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Samoa Under the Sailing Gods

Chapter xx — The "Lying Prophet" Arrives

page 220

Chapter xx
The "Lying Prophet" Arrives

I

In February 1926, Mr. Nelson went to Australia, and remained there until August of that year.

In a letter written by the Hon. George Westbrook, a member of the Legislative Council, to the Samoa Times in the interim, replying to someone who had dubbed him, as a consequence of his anti-Administration letter-writing, Jeremiah, I find the Hon. George remarking with not a little significance that Jeremiah had foretold the downfall of Israel. Something apparently was in the wind.

Having proceeded in August to New Zealand, on September 1st, Mr. Nelson interviewed the Prime Minister, the Minister for External Affairs, and Sir Maui Pomare, the Minister for the Cook Islands.

"I related [writes Mr. Nelson] in detail the conditions existing in Samoa, and received a very sympathetic hearing from the three Cabinet Ministers, more particularly from the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister requested the Minister of External Affairs to proceed to Samoa to investigate the matter by first opportunity. Mr. Nosworthy stated that he would only be able to leave by the following steamer in October. The Prime Minister also referred to the Administrator, General Richardson, as once his superior military officer, in words which were not complimentary to him in that capacity."

On his return to Apia, Mr. Nelson was accorded a public reception, at which he and the Administrator made speeches highly eulogistic of each other.1

page 221

The three elected members of the Legislative Council now—Mr. Nelson, Mr. Westbrook, and Mr. Williams—in view of the Minister's forthcoming visit, decided to convene a public meeting, and inserted an advertisement to that end in the Samoa Times. The meeting was held in the Market Hall, Apia, on October 15, 1926. About three hundred Europeans and Samoans were present, in almost equal numbers. A variety of subjects were discussed, including the Fono of Faipules, Prohibition, the Medical Department, loss of titles, Finance. It was decided that a committee of Europeans and Samoans be formed to draw up reports on these subjects, for submission to the Minister for External Affairs; and, it having been learned that he intended to postpone his visit, a radio message was despatched through the Administrator's Office on October 16th, urging him to reconsider the decision.

"No answer [says Mr. Nelson] being forthcoming by October 27th, another radio was drafted, but not sent, as when it was handed in we were informed that a reply had been received to the first radio some days previous and had been promptly sent to my office close by. To this day I have never received that radio, nor any explanation as to how it was 'lost.' However, we learned that the Hon. Mr. Nosworthy had decided it 'impossible' to visit us till the following May—nine months after we expected him, according to the promise given me in Wellington."

The Citizens' Committee considered the position anew, and decided to convene another public meeting. This was held on November 12th; 663 Europeans and Samoans being present. At the commencement of the meeting the Crown Solicitor and Acting Secretary to the Administration interrupted and read the following pronouncement from General Richardson:

"I regret to inform the people that, owing to the Natives being drawn into the recent political meeting, misunderstandings have occurred, and the Natives are unsettled on certain matters. Being Administrator of these islands and personally responsible for the peace, order, and good government of the country, I consider a serious error has been made in asking the Samoans to discuss politics which affect only the Europeans. Freedom page 222of speech and honest criticism of the Government are not barred in any way; they are British privileges to which no exception can be taken. Unwarranted attacks, however, on the Faipules, the leaders of the Samoan race, cannot be passed over by me without it being misunderstood by the Natives. I wish certain persons to clearly understand that.

"The effect of bringing the Natives into the European political arena is unwise and likely to cause trouble. It is a simple matter to upset a Native race which is composed of many factions, like the Samoan race, and I ask Europeans not to do it. If you persist, you are doing a thing unheard-of in the annals of colonial administration, and are almost certain to discredit the European community in the eyes of the outside world. The inevitable result must be to disturb the peace, order, and good government of the Territory. Every person knows what that means. I ask the Europeans to confine themselves to those matters which concern them, and to leave alone those matters which concern them not.

