I

When one considers that in 1920 an evangelist stated in print—"the London Missionary Society in Samoa has not hitherto been overwhelmed by the consideration, or the courtesy, of the Government," it seems remarkable the difference in the relations that now existed between the two bodies. This may be ascribed in the first place to the influence of Mr. Griffin, a former printer of the London Mission; and also General Richardson seems to have been a man after the Mission's own heart. To show how far Mr. Griffin would go in his endeavours to bridge the gulf, I would mention that he frequently now assumed a ceremonial sword—a new departure for a Secretary of Native Affairs. He and the Administrator worked together hand-in-glove.

This sword-wearing, which argued a measure of self-sacrifice—since with one or two it seemed to be attended with considerable personal inconvenience—among a certain coterie had assumed the proportions of a minor epidemic. There were no fewer than four sword-wearers on the Administrator's malanga round Savaii: General Richardson, Mr. Griffin, the Resident Commissioner of the island—the former Aide-de-Camp—and the new Aide-de-Camp, Mr. A. B. Ross, who was also now Assistant Secretary to the Administration, and who had never, so far as I could discover, had any military experience other than in a New Zealand cadet-corps.

The party comprised, in addition, the Crown Solicitor, the Sanitary Inspector, and the Chief Surveyor, Mr. Watson—who also was Engineer in charge of Public Works, and who, together with the Sanitary Inspector, Mr. Lofley, made plans of all the villages through which they passed with a view to their alteration, for the Administrator had decided that all must conform to standardized design. Samoan villages being page 197wont to straggle and having an almost ethereal loveliness which has excited the admiration of many, affording prospects of palm-and breadfruit-trees and blue water with thatched houses dotted about, were now to form either squares or ovals enclosing a parade-ground. A rosy vista held forth for the future of the square village was that it should have a church on one corner, a cinema on another, a blacksmith's shop on the third—and I have forgotten what particular monument of "wonder and beauty" was to occupy the fourth.

Thus, from the Samoa Times of August 28, 1925, regarding the Administrator's inspection of Upolu and Manono, we learn from some sycophantic pen:

"In connection with the villages it is most interesting to note that a 'Village Planning' Campaign is in progress. The scheme is but a small edition of what is known to Europeans as 'town planning.' The Administrator is responsiblefor this important move, and with the assistance of his Survey Department is getting out plans for all villages…. One has only to see the Lepea Village near Apia to realize what is being done."

Lepea was an oval "model" village near Apia, where an electric-light plant later was installed which an official of the Public Works Department used—with the aid of Government benzine—to get going every time a ship bringing tourists was coming in. Faumuina—the leader of the Fetu—was its paramount chief.

The remodelling of the villages was an ambitious project, for each plot of land in the village—although no boundaries were visible—had its owner, and the setting of the houses in line and at regular intervals over-rode all such considerations as these. Over and above this, in former times it was the custom to bury chiefs close to their houses, and the sites of the graves are remembered, even where no longer marked.

The following was among the evidence on the subject given on behalf of the thirty-three districts of Western Samoa before the Royal Commission:

"What have you to say about the model villages?—The Samoans are not satisfied with the model villages, because the page 198white man is taking away the villages that the Samoans are accustomed to.

"What is the difference between the ones they are making and those they are accustomed to?—The model village at the present time as ordered is all clustered together on one piece of land.

"What sort of land does the Samoan like to place his house on?—On the land that has been used from the very beginning and on which his ancestors and parents are buried.

"You say you do not like them all together: what is your objection to that?—The village being made close together means the cutting down of trees that are used to feed the people.

"And shade?—Yes, and the cool shade.

"Any other objections to the villages as they stand?—The model villages are becoming the cause of troubles between the people in them."

It was explained that they did not like others encroaching on their individual property.

II

That some native unrest already existed, the following excerpt from the story of the Savaii malanga, published on July 31st, would seem to prove:

"The Alii and Faipule (chiefs and councillors) were told very definitely that the Government would not stand for any man disturbing the peace and happiness of the people of the village. Where some agitator is causing trouble, the Alii and Faipule must settle the matter at once, and if for any reason they cannot do so, then they must report the matter forthwith to the Government, and the offender will be promptly dealt with."

Soon after that malanga, I wrote several letters to the Samoa Times on the subject of copra. The Administrator was insisting that the quality of copra must be still further improved—for this the trader was held mainly responsible—and even suggesting absurdly that it should be washed with fresh water in the process of manufacture. About this time also, against the advice of the Director of Agriculture, he increased the legal copra-weighing days from three a week to six, causing great annoyance and inconvenience to the traders. Samoa copra was page 199to be the best in the Pacific. These letters I knew were likely to be printed, a large proportion of the Samoa Times' readers being traders; and to them the subject is of primary interest. Two of the letters were under noms de plume, in others I collaborated; one was signed with my own name. The first was published on July 24th, and touched upon the undoubted hardships of the Copra Ordinance as affecting the trader. That letter which was published in my own name on August 28th, I will reproduce:

