaments will keep all their present powers except those which are expressly taken away from them by the Constitution. New States may be admitted upon such terms only and with so many members in each House as the Federal Parliament thinks fit. An amendment of the Constitution may be passed by an absolute majority of each House and then submitted to a referendum, and if there be a disagreement between the Houses as to the amendment it may be submitted to referendum. These, Mr Chairman, are the points to which I desired to draw special attention in seconding the resolution of Mr. Button. I hope that the resolution will be carried unanimously;—(applause)—that New Zealand will not stand out sulkily in the cold, but will at once demand admission as an original State;—(cheers)—and that the day may soon dawn when our good Queen with the aid of her Privy Council will declare the birth of a new and mighty nation of which we in New Zealand shall form an important factor. (Applause.)

Mr. Aulsebrook said—Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen,—It is with considerable pleasure I rise to move the following resolution :—" That, in the opinion of this meeting, the time has arrived when the attention of the people and Parliament of New Zealand should be earnestly directed to this great question; that New Zealand has much to gain politically, commercially, and socially by casting in her lot and becoming one with the Federated States, thus consummating an Australasian Federation; that delay may be fraught with danger to the interests of the colony." Sir,—I move that resolution with great interest, inasmuch as I am an old colonist of forty-one years standing—(applause)—and although not so well known here as in Christchurch, where I resided for thirty years, or in Sydney, where I resided for seven years, I have been in Auckland for four years, and during the whole of that period I have occupied a well-known business position. My experience as a manufacturer applies therefore to Australia as well as to New Zealand, and I can speak, I trust, with sufficient knowledge of the commercial aspects of the great question of Federation. I have observed with pleasure the efforts put forth by some of the foremost statesmen of the sister colonies to consummate that union which was the dearest object in life of that great statesman, the late Sir Henry Parkes. (Applause.) But, sir, the first step towards Federation was not accomplished page 9 without incessantly educating the people. Public meetings were continuously held to disseminate instruction, with reference specially to the Federation Bill You, sir, have heard this bill clearly read and ably explained by a previous speaker. It often happens that a measure of this sort, however clearly grasped by some, is not so easily comprehended by the multitude, not for want of intelligence but for lack of accurate knowledge of a subject so large and important. I do not fear much difficulty with New Zealand, for compared with some people I have lived amongst, they are quick in perceiving the advantages of any great matter of public or social interest. And, sir, we must not be surprised if at first sufficient interest is not shown in this great question of Federation. There will of course be differences of opinion. Some timid people will be afraid that New Zealand will be exploited with the manufactures of Australia. Have we not the raw materials and the skilled labour? (Applause.) I am informed that our exports to Australia, all or nearly all our own products, amounts to one and a-half million per annual. During my seven years travels in Australia I never saw such perfect specimens of locally manufactured articles, such workmanship and finish, as were shown at the late Exhibition here. (Applause.) Not only manufactures of iron, but woollen manufactures. In Sydney all the larger houses display New Zealand rugs, and blankets, and tweeds, and never fail to ticket them New Zealand manufactures. (Cheers.) You will find the same prominence given to hams, bacon, cheese, butter, and other New Zealand products. Our farming implements are famous all over Australia, not because of their cheapness, but because of their superior quality. (Cheers.) I am satisfied that our exports to the Australian colonies would increase fourfold had we the run of their ports free of duty. Sir, so long as we are inspired by the determination to excel in the quality of our manufactures, we maintain the leading position in the great federation. Our union with Australia will arouse such emulation and friendly trade rivalry, that the practical knowledge and superior skill of our workers will be stimulated, and we shall speedily see such prosperity flowing in upon us as at present we little dream of. "As iron sharpeneth iron, so does the countenance of a man his friend." The resolution which I have the honour of proposing refers to political and social objects. I have been content to page 10 dwell so far upon the commercial aspects of the case. The political part of the question has already been ably dealt with, and as to the social aspects I need only say that we need not flatter ourselves we are not as other men are. Union will elevate the whole people socially, and as we advance politically and commercially, so also our union with our English-speaking brotherhood in Australia will be productive of social progress. Sir, I beg to move the second resolution. (Cheers.)