"To the Natives, I wish to inform them that they have the fullest freedom to bring their complaints before the Government by the proper channels. I cannot, nor can the New Zealand Government, receive complaints from Natives save those coming through their own properly constituted channels, such as the District Councils and the Fono of Faipules.

"Every Native can rest assured of the fullest hearing and the utmost consideration in any matter brought forward in the proper way. Chief and Taulealea are treated alike, and both have the same rights of redress for injuries as Europeans.

"I ask Natives to refrain further from co-operating with the Europeans in their agitation on certain matters which do not concern the Samoans.

"I wish all people here to clearly understand that I do not approve of a political meeting which mixes Native politics with European politics, as its tendency must be to disturb the peace, order, and good government of the Natives."

A motion was now put to the meeting by Mr. Nelson as to whether it should continue, and it was decided, by a show of hands, to carry on. Seven persons left the hall, which proved surrounded by police. It was arranged that a deputation of three Europeans and six Samoan high-chiefs be appointed to convey the reports of the Committee to the Minister in New Zealand, page 223and that he be asked to receive the deputation in January 1927. To this he agreed.

"Commenting [reported the Inspector of Police] upon distinctive features of the meeting, it was noticed that what may be considered to be the O. F. Nelson factor of the audience was placed on both ends of the hall. On one flank was Lago Lago, with his Samoan committee support; on the other flank was Lealofi, Tamaseu, … Atoa. As O. F. Nelson tapped the table with his hand, the walking-stick of Lago Lago rapped the floor at one end, and Atoa at the other, and so the applause was developed."

Many persons against whom banishment orders had been made, we learn, were present, including Tamasese (Lealofi), who had now been permitted to return to Vaimoso.

1 Mr. Nelson, it must be remembered, has Samoan blood in him.

II

Only one member of the delegation, a half-caste, Mr. Meredith, went to New Zealand; for when three of the high-chiefs appointed to it proceeded to their districts to obtain cash contributions towards the expenses of their journey, they were arrested, and orders issued compelling them to reside in fixed places. They were informed that passports would not be granted to them to leave Samoa. The elected members of the Legislative Council wired the Minister of External Affairs protesting; but the only satisfaction they got was an intimation that he would be guided by the Fono of Faipules, then in session.

The citizens replied that his confidence in the Administrator and Faipules was not shared in Samoa, nor would it remedy abuses or placate grievances.

He replied that he would not receive representations from the Samoans until he was assured that their views on native matters were endorsed by the Fono of Faipules.

The following circular was sent to every village in Samoa by General Richardson:

"Circular To Every Village Of Samoa"

"I understand that contributions are being collected for the fares of the delegation to New Zealand. I wish that every page 224Samoan should be fully aware of this: The New Zealand Government will not consider such a committee, and I am directed by the New Zealand Government to inform you that no other authority than the Fono of Faipules is authorized to confer with the New Zealand Government on Samoan affairs. Furthermore, the Minister informs me that he does not see any good reason for an investigation into Native affairs at the present time.

"Geo. S. Richardson,

"Administrator."

III

Early in 1927 came into being the Mau (opinion), a league of Samoans whose purpose was to demonstrate the strength behind the native members of the Committee—for the existence of native discontent was, both then and later, denied by the New Zealand Government. A Committee of the Mau, representing all Samoa, was established in a village close to Apia. That this "seditious movement" was attributed by the Administrator to Mr. Nelson, the following extract from an article in the Government native publication of July 1927 clearly proves: "In the month of October last the lying prophet suddenly appeared in Samoa…. The disciples and priests were brought to Apia from the back districts in motor-boats without paying fares, and were assembled at the synagogue of the lying prophet in Apia." In writing this, the Administrator stated before the Royal Commission, he had in mind Mr. Nelson. The "synagogue of the lying prophet," incidentally, was Lepea—the erstwhile "model village."

Yet, although General Richardson had at his command every sort of law for dealing with sedition (Samoa Act, 1921), he took no steps to put a stop to the activities of Mr. Nelson.

