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Those Celebrated Educated . . .

Executive Leading from Behind

By G. R. Hawke, Political Correspondent.

New Zealand students are ol little importance m publie politics. In marked contrast to those of such countries as Persia, British Guiana and India, the participation of N.Z. students in politics is limited to the activities of a few scattered groups who ask questions, more or less embarrassing, of candidates, more or less incompetent, during an election campaign and who succeed in little else than annoying those who attended the meeting to hear the gospel preached and who dis-like all criticism of the sacred words. That is, they succeed in annoying almost the whole audience.

Within the university there is more political discussion, both organised by avowedly political clubs or such institutions as the student newspaper, and unorganised, over coffee in the caf, but this discussion is rarely taken outside the university into national political discussions and debates. Partly this is because N.Z. politics do not have the urgency of those of some other countries, partly it is because of the "extreme" nature of the views held by those most involved in university political discussions—the most active group at Vic in 1963 was certainly the Anarchist Association, but this confinement to the University is also partly due to the timid attitude adopted towards anything political by the Student Association Executive—"wee timorous cowardly beasties".

The N.Z. political institutions are usually glibly described as being Those of a "democracy," and when pressed (hard) the politicians usually "define" this "democracy" as 'rule by the people" or with more apparent regard to reality, as "rule by the representatives of the people, freely elected" or some such phrase.

It is not difficult to see how inaccurate such a description is. Members of the N.Z. Parliament owe first loyalty not to the constituents of the particular electorate for which they happen to be member but to the political party which was responsible for their nomination.

On some issues the party graciously decides to allow its members a "free vote," but even on these (rare) occasions it is difficult to see in what sense the member "represents" his constituents. When Mr MacIntyre decided to part from most of his party colleagues and oppose capital punishment, in what sense did he "represent" the people of Hastings. Could he even be sure that he was voting in the same manner as the majority of electors in Hastings would have done if forced to decide on the issue?

Neither are M.P.'s the delegates of their constituents to a central forum. For M.P.'s, on such issues as the desirability of joining the I.M.F., have no basis for any claim to their constituents' confidence. And constituents have no way of recalling the M.P. if it is considered that he is opposed to the feeling of the constituency on any particular issue. They can only periodically revise the choice between the parties.

The classical definition of democracy, then, does not fit the current N.Z. scene. And rather than suggest that N.Z. be divided into selicontained city states in which such a definition might have a chance of practical realisation it is preferable to find some definition that will fit the N.Z. case-

Schumpeter (Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, p. 269) suggests the following definition: "The democratic method is that institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the people's vote." This is not fully adequate, since the individuals who have most power to decide have to compete not only for "the people's vote" but for the votes of those selected by party machines for a political role whenever the leadership of a party becomes vacant.

The place of certain features of N.Z. political life becomes apparent. Sectional interests, such as the Trade Unions, including Federated Farmers, have to convince at least one of the political parties of the justness of its claim—"justness" in terms of the feelings and inclinations of that party. Propaganda directly among the public may assist in convincing a party that it would be politic to follow such a sectional demand and this is the primary aim of such propaganda Political parties, themselves, which have no place in the classical definition of "democracy" are seer as the organs by which that min ority or citizens interested in wielding political power, organise themselves towards this end.

Further, it is seen that democracy is a self-perpetuating process. The composition of "the people" is decided by those who wield the power obtained by the vote of those who previously composed "the people." It is also seen that "democracy" as defined has little to do with any of the classical "freedoms" except the freedom to decide periodically who should wield political power.

This institutional arrangement requires sectional interests to be organised and able to place its claims before arbitrating bodies such as the Government, special tribunals—Court of Arbitration, etc., and the general public.

