Salient. The Newspaper of Victoria University College. Vol. 19, No. 7. June 16, 1955
Opinions Politic . .
Opinions Politic . . .
The Yalta Papers
Sir Winston Churchill, his initial alarm dissipated, is now crowing with satisfaction at the Yalta record made public by Mr. Foster Dulles. "We seem to have come out of it very well," he boasted in the House of Commons, to the accompaniment of sycophantic cheers from his adulators. How well had he in fact come out of it? It is true that he resisted the infamous proposal to murder 50,000 German officers—no British leader could have done other. It is also true that at that time he stood by the British empire. But what of the crusade for which we were supposed to have entered the war? What of the Poles? The Poles were about to be betrayed. Churchill, professedly, was against their betrayal. Did he care? Are the Poles today a free and happy nation? If they are not, how can he claim to have emerged with credit from Yalta?
Even Churchill's "sympathetic" attitude towards Poland did not appear to be beyond reproach. The American record declares him to have told the conference that he would have to be able to say in Parliament that the Polish elections would be held in a fair way, but that he did not care much about the Poles himself. The precise facts are perhaps not very important. What is important is that Churchill, although dragged protestingly and impotent at the tail of the Roosevelt-Stalin chariot, really thinks that he "came out of it very well." Impotence itself now means a garland for Sir Winston, and the dead are left to bury the dead.
The New Imperialists
The Russo-Chinese Empire
And the Dollar empire too
Seem struggling for World Power
Over me and over you
Let's watch them from the ringside
Since every wise man knows
That he who parts a quarter
Receives the hardest blows.
Communism's Two-pronged Attack
"Can this Red Wreck The British Empire?" is the heading of a Saturday Evening Post article about Rajani Palme Dutt, vice-chairman of the Communist Party of Great Britain and its real leader. The short answer is of course "no." What chance would this King Street functionary have against the much more important people engaged in the same talk, people who may or may not have Communist affiliations or sympathies?
That he knows that his job is being most efficiently done for him would seem to be implicit in Dutt's complacent remark to the Post's correspondent: "Within the life span of this generation we will have won the struggle all along the world's colonial front. Look at what has already happened since the Russian revolution of 1917." It is true that much has happened since that time, as it is also true that Marx. Engels. Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin all perceived the necessity, in the assault upon Western civilisation, to destroy Europe at its centre by destroying it upon the periphery of its colonial power.
But it so happens that the formidable gains achieved cannot be credited to the formal Communism of Moscow and King Street. To take one small but very clear example: Britain was robbed of the Persian oil industry, not by the Tudeh' Party, but by the World Bank and the U.S. State Department in sinister conjunction.
Attack From The East
Then there is the attack which comes from the East. Mr. Nehru, in his own right a prodigious empiremaker, denies that he is a Communist. But what matters is that he has done infinitely more than an army of Palme Dutts could do to fulfill the prediction, "within the life span of this generation we will have won the struggle all along the world's colonial front." Does Mr. Nehru know that he is doing work which the Communists require to be done? Here is a curious fact. Moscow chose to pay the Indian Prime Minister a glowing tribute on the eve of the elections in Andhra, where his Congress Party was engaged in a fierce battle with the Communists, and in so doing ensured a Congress victory. Why did it do that? Because Nehru is so very much more important to the Kremlin than is any counterpart in Andhra of Rajani Palme Dutt.
"Formosa est merribus aestas"
Alas! will no heroic race
Arise in brother Perseus' place
And leave destruction and the grave
And common-sense and try to save
The marginal utilities
Of Freedom and Formosa's face
And break the silence of the seas
Beyond the last Pescadores.