IV

During his visit to New Zealand, Mr. Meredith had printed and distributed a pamphlet setting forth the position in Samoa. This provoked the following circular from General Richardson:

page break
"Mau" Committee At Vaimoso(Tamasese Second Row Centre)

"Mau" Committee At Vaimoso
(Tamasese Second Row Centre)

page 225

"Administrator's Circular To 'Faipules'"

"Office of the Administrator,

"26th March, 1927.

"During Mr. Meredith's trip to New Zealand he published a statement on Samoa which was sent to different people. That statement is rebellious and contains lying words. I have not done anything to him, because that publication was made prior to the passing of the new Ordinance, on the 13th of this month, imposing a penalty of one year's imprisonment on anyone resisting and undermining the authority and dignity of the Faipule, District Fono, Village Committees, etc.; but whereas the publication of that pamphlet or any other similar paper in Samoa after that date will make the person doing such a thing guilty (whether that person be a European or a Samoan) and he will be punished according to the new law, you are to notify your district that there is now only one law for Samoans and Europeans. In past days it was not possible to punish Europeans who created trouble for Samoan people, but the Samoans only were punished. Now I have made a law to strike at all, Samoans and Europeans, so that Samoa may be protected from people who ferment trouble.

"You will make this matter quite plain to the chiefs and orators of your District, and you will forward to me the names of traders in your district who have tried to induce your district to defy their Government in the past few months. Send me a letter containing this information, and address the envelope direct to me.

"Geo. S. Richardson,

"Administrator."

As a result no doubt of this final behest, three traders' licences were improperly (vide Royal Commission) cancelled.

V

During March the Governor-General, in a speech made at a Rotary Club dinner in New Zealand, warned his hearers to be prepared for criticism from certain quarters concerning the Samoan Administration, and also informed his listeners that "before. the New Zealand occupation the traders made the natives drunk, bought their copra for £8 per ton, and sold it for £20 per ton, and the Samoans at that time died off like flies."

page 226

During the month of April, clearly a time of crisis, General Richardson was absent from the mandated territory, serving on a Commission in the New Hebrides.

VI

In March 1927 the Samoans petitioned the New Zealand Parliament. The following were among their requests: That laws allowing of the infliction of punishment without trial should be repealed. That the same channels be opened to Samoans as to Europeans to present petitions to the New Zealand Government in purely native affairs.

In the Samoa Report for the year ending March 31st, with respect to the unrest, it is stated: "None of the high-chiefs or political leaders of the Natives took part in this agitation. On the contrary they strongly opposed it." The High Chief Faumuina was one of the original members of the Citizens' Committee. Alipia—hereditary speaker for the important district of Aana—took part in the agitation. There were many others, some of them holding Government positions, such as Tealigo—Head Native Inspector of the Agricultural Department—now promoted to the title of Tofaeono.

VII

On June 2nd the belated visit of the Minister of External Affairs materialized. He stayed as a guest of the Administrator at Vailima. He did not interview the Citizens' Committee until the ninth day of his stay—two days before his departure. Outside the building,1 in silent demonstration, were assembled six thousand Mau members. The Minister opened the meeting by reading a long and abusive address in which he denounced the Committee and avoided the points at issue. The Citizens' Committee were referred to as "a sore" which might need "the surgeon's knife" before it became "a festering wound on the body politic of Samoa." He informed the Europeans that he would not listen to a word from them on the subject of native affairs, and told the Samoan chiefs that he would not hear anything from them except such personal grievances page 227as they might wish to ventilate. He asked them if they would "like a constitution similar to that granted to the mandated territory of South-West Africa." He finished up by assuring everybody, with reference to himself, that "the New Zealand Government did not send a fool here." Two days later he advised the Europeans on the Committee that he had communicated with the Prime Minister, and that the Samoa Immigration Order was being amended so that British subjects and Samoa-born Europeans could be deported without trial. They were ordered to cease their activities with the natives forthwith and undo all the harm done.

