Page 90.

This Note opens a subject of the utmost importance, and one which needs a fuller discussion. It is most true that feuds productive of many crimes raged among the tribes in the neighbourhood of New Plymouth, for five years, from August, 1854, till July, 1859, peace being finally made in September, 1859.

Here, and elsewhere in these Notes, it seems to be taken as a consequence of that state of things, that the proceedings of the Government at the Waitara were justified. It is implied that there was something' in those proceedings tending to put an end to that state of things: or else, that with a people capable of such crimes, all legal and rational modes of dealing were out of the question. Therefore I do not content myself with saying (what indeed would be a sufficient answer to this Note) namely, that these feuds and crimes and our inability to prevent or punish them, furnish no reason why a full and proper inquiry should not have been made into Teira's title to sell; such an inquiry being demanded at once by justice to the Natives, and by due regard to the interests of our own people in the Colony and in England.

These feuds commenced when Rawiri Waiaua, page 27 encouraged by the local Land Purchase Commissioner, attempted to sell a piece of land in violation, as it appears, of the tribal right. (T. Q. p. 139.) The result of this was the crime described in page 115. The Government did not interfere to punish that crime, or to suppress, by military force, the atrocities which followed it. It was apprehended that interference on our part would lead to a war of which the limits, the cost, and the effects, could not be estimated. It was seen also that it would be extremely difficult to prevent our motives from being misunderstood. Many feuds and private wars in different parts of the country had passed without notice. If we interfered in this case, it was likely to be thought that we did so, not so much on account of the crime which Katatore Had committed as on account of the land which Rawiri desired to sell. So the Government confined itself to protecting the settlers, and endeavouring by such means as were practicable to check or mitigate those feuds.

The difficulty of the case became still greater when Katatore was murdered. That crime was committed on the Queen's land, on a public road within the settlement. It was a murder of revenge, not directly connected with any piece of land. Still the Government refrained from interfering, beyond issuing a Proclamation in the following month, February, 1858. That Proclamation was not in such general terms as stated in this Note, that is to say, "warning all the Natives that this anarchy would no longer be tolerated." It only warned page 28 them against assembling with arms within the boundaries of a certain district. The Proclamation was accompanied by an official comment in the Maori Messenger, which, after explaining the reasons of our non-interference proceeded thus:—

"While indulging; this hope, we are startled by the news of another and more frightful murder_____Blood is spilt on land which the Queen has granted. This cannot be allowed to pass in silence. The Governor has therefore spoken his word. He still says, 'I shall not interfere. Both parties are doing wrong, but it is not my present intention to employ force against either while they keep outside the limits of the English settlement, but I will allow neither to come armed within these limits, I will not permit fighting in my presence'" I do not know whether this limited proclamation has been, as is alleged in the Note, openly violated.'

The effect of this state of things on the Natives may be gathered from the following letter:—

March 4, 1858,

Waitara.^*

To Riwai, Kiripata, Wiremu Tamihana, Apa, Ture, Wiri, Tei, and Hohepa, to you all, Greeting to you. My friends, my fathers, listen. Here we are involved in warfare, that is to say, in grievous, murderous, cannibal, bloodthirsty calamity—in this very grievous calamity. Listen. You are probably imagining that we are going blindly to work. It is not so, but we are proceeding on a clear course, "What makes it clear is this, that as far as regards the reference to the Governor, that has page 29 been done. As for murder, we have no intention of murdering. We leave murder to Ihaia and Nikorima. Our Chiefs will act in broad daylight, and indeed they are acting now in broad daylight. As regards the reference to the Governor, that has been made by the Chiefs. You have already heard that Waitere (Katatore) was killed on the ninth day of the month of January. We had to wait till February for the Governor's answer. The answer came, that the Governor could take no steps in the matter, but let there be another murder, then the Governor would consent. Hence our Chiefs concluded that the course taken by the Governor was wrong, because, this is Ihaia's second murder. The words of the former Governor are not attended to now, for steps were taken in the case of the quarrel with Rangihaeata at the Hutt—on that occasion, promptly. In the case of this murder no steps are taken. As he was killed in the midst of the settlers, so now should any man belonging to Ihaia be found in the house of a settler in the town he will be killed there, because this is not as it should be. And now all the pas are surrounded, Te Karaka, Pukerito, and Otehetehe. The pa which we attacked was Pukerito, we got close under the outworks. Those of our party who were killed in the attack on the pa, were Hehe Nga nohoanga, Tamati Tuainane, and Te One. These were from Waitara. Tamati Takua from Wai***, Maihi from Tapuirau, Heta from te Kawau. These were killed. Of the people of the place Eruini Mangania, Hakaraia Repo, Te Kawhaki Haenga were wounded. Wi Te One mihi was killed in the light at Te Ika moana. He was shot by Te Kepa Hanawerangia.

