II.

1. In a letter extraordinary from the South, the hon. President (or Speaker) of the House of Representatives, bemoans the excessive taxation which he thinks is crushing down the New Zealand Colonists. He pathetically asks for some remedy, and virtuously hopes that truth may prevail. The Premier, also, seriously asks, Only toll us how to reduce! The self-interested anti-separationists so anomalously addressed will not be able to respond. Their preposterous creed of ten legislatures for a handful of people forbids. We Aucklanders have often and in various ways pointed out the only efficient, and, seemingly, the solely practicable remedy, and which was summarily given forth last August, viz., Two central legislative governments in and for these two island countries, with their appendages of district or provincial boards, &c., in substitution for the present ten legislatures.—The hon. Holmes, in a capital speech, the other day in our Upper House, as reported in print, gave in his full adhesion to this particular prescription, as an urgent, clamorous necessity. This, again, I take it, is more clear gain.—If precedent be demanded, we have that (1 would never ask it):—Prescott says, "The different provinces of Spain were consolidated into one Empire under the rule of Ferdinand and Isabella."

2. It is painful to iterate and reiterate a thought, though in varied phraseology, by reason of exposing to the charge of repeating oneself. But verily the suggestion of reduction and consolidation adverted to still demands foremost prominence. The case is truly urgent: we are really—as a good while ago I had to remind an anonymous writer who inattentively repeated the word "humbug "—we are well-nigh smothered and stilled with numerous different governments here. And to set forth this fact now and here, though it is not directly the question, Yet, as it underlies it all, is decidedly the reverse of irrelevent. Nay, it must surely be superfluous to rebut a hypothetical charge of irrelevence; for the least consideration will issue in the conviction that denunciation of our excessive taxation, with an exposure of its unprincipled cause, is a necessary sequence. The page 20 argument, observe, is this,—and it is really plain,—We cannot compete in our own corn market with far-off California! Marvellous premiss indeed! How is it, and why? Why, we are taxed about ten times as much as they; and the frightful excess is owing to the fact that we have about ten times as much so-called government as they. What is the use of your earning good means, if half or more of your earnings go away, imperceptibly and you know not how, but veritably, to the support of so-called governments, in which you positively have but little interest? Cui Bono?

3. Now here is nothing recondite, nothing occult; all is plain, and above-board,—perspicuous, obvious, and undeniable. And it is abominable.

4. The president of the House expressly and properly decries the "sectional" condition of New Zealand political. Of this they all have very painful experience in the House of Representatives. It doubtless took vast power of conscious wrong so to bring out the dignified Speaker.

5. But a hankering is discerned for the substitution of one legislature for these two large island countries with their numerous pendent islets, in lieu of the present ten; rather than, accordina to above quoted proposal, two for the two, instead of the ten. E. W. Stafford evinces the same inkling. Extremes, again, alas! If it be a hankering after large, concentrated power, it would surely soon prove to be going counter to the march of mind and the spirit of the age. Their aim realised would clearly bring them under the just denunciation of true opponents of real, erroneous centralisation. Tampering, tinkering, and splendid trifling are in politics objectionable. It is advisable that they seek for our institutions stability, and aim at the permanent.—Precedent again, if required:—Independent Portugal,—once brought down under the dominion of Spain, a thrall which lasted 59 years, ending A.D. 1640,—it is known, is a successful independent nation, notwithstanding that some statesmen did demand its final amalgamation with Spain. This precedent is decidedly "on t'other side;" whereby we are again thrown on to the via media. Like the pure, life-giving river, which ordinarily selects for its channel the centre of the champaign between the hills, truth is often found at the mean.

6. Maugre, on the whole I rather like the honorable President's letter; and would particularize the evidently earnest spirit that pervades it. And I exceedingly dislike the banter and lame attempt at wit, palmed off and protruded as criticism on that letter, which lately appeared in a Wellington newspaper, and in Auckland as a quotation.

7. A celebrated Swiss philosopher (Alex. Vinet), in his admirable Prize Essay advocating the necessity of ever keeping separate and distinct the two institutions styled the church and the state—the temporal and the spiritual—has the following, pertinent to this present theme, and particularly concurrent with the matter just now touched:

8. "Every thing now tends to abridge the sphere of action of human power, and to reduce the number of its exclusive prerogatives. Government is considered to have under its conduct only that which private people cannot accomplish. The modern spirit of communities is to be governed as little as possible—we do not say as feebly. It desires that the spontaneity of human nature should find opportunity for development; that general interests, apart from public functions, should occupy the minds and hearts of individuals; that society should would and transform itself freely, under the sanction of general conventions, independently of state interference. This is not an abstract notion, but a part of the principle and instinct of modern communities."—He argues for more spontaneity and less government; more liberty and love and less law. He is a benefactor.—However, I do not intend to enlarge in this place on the specially alleged important method of the absolutely necessary reduction of taxation. That sole method has already been developed elsewhere; and the more suitable media of ephemeral journals may possibly be soon resorted to for amplifying and agitating the question.—I am only sorry that some here having power and influence evidently seem to reckon that the mere mention of undeniable, horrible, retarding abuses qualifies a man to be spoken against. They would appear to think that their own personal interest requires of them so to reckon. But it is strongly felt that if even these abuses directly yielded a man £700 per annum, he should nevertheless feel it incumbent upon him, on principle, to urge and press their removal. Selfishness, we have said, is self-love under a mistake. It is hoped this may not be deemed a novel doctrine. Present deep depression of New Zealand is one proof of its correctness.

