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Salient. Victoria University Student Newspaper. Volume 38, Number 11. May 29, 1975

Independence for Sarawak — Malaysia: Another Bangladesh?

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Independence for Sarawak

Malaysia: Another Bangladesh?

In the rhetorical flourishes of the travel agents, it is "the land of the White Rajahs, the home of the headhunters and an untamed jungle paradise." But to the men 400 miles across the South China Sea in Kuala Lumpur, their faraway riverine state of Sarawak is, quite simply, a worsening political headache for the Federation of Malaysia. Nearly twelve years after joining Malaysia, the Iban tribesmen and the Overseas Chinese who together make up a vast majority in Sarawak are still having second thoughts about whether they made the right move. And lately they have begun to chafe under what they see as continuing domination by the minority Malays. Indeed, the situation has soured so much in recent months that one Malaysian official admitted that Sarawak has the makings of "another Bangladesh."

Few people in KL or even Sarawak for that matter predict that the north Borneo province will try to break away from West Malaysia in the immediate future. And even government officials insist that the problem is still manageable. But there is no doubt that Sarawakians are growing disenchanted with their Malay-dominated state government and the rule of the state's controversial Chief Minister, Datuk Haji Abdul Rahman Yaakub. While Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak's National Front was piling up 80 or 90 per cent margins in most areas in last summer's national election, Rahman Yaakub and Co. produced less than 60 per cent for the front in Sarawak. And this despite reported implied threats that development aid to the state would be cut if the government didn't win a big victory. Moreover, since the election the pivotal Chinese community seems to be moving away from the government and toward the opposition. "If another election were held right now," said one diplomat in KL, "I'm not so sure Rahman Yaakub would be able to form a government."

Led by the Sarawak National Party (Snap), the opposition charges that the Malays—who make up less than 20 per cent of Sarawak's population—hold most key government posts. When a local Malay isn't available to fill a sensitive government assignment, Snap leaders say, the Chief Minister simply brings in one from West Malaysia.

Many Ibans and Chinese also contend that Rahman Yaakub is moving too far, too fast in trying to encourage the adoption of the Malay language and the Muslim religion. Although Muslims account for only a small percentage of the population, a gleaming new state mosque dominates the skyline of Sarawak's capital of Kuching, and while Rahman Yaakub discourages other religious gatherings, he throws government support behind elaborate Muslim celebrations. Only last month, the Chief Minister was the featured speaker at a rally for 5,000 in Kuching to commemorate the Prophet Muhammad's birthday.

Racial grievances have simmered in Sarawak for some time, but late last year the government added a new and potentially explosive dimension to the dispute by Arresting Snap's deputy leader and chief financial backer, Datuk James Wong. According to the catalog of charges against him, Wong, a multimillionaire timber tycoon, among other things conspired with neighboring Brunei to support its claim to Sarawak's resource-rich Limbang Province. After weeks of detention, the high court released Wong on a writ of habeas corpus. But as he was leaving the courtroom, he was rearrested, this time under the sweeping and judicially all but unassailable provisions of the Internal Security Act.

Snap leaders and many other Sarawakians flatly deny that the respected Wong is a security risk, and they charge that the government's action was Rahman Yaakub's way of punishing Snap for its impressive election showing. "It was politics and jealousy pure and simple," says one Rahman Yaakub critic.

For his part, the Chief Minister has tried to minimize his involvement in the Wong affair and refuses to discuss the specific charges. "I have no reason to doubt that the federal government took the right action," he told me. And he denies that there was any political motivation behind Wong's arrest. "We knew when the elections were coming," he says. "If the aim was political, what's the use of locking him up after the election?" As for the charges of discrimination, Rahman Yaakub is unyielding. He says there are simply not enough qualified natives to handle important government jobs. "You produce the qualified bodies," he declares, "and I'll correct the imbalances immediately."

Coup: Again and again in his talks with skeptics, he contends that he is only doing what he thinks is best for Sarawak—and he points out that his background as a federal Cabinet officer, his close association with Tun Razak and his use of West Malaysian advisers have all helped him get favorable treatment from Kuala Lumpur. In the long run, that may well be Rahman Yaakub's strong suit. Parts of his state are barely out of the stone age, and millions of dollars in development funds will be needed merely to establish road, power and communications links. Just recently, Rahman Yaakub scored what even some of his critics considered a coup by winning an agreement from the federal government to let Sarawak keep 50 per cent-plus of its offshore oil revenues."

The critics argue, of course, that all the federal money in the world isn't important if it benefits only a small portion of the population, and Snap has vowed to keep hammering at that issue. How far they can go is still a question mark. Opposition leaders point out that in recent months there has been a large buildup of West Malaysian troops in Sarawak—with most arriving after the state's tiny Communist insurgent movement collapsed eighteen months ago. And citing the James Wong case as precedent, they wonder aloud who among their number will be next. "The political tide is running our way," says one Snap leader. "But I don't know that we will see another election. There just seems to be no more room for 50-50."

—Asian Regional Editor Richard M. Smith