I cannot tell all. Enough.

From Ratatona Te Iwa.

It seeing that the letter from the Governor, referred to above, has not yet been printed.

Now what view of the Queen's Sovereignty could the Natives acquire under these circumstances? I do not censure the Government, but I ask for a fair consideration of the facts. Instead of throwing the page 30 whole blame upon the Natives, let us rather look upon that state of things as the common calamity of both races. Let us not keep back the fact that in the origin of these evils we also had a share, and that they were aggravated by injudicious acts and by violent language on the part of some of our own people. No greater misfortune could have befallen the Natives than to see that the Government was powerless, and so to be driven back into their old barbarism. It would have been the greatest blessing for both races, if it had been possible from the beginning to follow up and punish every act of bloodshed. The manifest benefit, flowing from the action of the Queen's Sovereignty, would have reconciled the Natives to the action of that Sovereignty in other ways. But every consideration which had made it unwise and inexpedient to interfere against crime, made it still more unwise and inexpedient to interfere in a question of land.

The feuds at last wore themselves out and peace was made. A few months after that, the Colonial Government employed military force at the Waitara. The power which had not protected life or property, came forward to take possession of land. What I assert is, that no course could have been more unfortunate than this, no course less likely to effect the great object of establishing practically the Queen's Sovereignty throughout this island. We did not interfere even when we should have been sure of a strong body of allies; when the instinctive sense of justice and retribution for crime would have been in page 31 our favour, on the spot and throughout the island. When the feuds and crimes had ceased, we began to employ military force, and that in a case wholly unconnected with crime. So we did all in our power to confirm the evil notion, already widely spread among the Natives, that we care for nothing but to get their land.

We often hear strong language used about what is called a defiance of the Queen's Sovereignty. It were better for both races if we set ourselves dispassionately to consider what we have done towards commending that Sovereignty, towards showing the value and benefit of it. In what light must the case appear to them? The Queen's power has not saved their lives or property, but it takes possession of their land. It appears to them not as a protector but as an invader; not as a stayer of bloodshed, but as itself a shedder of blood. We have taken the course which tends not to advance, but to hinder, our great object. We have begun at the wrong end.

I do not mean to say that the Queen's Sovereignty could be imposed wholly from without, even by a Government regarded with confidence by the Native population. We must act on the principle, which has been of late so often enunciated and so often forgotten, that the Natives are to be governed through themselves; but we can only effect our great object by proceeding in the right order. We must invert the whole course of our proceedings. We must begin by suppressing bloodshed and crime, and so ad- page 32 vance in minor matters. The next Native Conference will furnish an opening for our efforts towards securing that great end.

Our present mode of proceeding provokes resistance. Let us proceed in the proper order, and we shall find support in all parts of the country.

We boast of our superiority, and especially of our skill in government. Let us prove our skill, by commending rather than discrediting the object we have in view. The Natives have been repelled from that to which they ought to have been attracted by the strongest sense of their own interest.

Many and very intelligent men amongst them are now drawn towards the King party most unwillingly. They know and say, that the chiefs of that party possess neither the knowledge nor the means needed for elevating their race, and rescuing them from the evils of their present condition. Yet they turn to them as a protection against a power, which they fear and cannot trust.

When the present evils shall have ceased, and confidence shall have been restored by a fair investigation of their grievances, and by an earnest practical effort to provide for them the institutions, and secure the social benefits, they so greatly need and desire, the combination which is now opposed to our authority will disappear like a mist, and the Native race will regard the Sovereignty of the Queen as a boon and a privilege.