9. On this head, finally. We are sometimes forced to hear loose talk about the desirability of restoring to Auckland the seat of government. Maoris were recently put up to making this the burden of their verbose speeches. But all such talk at this time of day is idle vapid vapouring; unless it be accompanied with a like demand for Canterbury—the central important place of the South Island. In a word, above proposal is the only feasible thing out. It is submitted as the means and the only means of reducing taxation,—of lightening the springs of industry, and of a lasting, happy indiscerptibility.^*

10. The Colossal Martin Luther once addressed in behalf of the people the governors of his day, and used the following words, "Now, that you levy and extort money in the way you have hitherto done is no longer to be endured. What would it avail if a farmer's field produced as many florins as blades of grass, or grains of corn, if the rulers only took from him so much the more; and proportionately increased their extravagance, and squandered it away in buildings, &c., &c. Extravagance must cease, and expenditure be lessened, that the people may be able to retain something for themselves."^† Words, these, strictly

^* Instantly see Appendix.

^† Pfizer.

page 22 and strikingly applicable to a certain place we know other than Germany; and to a time much later than 340 years ago! Recenrate of expenditure in New Zealand would be wholly unwarrantable if we had a population of a million wealthy people, instead of one seventh of a million of plain immigrants.

11. An Episcopalian Rev. author, lately deceased, left in print the following sage remark on general politics:—"The voice of the nation must go along with the nation's law. This law must be the expression of their own feeling, and then it will be obeyed. But if it is only the law of a government, or a law which is against the whole spirit of the people, there is first the murmur of a nation's disapprobation, and then there is transgression; and then, if the law be vindicated with a high hand, the next step is the bursting that law in national revolution by the rising of passion in its giant might, made desperate by restraint."—That this has been the common course all history attests. But a more excellent way was exemplified by the English Anti-corn-law-League with its efficacious, fervid, but peaceful moral suasion, the wondrous success of which for ever abolished the monopoly corn-laws. Had not Richard Cobden manfully and successfully frowned down his opponents the physical force "chartists," commercial freedom for England would not be yet won.—The Southern States of America did not deserve to win their desired independence for resorting, in this more enlightened age, to the arbitrament of the sword. It will come, however; but not for their sakes; and it will come, not by the force of powder and iron, but by the bursting, developing force of truth. The truth shall make them free.—This protruded contrast of results of the greatest Anglo Saxon movements of the latest generation is a Providential illustration of a Divine lesson to mankind, and this will be compensating for its attendant human evil. 1 carefully point to it.

12. The retrogade movement of democratic Victoria (Australia) may be justly reckoned and written a tentative freak. The people there will doubtless soon get sober. Experienced writers have largely pointed out the injury already brought about by the monopolising attempt. And a plain builder there, writing plainly and well on the matter of depreciation of house property (Argus, Sept. 6, 1867) uses the following words: "The so-called protectionists may certainly claim credit for doing their best to reduce rents —by driving trade from Melbourne.

13. I certainly do not ostentatiously presume to attempt to teach agriculturists their business; it is designed to dilate only or mainly on their special politics. Nevertheless, suggestion as to some of the possibly best things to grow here may not be out of place; it may be in perfect beeping with the main object of this essay, and may peradventure result in useful thought and purpose, by more experienced practitioners. I find the following in the history of the colonisation of Virginia (America) of 1615:—" The labour of the Colony had long been misdirected." Things were grown and manufactured which could page 23 not yield the means to "sustain the competition with" the old European nations. "It was found that tobacco might be profitably cultivated. The sect of gold-finders had become extinct; and now the fields, the gardens, the public squares, and even the streets of Jamestown were planted with tobacco. Tobacco, as it gave animation to Virginian industry, eventually became not only the staple, but the currency of the Colony."

14. All the world has during the 150 years last past heard plenty about Virginian tobacco.

15. "It was found that," &c., simply says the historian. Yes, "found" as the result of self-reliant enterprise. I attach vast importance to this quotation from George Bancroft's history of Virginia; and desire to draw best attention to it. Could we not certainly do something in the same line?

16. It is a very great consideration to grow things here that slugs and caterpillars dislike. These constitute an army with which north New Zealanders have proved totally unable to cope,—against whose predatory incursions we can do little more than bite either our lips or our fingernails. Sometimes, in some places, the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness." Their surprising cunning has made me asseverate that the devil is their general leader.

17. Well, now, though we be very wise, we—even we—may yet surely "live and learn." Does not this tobacco story from the history of America convey to us an invaluable suggestion? Of course any inquiry about the propriety of the wonderfully general use of tobacco would be quite out of the question.

18. Query: should not two or three American tobacco growers be obtained and retained at any rate, to give instruction in its growth and manipulation?

19. If south Auckland be not quite warm enough for tobacco growing, north Auckland is; especially the extensive territory from Matakana, viâ Bay of Islets., to the North Cape. But Maoris roughly grow it south, near Waikato. I shrewdly suspect that these have not bought this year of whites a twentieth of the black tobacco they did seven years ago.^*

20. But, adds a protectionist, When soil, climate, and circumstances combine to render a work desirable, legislation can protect the infancy of enterprise against the unequal competition with established experience and skill.—Plausible weakness!—O, pray do not let the child breathe the free air of heaven; its lungs must be tender; it must for awhile constantly wear a respirator!

Bosh! Only adapted to the rickets. Perhaps that doctrine had better at once be written heretical and antiquated; and put with the propriety of 150 yards of broad bandage for the swaddling of a fine infant to "protect" nature,—the cases are strictly analogous;—it must be put among the doctrines held by professional, cunning old women who can't read.