A Lesson to Learn

We are told by out rulers in England that the war in Spain is a struggle between Fascism and Communism: that out role as English democrat, can only be to look on at it in self-satisfied abhorrence. We are asked to look at it as if it were some dreadful natural catastrophe which has fallen on the Spanish people became of their temperament, "the cruel streak in their nature." "And anyhow." we are told, "civil war is always the most brutal war." The tale is wearing thin. An open invasion of Spain by European power does not constitute a civil war. The butchery and savagery of the bombing of the peaceful historic town of Guernica by the German Air Force. The capture of Santander by detachments of the regular Italian Army, the free use of Moorish troops by Franco as the nearest approach to genuine Spaniards he can find to do his work for him. Leave little mom for belief that the Cruelties of the Spanish war are due primarily to the Spanish temperament. On the contrary, the Spanish war contains for us, in New Zealand especially, a lesson which we will fail to learn at our peril. The view that it is a struggle between Fascism nnd Communism in which the British people are not interested can only be maintained by a firm refusal to recognise the actual facts of what has happened in Spain.

Civil war broke out on 19th July, 1936, as no one can deny, but as no "impartial" British paper such as "The Times" will admit if they can help it, because the legally elected, constitutional liberal Government of Spain was moving, timidly and with hesitance, towards some long-overdue curtailment of the property rights of the Spanish landlords, army officers, richer clergy, and owning class in general. When the generals of the Spanish army led their men into the streets of six of the largest cities in Spain, they began in attempt to overthrow the legal Government then in power and establish a Fascist dictatorship; to drive Spain back to the Middle Ages with the help of tanks, bombs, and the radio. And what was the reason? The reason was that the existing social and economic order was challenged by a Government elected by popular vote. The choice before the owning class in Spain was the choice between acquiescence in the popular will, and armed revolt. "They did not hesitate for one minute. The very idea of allowing the constitutional Spanish Government to proceed with the redistribution of land, the establishment of popular, secular education, and other elementary reforms, did not enter their heads.

This is the basis of the Spanish struggle. That struggle is being waged upon the issue of whether a people has the right to modify by popular vote the existing economic system. It is being waged to decide whether the people of a country are free to decide upon the economic and social system of their own country. It is being waged, in a word to decide whether democracy such as you and I live in, is an illusion or a reality. Can we decide by means of the ballot-box how our country shall be governed? Or are we, like the Spanish people, only allowed to hold the semblance of self-government so long as we do not infringe upon the privileges of wealth? The answer to that question is a lesson which we in New Zealand must learn from Spain.

Communists have for years asserted of course that once the property of "the Capitalists" was put in danger, those capitalists would have not the slightest regard for law and order, democratic principles, or Bills of Rights. That assertion has been universally denounced as a vile slander. We, the people, have been told in reply, that Britain is now a "real democracy"; that the universal franchise for all people over 21 makes it possible to amend all the evils of capitalism as soon as a parliamentary majority has been won.

But what is the position to-day? To-day, when mildly democratic opinion in Britain evokes the principles of legality, democracy, and constitutionalism on behalf of the Spanish Government, when liberals ask that the elementary usages of international law should be applied lo that Government, they are blandly told that it it no concern of the British Government's; that since fundamental property rights are at stake in Spain, such thinks as legality and democracy have become side issues. No doubt the Communists reply: "Very well, gentlemen, that is precisely as we said it would be. But never again talk to us about the power of the ballot-box, nor blame us when we warn the British people that you will be loyal to democracy so long as they, do not interfere with you, property, and not for one moment longer!"

This state of affairs it unfortunate, but can we gainsay its validity? Has it no significance for New Zealand to-day?

Thr Government of New Zealand today is a Labour Government, legally elected, pledged to carry out an overdue programme of reform in health, education, and social services. The Spanish Government attacked by Franco was very little different. Attempts have been made to organise semi-fascist bodies in New Zealand—the "Defence League," "Freedom League," and so forth. Spain had its "Falange Espanola" and "Catholic Action" party. The Opposition to-day, consisting of 20 members out of 80, styles itself "The Nationalist Party," is addicted to garden parties, and entertainments at the homes of the owning class. The press talks the language of reaction and grows increasingly truculent. I have before me as I write, a sub-leader, from a Wellington daily which bears the boldly-lettered lie "Our Socialist Dictators," referring of course to the Labour Government.

In Spain, wealthy landowners refused to cultivate their land under the Liberal Government and discharged their agricultural workers. Manufacturers in New Zealand are discharging workers and beginning to refuse to run their business. The point is this. Our Government's programme must sooner or later challenge the property rights of a minority, as did the Spanish Liberal Government.

Then, oh watchman, what of the night?

Does this mean that no progress is possible without the appalling ordeal of civil war? On the contrary, the lesson surely is that civil war can be avoided but that it can only be avoided if the popular forces as a whole, and their leaders in particular, have shed every illusion that the owning class will "acquiesce" in the acts of a legally elected progressive Government. For once that illusion has been shed, then it is perfectly possible for such a Government to make it impossible for the forces of reaction to plunge their country into civil war "in order to save it from Bolshevism."

That, it seems to me, is the lesson we in New Zealand should learn—nay more, [unclear: m] learn—from Spain.

—A.H.S.