Mr. Kennedy Brown said:—Mr. Chairman, in the absence of Dr, Wilkins, who was to have seconded the resolution just proposed, you must regard me as a stopgap. The worthy doctor intended to be here, but like all doctors he is liable to be called upon professionally at any moment. He felt both anxiety and responsibility with reference to this meeting. He deplored the universal lack of interest in reference to the great question of Federation, the greatest and most overwhelmingly important question ever brought before the people of this colony. He was surprised and shocked a year or two ago when our late Governor on his way home was interviewed by a Melbourne newspaper reporter, who wanted to know what was being done in New Zealand, with reference to this great question. Why, sir, he told the reporter he had not considered the matter. He could imagine the astonishment of that reporter, his utter amazement, at such an admission. Surely, sir, it is the duty of such highly placed and highly paid officials to consider and advise upon such questions. They come amongst us fresh from the great throbbing heart of the Empire, the representatives of Royalty first of all, but do not they also represent the imperial aspirations of the great statesmen of England and within constitutional limits, they should exercise a highly beneficial and progressive influence upon the smaller statesmen of the colonies. (Cheers.) But, unfortunately, the late Governor had not considered the question. Our present Governor, Lord Ranfurly, was thoroughly up to date, and had spoken upon many questions with no uncertain sound. (Applause.) Then, sir, had the Government or the Parliament of this country considered this question ? No. Had the Press considered this question and kept the people abreast of the times ? No. He was ashamed and humiliated that a question which for years had stirred the people of the neighbouring colonies, had awakened no interest in page 11 this colony. It would appear as if there had been a conspiracy of silence. (Cheers.) How marvellous that whilst our neighbours across the Tasman Sea were absorbed with this, the greatest event of modern times, when the House of Commons had been cheering, we appeared to be profoundly asleep. It will be the business of the Federation League to awaken both the Government and the people of this colony. A year or two ago the Premier went to a conference of Premiers at Tasmania, to endeavour to arrange reciprocal treaties with Australia. I ventured at the time to predict that his mission would be a failure. Sir, there can be no reciprocity except through Federation. (Cheers.) Reciprocity is only possible between countries having a diversity of products that may be beneficially exchanged. What had Australia got to exchange with us ? Absolutely nothing except her wines. He did not undervalue the importance of free trade in the pure and wholesome wines of Australia. For many years he had studied the process by which those wines, in the wine-growing districts, had diminished the curse of drunkenness. ("No," and interruption.) He said Yes, emphatically. Australian wine, and plenty of it would do more to cure intemperance than prohibition or any or all the numerous fads. (Cheers and opposition cries,) Mr. Brown sat down after cordially seconding the resolution.

Mr. L. J. Bagnall said he would like to draw attention to what had been done in similar matters in other parts of the world—Canada, for instance. What was done there might well stimulate us to follow in their footsteps. Forty years ago Canada was divided into different States, as we are at present Trade was restricted in such a way that leading statesmen saw it was being injured, and the different States entered into a federation which was practically consummated in 1866, and since that time other States had joined, with the result that the community had made far greater progress than it had ever done before, and was now recognised as one of the nations of the world. (Cheers.) The provisions under the Dominion of Canada were not nearly so liberal or favourable to the different States as the constitution that had been proposed for the Commonwealth of Australia. We would have to consider the question as a business matter. We required markets for our products, and required to be able to get to those markets. If the Commonwealth were formed without New page 12 Zealand we would find that great obstacles would be put in the way of our products going into their markets, and reaping the advantages we would, if we were a part of the Commonwealth. If we joined we would be members of a far greater nation than if we stood out insignificantly. (Applause.) There was a parallel case in Newfoundland. She had never joined the Dominion of Canada, and the result was that she was practically a decaying country, and had to be bolstered up by the Imperial Government. There was no doubt that if she had been a part of the Federation of Canada her position would have been greatly improved. (Cheers.)

The motion was carried unanimously with the following alteration—"New Zealand may have much to gain, &c.," instead of "New Zealand has much to gain, &c."