1 The Court House.

VIII

I had already been requested by the Citizens' Committee to do what I could in the way of a Press campaign in their favour. I was now resident in London. On June 1st, accordingly, in Foreign Affairs appeared an article from my pen, setting out the position to the best of my ability.

It had long seemed obvious the line that the New Zealand Government intended to take, and also that sooner or later there must be a Royal Commission of Inquiry. With this in view I also prepared a personal petition to the League of Nations dated June 1st, and embodied in it my article from Foreign Affairs.1 The petition itself was concerned with the inner history of General Richardson's administration, and enumerated a number of scandals which could be substantiated in evidence before the Royal Commission, who could thus be obliged to investigate them. It was obviously no good basing my petition on such things as the Faipule "Laws"—which, it has been seen, had merely excited the admiration of the people I was petitioning. This recital of various other scandals, however, furnished solid material. I recounted for example the case of a schoolmaster who after having debauched the larger proportion of the boys at the two principal schools, first in Savaii and then in Upolu, presumably in order to dissemble the matter, was permitted to resume teaching in New Zealand. Reference to this case will be found in documents in the Appendix.2 (About page 228the end of 1927 he murdered his wife and committed suicide: charges concerning schoolboys in New Zealand were being brought against him.) I recounted in detail the case of the Resident Commissioner of Savaii, 1923-24. The petition and the article embodied in it gave a comprehensive review of the way in which, from 1923 onwards, Samoa had been messed up. It was accepted by the Mandates Commission. I sent a copy by registered post to the man whom I regarded as the most intelligent member of the Citizens' Committee, Mr. Gurr—vide Chapter vi, Section I—a friend of R. L. Stevenson.

1 See Appendix vi.

2 Appendix xii.

IX

As a consequence of the Minister's ultimatum, the Citizens' Committee severed, ostensibly at least, their connection with the Mau.

"Following [says Mr. Nelson] Mr. Nosworthy's visit came a reign of terror as the Administration frantically strove to suppress the movement by force and punishment…. In one month fifty chiefs of the Mau were dealt with. Banishments, deprivation of titles, imprisonment, and other degradations were the means adopted to smother the Mau. But still the movement spread, and every victim of the military dictatorship brought more and more recruits to the ranks of the oppressed. Rival clans who had long been at enmity with each other forgot the feuds and rivalries of generations, and became close-knit in a common cause against a military martinet who was trampling ruthlessly on all that the Samoans have held sacred for centuries past….

"Meantime, in June 1927, the Citizens' Committee had appointed Mr. A. G. Smyth and myself to visit New Zealand to give evidence on the Samoans' petition to Parliament, and we applied to the police for passports in the usual way. We were then advised by the Administrator that on our return circumstances might cause our immediate deportation (without trial, of course) under the amended Immigration Order. That this threat was pure bluff, intended to gag us or frighten us from speaking too freely in New Zealand, became clear when we reached the Dominion, and found, in August, the Government there bringing down a Bill to amend the Samoa Act, and page break
E. W. Gurr

E. W. Gurr

page 229give the Administrator power to deport any European whom he had reason to believe was hindering the functioning of the Administration, and to carry out deportation proceedings without giving the person accused any trial, producing any evidence, or calling any witnesses in support of the charge. It was amazing for Mr. Smyth and me to watch this iniquitous Act being rushed through the House with all the force of a commanding majority at one sitting …"

A Joint Committee of both Parliamentary Houses was appointed in New Zealand to consider, behind closed doors, the Samoans' petition, with Sir James Allen as chairman. Mr. Nelson was the only witness called, and occupied the stand for eleven days. About half-way through, on August 23rd, the Prime Minister suddenly announced that the Government had decided, on the recommendation of General Richardson, to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into Samoan affairs. The Administrator had recommended the appointment of a Royal Commission—which he had hitherto opposed—in view of the "unwarranted untruths [sic] and sensational statements concerning Samoa."

