Salient. Victoria University Student Newspaper. Volume. 34, Number 4. 1971
How I Won the War
How I Won the War
Two and a half Hiroshimas a week and they sit there talking. Two full days of it. Not the longest I've attended recently. Three weeks ago the Australians held their Australian Anti-War Conference. They had five full days and nights of talk talk talk. 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. 7.30 p.m. to 10.30p.m. Sometimes later. 25 cent sandwiches in the foyer if you needed to stoke up.
In Wellington:
"Doesn't matter where we sit, does it?"
"No, as long as it's closer to the teapot at tea-time. I need mi tea yi know. I never have any breakfast."
"I don't know what's wrong with me, I'm always tired."
"You'll have to take some vitamins then."
"Oh I always take vitamins, I just get so tired all the time. Operating on nervous energy, trying to concentrate on different people... very tiring."
"That young Japanese girl was good wasn't she, she wouldn't make you tired."
"Japanese? She spoke like an American."
"She was good. She's a human being."
"I don't know, Japanese or American."
"American girl with Japanese origins I'd say."
"A human being. That's what she is. It doesn't matter to me, she's a human being."
Talk, talk, Sunday morning of the Anti-War Conference. Only 70 people there at the beginning, the others recovering.
"Good morning Eric. A nice morning Eric."
"I like my orange juice in the morning."
Fat and blowsy and blue rinse tinted just like any Women's Division of Federated Farmers' Meeting. Or a National Party Conference. But the subjects are different.
"Advance is way out on its own. The Peace Council's doing a really find job. Mr. Slingsby's a tower of strength. You don't have to read between the lines; it's so clear. They only publish once every two months, so you could get through."
"Whaddya mean? I read until 1 a.m. every morning!"
The Wellington anti-war conference, had been going all day Saturday. A much bigger gathering than had been expected. Nearly 600 registrations for a "working" conference. But not much "working", mostly talking. Talking at the delegates.
Firstly Michael Uhl, an American from New York, Veterans' anti-war organiser. At the Sydney conference he'd been a bit weak and overshadowed by speakers like Professor Philippe Devillers of the Sorbonne. His 1½ hour speech was long and some had gone to sleep. Now in Wellington three weeks and fifty speeches later he'd tightened it up and given it some zam. Forty tight minutes.
"My Lai was a crisis of conscience for nearly three million veterans who had fought in Vietnam... soldiers are subject to discipline born of intense fear".
In his Coldwater Surf clean Nehru type white jacket and droopy moustache he didn't look like a former officer in counter-intelligence. He was the Saturday star, grabbed much of the publicity. Quite rightly, for he had a lot to say.
New Zealand newspapers and media have a queer attitude to visiting overseas speakers. Press statements, articles, interviews. Uhl went through the lot. Gallery Thursday night, press reports of his speeches, Point of View on Sunday night.
If it hadn't been for him the National Anti-War page break Conference would hardly have made any impact at all. So if you want to grab the news, just import a speaker. Just imagine the publicity baby doctor Ben Spock'll get when he arrives for a week in June!
Uhl and the other speakers have behind them a backdrop, of sorts. Purples and oranges. But doves! Doves 'might've been suitable in 1965 or 1966 or 1968. But in 1971? Hardly, Barry, it might've been the only thing you could think of, but we've developed a bit politically since doves were the style. But perhaps not? Wooly liberals are woolly liberals, and there were a lot of woolly liberals at the anti-war conference. I suppose they're necessary if you're to have a mass Moratorium or Mobilisation. In America and Australia the Moratorium Movement has been taken over by liberals. When the Moratorium Day passes, so does the organisation. The activists are subverted into working for party political candidates "you can accomplish more this way." And they never do. They all sell out like liberal Senator McCarthy.
The Workshops on Saturday afternoon were delayed because Patti Iyama spoke for 40 minutes instead of 10. Japanese-American, ex-Berkely activist, involved now in Mexican-black-Japanese movements. One of the most articulate speakers I've ever heard, she completely charmed her audience, especially the blue rinses.
The Demonstrations and Media Workshop groups were the most popular, but they - like most other groups - came up with issues and decisions which'd been covered many times before. The groups which could've come up with something new - in women's and High School groups for instance - didn't have enough time. Time was taken up with finding common ground-
"Most Liberal Studies teachers are reactionary".
"You need a small group in each school to do the organising. You need teacher support only to keep other teachers off students' backs. First find a teacher."
"Don't talk rubbish. It's typical of teachers that they'll stand up and talk about ideas, even support them. But when it comes to action, they're crapouts!"
"I wouldn't trust any teacher....teachers are a complete sop - rather like the Saigon government." _
"Students don't know anything about Vietnam. We've got to inform them."
"I think I'll go home. This is useless, it's not getting anywhere", said a fat girl and went.
The university students were just as bad. The factions came out and fought as they'd done at the Radical Activists' Conference.
Michael Law of NZUSA uttered calls to action like "what we need in each university is an office and two telephones. No! Three telephones."
Charles Draper of NZUSA "Well, we want all kinds of liaison, you know, with all sorts of groups, like the RSA and Federated Farmers."
And all the time the conference trundled along. Bob Phelps tried valiantly to hold things together but behind the scenes things were chaotic. Things got organised in spite of the organisation.
