Mr. Scott, who has recently returned from the States, made a pretty impartial study of the press of that country: those who know him realise his qualifications to speak on the subject.

The whole set-up of the American Press, in such a huge country, is naturally most complicated. But it was possible to get a general picture of the situation. The Press is, in America as everywhere else, an industry—there, it is one of the major industries, depending for its profits first on advertisements, and second on sales. This is even truer in America than in England or New Zealand. It is the great champion of the American Way of Life (always discussed there in capitals) and of Free Enterprise. Of the latter, Mr. Scott said that it was almost one of the indiscussable things—too sacred, to question. Thus a powerful Press upholding these things moulded American sentiment and attitudes. If the Press anywhere claims that it is a public servant, then it must do certain things. It must report truthfully; it must give the correct amount of emphasis, giving more space to important issues than to trivial ones; it must allow all sides of the argument to be printed; and it must allow all sections of society to represent their opinions accurately to all others.

Truth?

The "New York Times" during the United Nations session in Paris last year, gave verbatim reports of the whole addresses given by the Russian, American, British and other delegates. Such complete reports were not—and could not—be questioned. It also gave the full text of all the notes exchanged over the Berlin issue. This paper, of course, is very big, having up to 80 or 100 pages every issue. It printed articles in detail on everything from architecture to polls, and unlike almost every other paper in America, it carried no "funnies" (an inaccurate word, he thought).

But what is the fate of this paper? Its renders are confined to the better educated middle class in and around the city; the others—the great majority—read the "News," "Mirror," "Journal American," or the "World Telegram."

The "enormous distraction" provided by these papers is not realised. Everything is given in brief, nothing is fully treated, "except the latest sensation, and there is one every edition." The reporting of court news is almost indistinguishable from the short stories in the sensational magazines; it was so lurid that all night queues to attend the latest murder trial are nothing unusual! And there must be 10 who read these papers for every one who reads papers like the "New York Times." "Crime, scandal, and oddities" crowd out the giving of important news.

Slant?

The emphasis all the way is on the sensational. There is much more discussion in the better papers than in New Zealand, though the letters are relatively few; there are, of course, many more papers and thus a greater number of channels for expression. But in the news, the achievements of America are stressed—"Lindbergh the first to fly the Atlantic" said one paper. And, of course, it is taken for granted in the papers read by most, that American know-how was solely responsible for the atomic bomb. An instance was a story in "This Week" read by 7,000,000 at least, called "Only in America," which told how a European war bride in America feared for her husband's life because she knew that he had voted for the party which had not won in an election. He, of course, laughs at this. This, the story pointed out proudly, could happen "only in America." So could this kind of story. And while the papers print this, they neglect unpleasant facts in their own society. When the National Commission investigating Negro segregation in Washington published its startling report, the popular papers gave it little notice, and it passed out of hearing smartly. This sort of sliding over unpleasant facts is made easier by the distraction which fills most of their Press.

The Fourth Estate

Are the papers open for anyone to speak? Can anyone get into the newspaper world? Certainly—if there is enough money behind him. The number of papers in America has been steadily decreasing; there are less papers for more people, and it is becoming increasingly costlier to start one. Large companies control the Press, radio and film—often tied companies.

Advertisements

"The advertisement is the greatest single educative force in America," said Mr. Scott, They are aimed at the women who dominate the whole social life and structure; the main return for the paper is made on advertising, and it dictates the tone of almost all papers. Of the magazines, anyway, it could be said that the stories which they printed were nothing more than advertisements for the advertisements. What one should wear, eat, sleep in drive in, think about, shave with, are all taught by advertisements,

Funny—Peculiar?

The "funnies" have an immense circulation, from Truman down, Their influence extends through all ages, over the 100,000,000 or so people who read them. And what is their attitude?

It is convincing evidence of the low standard of education in America to see these comics. They provide, in fact, "phantasies for the psychologically and emotionally frustrated." They echo the current attitude which makes fun of the father and cxtolls mother; they show violence, poke ridicule at anything in the slightest "highbrow." "They give unaffectedly the standards and attitudes of the lowbrow." Their language is "incredible." An example which was read out convinced anyone who might have had doubts.

Force

America is educated through its papers, magazines, advertisements. And these are all "aggressively lowbrow," emphasising sensation, neglecting the many sores of their own society, providing an immense distraction. Not a happy picture! The best of the papers have little effect and the worst, like the "Chicago Sun-Times," which Mr. Scott thought just about the lowest he had met, are read by millions. Though there is no direct centralised ownership, the spread of syndicated columns providing attitudes ready made effect a standardised sentiment on The American Way of Life which deals shortly with criticism.