X

In the meantime I had gone ahead with my newspaper campaign in London, which included, before the end of August, articles in The Times, Daily Herald, and Foreign Affairs, letters in The Times, Daily News, and Manchester Guardian; and the Daily News was also supplied with telegratms from Samoa, most of which passed through my hands. Many other newspapers, of course, of their own accord, took the subject up.

On July 28th the High Commissioner for New Zealand in London, Sir James Parr, issued a manifesto published in The Times and Manchester Guardian, to the effect that until almost the other day his Government had been praised as a model mandatory, and he hoped with justice, for it could not be denied that General Richardson's administration had been characterized by a remarkable progress in health, education, and in the social welfare of the native people under their rule.

"We have been complimented time and again by the League of Nations, and responsible and well-informed visitors have page 230declared publicly their admiration of the work of the Administrator, General Richardson. But the other day a cloud appeared in the Samoan sky, and in some quarters all our good deeds are forgotten in a moment. What is the position to-day? Just this—that General Richardson's administration is being challenged by a small coterie of Europeans, not of the highest standing, who are members of what is termed a Citizens' Committee. It is this small knot of Europeans which is responsible for the present agitation. They are inspiring many of the telegrams which are coming to London…."

Sir James Parr denied the existence of any real discontent.

The effect of this manifesto was rather weakened by a pronouncement about the same time from Sir Joseph Carruthers, a former Prime Minister of New South Wales, who stated that it might seem an impertinence on his part to criticize Samoan affairs, but one accustomed to British justice was so surprised at what one found there that one could not keep silent. "Samoa was being governed by something worse than martial law, by something resembling, in fact, the methods of Moscow." The arrest and banishment to Apolima of certain chiefs, Sir Joseph said, had nearly provoked an armed rising. One of these was Faumuina—the former leader of the Fetu.

In an ill-written paragraph purporting to explain how the trouble in Samoa was engineered, the British Australasian and New Zealander, a London publication, stated: "Besides this, there is the fact that the campaign against the Administrator is financed and supported by publicity in England, by two ex-traders, whom the Administrator asked to leave Samoa, and who are now in England." This apparently had reference to me. I know of no other ex-trader from Samoa who was in England. It was news to me that I had been asked to leave Samoa. Not one penny, I might state, was expended in publicity. This information, it transpired, had been furnished by the New Zealand High Commissioner's Office in London.

XI

The Royal Commission consisted of the Chief Justice of New Zealand and a Judge of the Native Land Court, who were page 231appointed at the beginning of September and departed for Samoa forthwith. The Citizens' Committee and the Samoan petitioners thereupon announced their intention of boycotting the Commission—on the grounds of its narrow terms of reference, lack of time to prepare their case, or to secure suitable counsel able to proceed to Samoa at such hurried notice, and insufficient guarantee against molestation and intimidation of witnesses. But in response to the general condemnation of New Zealand politicians and newspapers, and against the advice of their counsel in New Zealand, Sir John Findlay, K.C., they later decided to give evidence.

On the one side were arrayed the Samoan Administration, led by the Crown Prosecutor from Auckland, assisted by the Crown Solicitor of Apia and a German legal agent. On the other were the Citizens' Committee, supported by two young local law practitioners (one of them1 a new arrival in Samoa), whose application at the opening session of the Commission for a postponement, as had been promised by the Prime Minister, was rejected by the Chief Justice on the ground of the wilful absence of Mr. Nelson, who had not yet arrived from New Zealand. "My unfortunate position," the more experienced of them had to confess, "is that I do not know what evidence the natives are able to give." The Chief Justice remarked sagely that the less the native evidence was briefed, the better it would be in the interests of truth.