And so to the final preliminary session, when everything was meant to happen. When the delegates at last were to have a chance to express their views. And not be laboured by speakers. Like on Saturday, with Professor Keith Sinclair. Suave, witty and irrelevant as ever. Or Barry Mitcalfe, talking in ponderous tones (off the top of his head as he later admitted) on the need for action.
But Sunday afternoon was it. The time when everyone could jump up and down and disagree.
"We need a blueprint for demonstrations. We had one three years ago when I was Chariman of the COV. There was a great deal of intellectual effort that went into it. And it should be referred to." (David Carrad)
"I refuse to go to anything where people tell me what banner I'll be carrying." (Michael Law)
"We've got to turn this imperialist war into a civil war." (Deveraux)
"Mr. Chairman, is this meeting being tape recorded? If so, I'd like to suggest that transcriptions be taken to Vietnam and be played to every dying Vietnamese just before he dies.'
Bang!
Bang!
The Yippie elements from the balcony shoot men cap pistols and antagonise the avidly political members of the working class below. I wonder if they'd have the guts to confront the political and judicial establishment as easily as they confront the left establishment? (Is there a difference? Ed)
"The great thing about this conference is the unity... no-one is compelled to do anything, they can do their own thing." (A.C. Barrington of the Riverside Community)
So Buddha comes to direct the conference. White thatch of hair, sombre face, saffron shirt "I'm here essentially as an individual.... the Labour Party has never waivered I'm sorry, I was momentarily distracted." Phil Amos of the old NZLP has a major role - big daddy damper for the meeting. As soon as he comes and starts exerting chairmanly procedure, the meeting dwindles. The April 30 Mobilisation is given formal approval, a National Liaison Committee is established, and an Anti-War Media project started. A proliferation of organisations perhaps, but a framework which might be successful in its anti-war aims.
At the first meeting of the Anti-War Media Project Barry Metcalfe, in his own inimitable fashion, took control. He had a structure all worked out, a Chairman Secretary. Treasurer convenors sub" committees all laid out on a little piece of paper and he was going to do this, you were expected to do that. It came to nothing. Unfortunately for Barry. There are many in the anti-war movement who don't want to be stampeded. I suppose at the next meeting or the one after that we'll find the organisation fully set-up and structured anyway despite our pleas to cool and talk of ideas first. Another Metcalf organisation which may function for a while and then collapse in disarray as the Committee on Vietnam did after the initial glow of Barry Metcalfe's chairmanship. But let's hope he's learned.
The first meeting of the National Liaison Committee on Tuesday 16th March was much the same. Forty people sitting around the Music Room at Victoria, sort of edgy on the corners of their seats. Colonel John Fyson moves forward and takes a front position. "I think we better get started, is there anyone to be chairman." As he's already at the front seat the question's a bit irrelevant and so Con Devitt moves formally that Colonel Fyson be chairman. Hurried consultations between Colonel John and son George.
"Now, what about a Secretary? George has this Agenda all ready." And so George is duly elected Minutes Secretary and the prepared Agenda is read out. Brother Hugh and wife Kay listen dutifully and prepare their campaign.
The meeting had representatives from the Women's Liberation Front, Socialist Action (of course!), the Christchurch Mobilisation Committee (the boy from Socialist Action), the Polytechnic students, the Wellington Trades Council, NZUSA and the Committee on Vietnam. The meeting decided that, more organisations were essential for a successful mobilisation.
Sub committees were suggested and appointments made with great abandon, and the only real wrangling developed over who was to be secretary of this new organisation and whose Post Office Box was to be used. You see, whoever controls the Box wields the power. He collects the mail, disburses it, perhaps loses some of it, knows how much money's coming in. A matter of great importance to our friends in SA, and they fought valiantly to get the COV's Box 534 as the Box for the National Liaison Committee. They failed, despite many attempts.
Failed mainly because NZUSA Education Officer Lindsay Wright was appointed Secretary. It'd all been taken for granted, you see, that Brother George would be appointed full-time organiser/secretary. Even though a multiplicity of sub committees had been established to do posters, leaflets, organising, mailing and so on. In the words of SA man Russell Johnson "You need a full-time organiser to do the thinking and political work, he has to make the decisions." Lindsay Wright argued that initially all that was needed was a typist. The SA men got a bit upset when Wright was about to be appointed by the meeting. "George has a lot of time, and you'd only have to pay him abort the same amount as you would a typist. If you don't appoint George he'll have to go out and get a job, and he won't have any time to help with the Mobilisation."
In the end Lindsay Wright was appointed First Secretary of the Mobilisation and George was appointed to help him in his secretarial duties. Unpaid, even though there were mutterings "well fix the financial arrangements George don't worry."
Thus was the meeting united and everybody seethed with excitement as they discussed their jobs. Mailing lists and sponsors. Posters and Stickers. The Buttons that'd already been printed and were being sold by the SA, sorry COV. (These slips do happen when the personnel's the same.)
The argument is that if a successful mobilisation's going to be mounted, a broad mass movement's essential. The Fyson view is that a centralised bureaucracy is most effective. It may be for decision making, but not for effective mass action. If 20,000 people are to be out on the streets on April 30, May 30 and June 30, a broad movement has to grow. It might be liberal, it mightn't accomplish much initially. But at least it will make people aware that thousands still care what's going in Indochina; that our government maintains its war-crimes policies. Two and a half Hiroshimas a week...Pacification is genocide - America's final solution.
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