Mr. E. W. Burton : I beg to propose "That in the opinion of this meeting the time has arrived when the Parliament of New Zealand should be asked to submit the Commonwealth Bill to the vote of the electors of the colony." The resolution entrusted to me seems to sum up the whole of the series presented to the meeting. The various speakers have shown the desirability of Australasian Federation. To me it has been left to urge the undoubted right of the people of New Zealand individually to determine their destiny by their vote. It has been said that the movement is an attempt or the part of the movers to commit the colony to Federation without consideration. Those who assert such an absurdity must either be very dishonest or very obtuse, inasmuch as all that is sought to be done is to direct public attention to the subject, in the full belief that when men come to consider the matter, as they will have to do before casting their vote upon it, the great majority will be found in favour of New Zealand casting in her lot with the great sister island of Australia. (Applause.) We are told that we should trust our representatives, and that the people are wholly incompetent to vote "Yes" or "No" upon the Commonwealth Bill. The fact is that in a democracy every man considers himself, and probably is, quite equal to the average representative, probably a great deal better. Laughter.) But when men say that the voters of this colony are incapable on being given time to study the Commonwealth Bill, to vote as intelligently upon it as the average representative, they either con- page 13 vict themselves of ignorance of the current history of Australasia, or are attempting to hoodwink the public. (Cheers) Against those who say that the average elector cannot vote intelligently upon a measure now well known throughout Australasia, whilst illogically affirming that the same elector is intelligent enough to elect members of Parliament to consider the same subject. It may be we'll to guard the public by mentioning by way of reminder that the commonwealth Bill has been submitted to the popular vote in New South Wales, Victoria, and South Australia, and since the electors of those colonies have been able to record their "Yes" or "No" intelligently it is a poor compliment to New Zealanders to maintain that they are not equal to the same responsibility. (Cheers.) It is to be borne in mind that in all the colonies the greatest opposition to Federation comes from the mediocre politician. He fears that a Federal Assembly will require the exercise of greater intelligence and patriotism than he possesses. Thank God that the mediocre politician has conscience enough to recognise his own shortcomings. Let us welcome Federation as the means of raising the standard of public life. (Cheers.) As to Sir John Hall's 1200 reasons against federating with Australia, grounded upon the 1200 miles of intervening sea, such reasons have little force in an age which has annihilated distance. I am glad to say that Sir John has become an ardent Imperial Federationist without discovering 16,000 miles of ocean separating us from the Mother Country. So much for the anti-federation logic of little New Zealanders. My extreme pity is for those who hope by means of a reciprocity treaty to enjoy all the benefits of Federation. For years past attempts have been made to secure reciprocity between Canada and the United States, and that reciprocity is as far off as ever. New Zealand tried reciprocity with South Australia. It is just as well to say nothing of that fiasco. I really do not know what became of our reciprocity treaty with Canada. But does any one for a moment consider that when once the Federal Assembly meets that New Zealand will find it an easy task to join if she be unfortunate enough not to be one of the original Federal States? Is any Federal Ministry to seek to wreck itself by offending States like Tasmania and South Australia, through bringing New Zealand into competition with what will then have become the vested interests of those productive colonies ? States are equal in the Senate, consequently page 14 Tasmania, South Australia, and Queensland colonies, not free from jealousy of New Zealand rivalry in production, can effectually keep her out of the Federation. The anti-Federationists might as well bay for the moon as to hope for reciprocity. I simply plead that the people should have liberty to determine this matter by their own votes, rather than by the proxy of mediocre politicians and reciprocity dreamers. This liberty cannot be too speedily yielded to them. I should regret that any Government professing to be liberal should set itself deliberately to withhold from the people their undoubted right of determining their own destiny by their direct personal vote on so vital an issue. (Cheers.)

Mr. R Salmon seconded the resolutisn, which was carried unanimously.