The students of VUW constitute a sectional group within the community. It is less specific in its aims than such bodies as the Trade Unions and the Racing Conference, but students are, or should be, people who hope to make some contribution to knowledge of human society and its environment. Consequently students should frequently have comments, criticisms, and suggestions to make on matters of public interest. Suggestions on specific matters may arise primarily from sub-groups within the student body (scientists are more likely to be concerned with New Zealand's role in Antarctica than are sociology students) but this does not disqualify other students from discussing such suggestions. But the comments that do arise in the student body should be made public through the formal administrative machinery of the Students' Association. That is, the Stud. Ass. Exec, should collect and discuss, and perhaps even originate, opinions on all matters of public interest. And it should be prepared to make public statements on these matters.

This is a function of Exec, because it is so placed as to lead the student body as a whole. The model of "democracy" outlined above broadly applies to the organisation of the Students' Association. The major difference is the relative absence of political parties—"relative" because it could be argued that student politics are largely run on one-party lines with the intervention of a few "interlopers." Each executive attempts to select its successor with the assistance of those members of the Establishment who have passed on to N.Z.U.S.A. Sometimes it is unsuccessful, as it was in promoting Perham against Blizard for the presidency last year; more often it is successful as in the so legal campaign to choose its own treasurer—also last year.

It may also be somewhat euphemistic to speak of a "competitive struggle" regarding elections foisonne executive positions. But ii there are few people interested in gaining executive status the competitiveness of the struggle is merely decreased. The status of the Exec, is not thereby affected.

The role of the Executive should he to lead the Students' Association in all matters, not only on those which are somehow deemed to affect student. It should be heard not only on the question of accommodation for Cook Island students in New Zealand but on the question of accommodation for all Cook Islanders in New Zealand.

But recent Vic Execs have declined any such role on the grounds that the Executive is not "representative" of students generally. It has also been possible for some past Exec, members to claim that an Executive is more "representative" of students than a General Meeting of the Association. But to anybody who has attended some recent Exec, meetings such confusion would not surprise even if both claims had been made by the same person in consecutive sentences.

It is true that Executive does not "represent" students in the sense that the aggregate of views on any topic held by its members does not exhaust the set of views on that topic held among all students separately. But this applies not only to matters of community interest but also to "University matters" such as the Halls of Residence issue. More importantly, the lack of any "representational" quality is irrelevant exactly as it is in the dominant party of Parliament. Executives should lead and not present the "representative" argument as a reason for reticence.

The views of students should be expressed as they are at the annual N.Z.U.S.A. Congress. There, students present views on such matters as nuclear testing, the recognition of Communist China, the incidence of advertising in the community and the desirability of a reorganisation of industry. Statements on such matters as these, should at appropriate times, be made by the Vic. Executive.

An Exec. that does adopt such a role will meet criticism. The position that Exec, adopts will have its critics and if the Exec.—or rather the majority of Exec.—is unable to convince its critics of the proprietry of its stand, it may have difficulties. But Exec, will be doing its job and not hiding behind a curtain of "representativeness." The Executive is not likely to rouse the passions of sufficient students sufficiently often to meet with no-confidence votes at S.G. M's on anything but rare occasions and there should be no objections on the grounds of "administrative stability."

If the Exec. will not adopt the role described, some part of the breach may be filled by clubs or ad hoc committees. Affiliated bodies are permitted by section 8 (3) of the constitution to make "free expression of opinion" on "any issue of public interest" and there is certainly nothing to prevent ad hoc bodies such as the Students' Council Against Racial Discrimination from expressing its opinions in public. That is, other bodies may lake over this function of the Executive and leave it to muddle around with such day-today issues as the propriety of the Weir House "entry" to the Freshers' Welcome. That it finds so absorbing. These matters must be attended to and professional committeemen are probably well qualified to do this.

Exec. can speak with greater authority than any other student organisation and should be preferred. But even If Exec, did adopt the role outlined there is the possibility of discordant voices being heard by the public from among the student body. This should not be regarded as a horrifying evil, nor even as a cost of the greater participation in political affairs. Provided that any group does not usurp greater authority than it has, the public expression of its views should be welcomed. The Students' Association is not a monolith, some members even dislike the idea of Hails of Residence as apparently envisaged and the people elected to lead the Association should lead it.

In this way students would be less insignificant in the political field.