The young lawyer then went on to intimate that he proposed to keep the evidence "as clean as possible," and that no charges would be made against European officials of the Administration. In this way before it was begun the case was lost. The Commissioners stated in their report:

"We think that it is a significant circumstance that with reference to the acts of the present and previous Administrator, both on the European and Native sides of their administrations, no act of malfeasance, misfeasance, or misconduct on their part, or on the part of their European officials, was charged by the complainants. At one time it was suggested that charges of this nature might possibly be made against the present Administration, but absolutely no evidence of such charges page 232was tendered before us…. The absence of such allegations speaks highly for the spirit in which the administration has in the past been conducted."

The alleged comment of Sir John Findlay, K.C., on the way the case was handled in this respect is informative and interesting, but scarcely to be reduced to print.

1 Mr. Slipper.

XII

After the departure of the Minister of External Affairs the European members of the Citizens' Committee, under threat of deportation, had severed, ostensibly at least, their connection with the Mau. From then on the purpose of the League changed. "It is clear," say the Commissioners, "that very shortly after the Minister's visit to Apia the Administrator quite properly came to the conclusion that the Mau organization had set out to paralyse the activities of the Government." His conclusion was probably correct. From that date it may be said that the Administration ceased to function, and the further multiplication of banishment orders was an ineffectual remedy. The Samoans were largely forced into their attitude. There was only needed the publication of the report of the Royal Commission, in December, to shake finally the faith of the natives in New Zealand—for to them it must obviously have traversed the truth—and the membership of the Mau, already estimated at more than 90 per cent, of the population, increased still further.

The important question of Prohibition was found beyond the scope of the inquiry, and the Commissioners state that they are not entitled to express an opinion on it. Then, although not a single witness was called in support of Prohibition, and Government officials gave evidence against it, they go on to express the following opinion: "it appears clear that the legisation has proved effective to prevent, so far as could reasonably be expected, the consumption of intoxicating liquor by Samoans."

With regard to copra-buying, into which the Administration had entered into competition with the merchants in March 1927 (it had been in the wind for a long time), the Com-page 233missioners present the case for the Administration favourably, and say that being a measure of policy it does not come within the scope of their inquiry. They state then that it cannot be said that the conditions under which the Samoans sold their copra to the traders were just or reasonable, but that they have not found it necessary to come to any determination upon the submissions of the traders that they were not making an undue profit!

Regarding banishment orders, the Commissioners decided that the Administrator merely carried out the law and complied with it. (They refused—after evidence such as that concerning Tamasese had come out—to investigate the merits of banishments, more than fifty in number, made prior to the rise of the native unrest.) But they state: "Banishment orders were regularly made after a proper investigation at which the person proceeded against was able to present his case." Later in their report they state that no demand exists for the repeal of the power, but that it ought, of course, to be exercised with wisdom and caution.

Concerning the appointment of the Faipules, they slid lightly over thin ice. Evasive evidence was advanced in the report to exculpate the appointment of the Faipule of Falealupo, regarding whom I had made a specific charge in the London Times of August 26th. It was admitted that the Administrator had been unable to obtain from the chiefs and orators of the districts signatures to documents accepting responsibility for nominating the Faipules.

With regard to the individualization of family lands, the Commissioners said that the existing system was deep-rooted in the customs of the race, and ought to be modified with caution, and then only after modern conditions had radically altered the Samoan outlook on life. This was the nearest they came to criticism of the Administration in their report. Traders' licences had been illicitly cancelled merely owing to the Administrator's legal advisers misconceiving the position.

In respect of the presentation of "Emblems of Sovereignty" to New Zealand, which had greatly perturbed the Samoans in 1925, they said they had read Toelupe's speech,1 and it con-page 234tained nothing which justified the suggestion that the gifts were intended otherwise than as curious, interesting, and historic emblems.

In conclusion, with regard to the "Book of Laws," the Commissioners reported: "Technically, of course, it was a mistake to include these experimental and advisory resolutions amongst the enforceable and binding laws. In our opinion no harm was done by the adoption of this course."

All the native unrest was blamed onto Mr. Nelson and his associates.

Rarely, I should think, in the history of Royal Commissions, has there been such flagrant and bare-faced whitewashing.

1 Chapter xix, Section IV.