Mr. Edmund Bell moved the following resolution :—"That the thanks of this meeting are due to Mr. John Burns for presiding as this meeting; and that the Council of the League shall, without delay, proceed to organise this great movement. Member's tickets shall be one shilling each, the funds to be supplemented for the purposes of the League by voluntary donations." He said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,—The question of Federation is of the most vital importance to us, for the Australasian colonies have passed the infantile stage and are now throbbing with a life so vigorous, that a readjustment of their institutions and relations, one towards the other, upon a federal basis, is urgently needed. It is true that some of our fellow-colonists tell us that the inclusion of New Zealand in the proposed Commonwealth is not desirable, and, in fact, would be prejudicial to our interests. Deficient in sound arguments, they appeal to a narrow provincialism and a suspicion of those who advocate a merging of interests. Similar objections were raised to the federation of the Canadian Provinces in 1867, but experience has proved the croakers to have been wrong, for the Canadian Dominion has steadily progressed, and risen to a higher plane of political life and national sentiment. (Cheers.) Our circumstances are similar to those which existed in the Canadian Provinces prior to Federation, and there is no doubt that like beneficent results would accrue to these colonies as soon as Federation is accomplished. But what does Federation mean ? It means the abolition of tariffs, restrictions, prejudices, and low ideals, and page 15 instead, the merging of interests, a healthy spirit of emulation, and the division of duties and functions between the colonies, acting conjointly as a Commonwealth and the several States as members of the Commonwealth. To the Federal Government it is proposed to delegate the conduct of external relations, collection of Customs, administration of justice, defence, post and telegraph, and regulation of the currency, etc., while to each State would be relegated the care of local interests, settlement of waste lands, making of roads, bridges, etc., education, and other interests. The Federal Government would retain 25 per cent, of the amount collected from the Customs, and remit the balance to the several States upon an equitable basis. But we are told our taxation would be heavier. Such a statement is, however, merely conjectural, for it is not to be supposed that the Federal Parliament would be less careful of economy in finance than the local Parliaments, whose duties would be partially transferred to the central body. What should we lose? We should lose at once the barriers to trade in the vexatious tariffs, annoying restrictions, and unnatural prejudices, and gain reciprocal conditions with the feeling thas we are brethren, fellow-citizens of a Commonwealth, forming no insignificant portion of the British Empire whose power and prestige is more necessary for our prosperity and safety, than even to the citizens dwelling within the shadow of St Paul's. Our exports with the Australian colonies now amounts to the sum of about £1,400,000; with Federation it would no doubt soon increase to double that amount. Again, we are told we cannot compete—what? our farmers with a 26 bushel average not able to compete with a South Australian 6 bushel or a Victorian 11 bushel average. The pastoralist with his heavier fleeces and better, meat not able to compete with Australian mutton! Our mechanics and operatives not able to compete with their friends in Australia! If so, then the sooner they breathe Australian air the better it will be for their manhood and their country. The whole contention is ridiculous when applied to the producers of a country like New Zealand, enjoying as it does such superior climatic and physical conditions. (Applause.) If we decline to join the Commonwealth, should we not be liable to lose many present and prospective advantages ? Yes, for when the fateful hour in February arrives, and Federation becomes an accepted fact, if we are not within the charmed circle, then from that time a ring page 16 in the shape of a 20 per cent, tariff will be levelled against us by the whole of the Australian States. Thus our trade will be discouraged, and instead of enjoying a uniform and steady development it will be harassed by a yoke, the tension of which will be only relieved in a time of scarcity in Australia. We shall lose capital and prestige, for no individual or company would start anything but an exceptional industry in a limited market such as ours, when by going to Australia free trade would be secured with 4,000,000 of people. Not only so, but industries now existing in New Zealand would no doubt be removed to Australia in order to escape the tariff and enjoy a freer and larger market. The foregoing arguments appeal to our selfishness, but there are others of even greater importance which appeal to our patriotism and chivalrous instincts. We are a part of the Empire (and that a vulnerable part) depending for our safety upon the fleet; accordingly, we should act in harmony with its policy. (Cheers.) That policy is known to be the consolidation of interests in order to secure increased efficiency, not from a merely sentimental or jingoistic spirit, but as a prudent answer to the hostile Powers, who, jealous of her prosperity, only desire a favourable opportunity to compass her dismemberment. The Imperial Government desires the federation of the Australasian colonies, therefore we should not be indifferent to the invitation to add another star to the Federal shield. By so doing our political life would be raised to a higher plane, more statesmanlike qualities would be demanded in our legislators than those at present evinced by fussy and speculative demagogues. Our national ideals would be enlarged and dignity of thought and action encouraged by the important fact that we are not the ward of, but a living active member of the Empire, participating in its policy and glory, and proportionately responsible for its safety and development. (Applause.)

Mrs. Schnackenberg, in seconding the resolution, briefly expressed her great pleasure in doing so, as she was in perfect sympathy with the movement. (Applause.)

The motion was carried unanimously.

Mr. Graves Aickin moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was seconded by the Rev. Canon McMurray.