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Salient. An Organ of Student Opinion at Victoria College, Wellington, N.Z. Vol. 14, No. 10. August 9, 1951

The House and the Anarchist

The House and the Anarchist

After the first barrage was over there arose from the floor of the House an eloquent and fiery regiment of speakers anxious to air their views, ventilate their prejudices and generally ride their hobby horses for the edification of all. It is impossible to record the whole lot accurately and a certain amount of injustice is bound to be done to all of them.

Mr. Clayton supported the negative case. He stressed strongly that the question was whether the Government had the confidence of the people of New Zealand, not necessarily this house. The average person does not worry about the ethics or morality of the Emergency Regs., they simply view it all from the point of view of how it affects them personally. Rightly or wrongly they think Holland's handling of the strike was good and they will vote for him.

Dave Walsh was not quite up to his best form but firmly announced his conviction that all government was bad. "I follow Mr. Sorel in believing that the worst thing about any government is that it governs!"

I thought I noticed an ominous glint in Dave's eye when he remarked "If Mr. Holland thinks that violence is come to an end in New Zealand he is very [unclear: much]

Bill McLeod pointed out that it was strange that if the people supported the Government there were such tremendous rallies at public meetings hold by the deregistered watersiders. The foreign policy of the present Government ran counter to the people's desire for an enduring peace.

Jerry Warner pointed out that it was not a question of the Government losing the confidence of the people: in his view it had never had it. From conversations about the town it was clear that there was a growing antagonism toward the present office-holders.

Mr. Sullivan declared that there was a logical flaw in Mr. Curtin's argument for, if the Nationalists had the confidence of the people, why were they going to the polls long before an election was normally due? The watersiders had challenged them to go to the people on the industrial issues because they claimed the Government had forfeited the confidence of the nation. In effect they had admitted the truth of this charge.

Mr. Cunllnane supported the negative view. "No one leader, from Stalin to Lady Godiva could stop the rise in the cost of living."

Mr. Bryce Harland supported the affirmative case; he pointed out that Holland's might is right theory had dangerous precedents in other countries at other times. The emergency regulations were a grave attack on personal liberties.

Mr. Erie Robinson approached the question with his own philosophical method. Philosophical is hardly the right word, perhaps "world view" is fairer. Erie saw the ideal society as a community of friends with the right of all to speak their mind at any time. The greatest good of the greatest number could not be denied as the best basic assumption of such a 6tate. How did the realities of Aotearoa stack up against this ideal. The police state regulations and suppression of contrary opinion could only engender hatred and enmity.

Mr. Jansen spoke for the negative. He believed that the creation of a wool board by the present Government was an excellent thing because it meant that no longer could American buyers and buyers of other large concerns overseas determine the price level in their own interest. This was desirable because it restored true competition.

Pip Piper vigorously attacked the present Government's education policy. He pointed out that there was a grave shortage of teachers and the situation was certain to get worse if the present Government continued in office. Not one new school, not already started in the Labour regime, had been opened and there was going to be more and more children demanding classrooms and teachers. Poor salaries and abominable working conditions were driving teachers away from their vocations.

Maurice O'Brien ranged over points made by many other speakers and contested them on factual grounds. He supported, of course, the negative. He denied Conrad's contention with respect to the education grant; "it had been larger than ever." He denied that a tough policy toward militant unions drove them into the arms of the Communists and instanced the Auckland Carpenters as an example.

T. Beaglehole, although disapproving of many actions of the present Government, particularly the Emergency Regulations and the refusal of the Auckland Town Hall to the Leader of the Opposition, was convinced that the people of New Zealand supported the present Government.

Jim Milburn, sartorially exquisite as ever, mightily orated the meeting with a Machiavellian power analysis. Cynics have accused Jim of facing both ways and sitting on the fence in the past, and I am sure that Jim would have done nothing to make them alter that opinion last Friday evening. He shrewdly pointed out that by capturing the Labour Party's "hunt the Reds" programme and extending it, the National Party had left their opponents with precious little of a policy at all. The constant Press thundering on patriotism and the foreign menace would ensure success for the present office holders. There was nothing like flag-wagging to win an election.

Hector MacNeill emphasised that the farming and meat interests in New Zealand had been greatly hurt by Tory subservience to overseas capital and quoted the views of Ormond of the Meat Board and Scott-Davidson of the Farmers Federation to support this contention.