"Sir,—The problem of improving Samoan sundried copra is attracting attention, but before any considerable improvement can be made the question must be regarded from all sides; then it may be possible to frame legislation to fit the case. With this idea in mind I should like to remark upon one or two points. Days of unbroken sunshine produce good copra. Successive days of continuous rain and cloud give cause to rotten copra. It is with this latter condition that I wish to deal. Much of the inferior copra now produced is worse than need be, for the reason that it is sweated more than should be necessary. The copra gets a taste of the first sun of the day,—rain threatens, or starts to fall,—the copra is shot into baskets and stacked until the following day; when the performance may be repeated. The reason for this is that the natives have not the time to keep exposing copra to the sun whenever opportunity offers, as should be done, in broken weather. I will explain later why they have not time. There may be individuals who deliberately and wantonly make bad copra; but when the average Samoan cuts copra he needs money—the better his copra the more certain is he of being able to sell it—therefore he prefers making good copra to bad. But the price the Samoan gets for his copra is not large, so it is absurd to suppose that he is going to extraordinary pains in the preparation of the stuff. Strangely enough he seems in no way desirous to have the world roundly swearing that Samoa copra is the best in the South Seas—possibly he thinks that the Samoan climate does not lend itself that way. Perhaps too, he considers that any fraction of a cent per pound which might accrue to the buying price of Samoan copra as a result of its good name would be not worth the trouble involved in earning it. (I need not enter here into the fallacy of the doctrine that the Samoan could benefit to the full extent of the increased selling page 200value of the copra.) However, in spite of the prosaic way he regards the copra (which of course means less to him than it does to most of us—seeing that he is not entirely dependent on it for his living), the Samoan seems prepared to go to reasonable trouble in its preparation—if he is given a chance. In this district of Savaii (between Falelima and Asau) there is, at the time of writing, a shortage of native foods. One reason for the shortage being, so it seems to me, that young men and women must sit in school for four days a week instead of doing their share of work in the plantations. As the 'children' referred to could read and write their own language some years ago and are now only learning a few words of pidgin English and singing God Save the King to a tune perhaps considered an improvement upon the orthodox, it is hard to credit that their presence in school is essential to the progress of Samoa. However, they say that they would be fined if they failed to attend. It must not be inferred that the schools are other than popular—with the students; but appreciation for educational opportunities is not the only reason for this. And the fact remains that copra must now be neglected for the reason that there are few to tend it; the aged having gone to the plantations in an endeavour to take the place of the young and strong who sit in school. Samoan 'progress' and 'patriotism' are pretty terms of speech,—sound well when advertised abroad,—and doubtless bring their rewards; but the theory that Samoa is progressing does not console those held responsible for the quality of copra—for they, being in contact with the natives, do not share in the illusion.

III

At the Seventh Session of the Permanent Mandates Commission at Geneva, when the Samoa Report for the year ending March 31, 1925, came up for consideration—

"The Chairman stated that 1,036 gallons of whisky had apparently been consumed in the hospitals. This seemed to be a very large proportion per patient.

"Mr. Gray (New Zealand) replied that the issue of liquor was under very strict control and that it was only issued on a medical prescription. The Administration did not interfere with the medical officers.

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"Sir James Allen was glad that the Chairman had called attention to the amount of whisky consumed."

There were immediate repercussions in Samoa.

IV

Arrogance on the part of certain of the Faipules, even in every-day life, had become apparent. This is not an easy thing to prove, but I will elaborate on a seemingly trivial thing, concerning the Faipule of the Salega district, brought up in due course before the Royal Commission.

Bonito (large mackerel) fishing is regarded among the Samoans not merely as a means of getting food, but also as a sport; bound by numerous rules of etiquette, hereditary right, and ceremonial. To drop a fish, after striking the hook (made of turtle-shell with a pearl-shell haft), being liable to alarm the whole shoal, is considered a most clumsy misdemeanour; and by immemorial custom anyone so doing—be he the highest chief in the land—must submit meekly to abuse from the occupants of the other canoes in the fishing-fleet. This is part of the game. Should he repeat the offence the offender will sieze his paddle and make his hardest for the land. Before it returns ashore, one may see the fleet of canoes stop outside the reef, while those anglers who have been unlucky are given a share of the catch, and the master-fisherman makes a speech and thanks everyone for the good sportsmanship displayed.

The following evidence was given before the Royal Commission:

"Have you anything to say concerning the 'Faipule'?—He is the leader of troubles in our district.

"What trouble? Can you give us any definite troubles?—He used bad language when we were out fishing. (Here followed an explanation of the Samoan custom of bonito-fishing.¹) Tuisalega dropped his fish and everybody used bad language to him, as they had a perfect right to do in such circumstances. He stood up and said he would like to know who used that bad language page 202and he would fight them. That is not the Samoan custom. It nearly created bloodshed out there. The people were going to kill him, but I stopped that.

"Were the people so angry that they wanted to kill him: do you really mean that?—It was true."

I can remember the stir that the report of this occurrence occasioned in Falelima, in the adjacent district several miles away. It was something to the native mind almost incredible, although a small thing in the eyes of Europeans.

V

From the Samoa Report for the year ending March 31, 1926, we learn:

"The Faipules assembled on two occasions during the year and passed Native regulations on many matters, of which the following are the most important—

"(1.) Division of Native lands to provide for individual ownership.

"(8.) Fa'a Samoa marriages."

Fa'a Samoa marriage—or marriage according to Samoan custom—is a matter of a couple living together by mutual consent. If either wishes to dissolve the partnership it is dissolved. The woman then returns to her people, and is free to contract a fresh alliance; in which case children of the first marriage are brought up by the maternal grandparents or relations, and are made welcome. These children are regarded as legitimate, may go to live with or visit their paternal relations, and inherit from either side of the family whatever benefits to which they are entitled. The system, for a country such as this, appears ideal. Women of necessity are treated with respect. The race is a happy one; and considered the possessors of physiques the finest in the world. Children are well treated and looked after. What, then, can be wrong with their marriage customs? The only obviously unhappy couples I encountered I found on inquiry to have been married in the church. None the less, fa'a Samoa marriage was singled out by General page 203Richardson for a particularly determined assault. The Protestant missions, I need hardly say, were in full approval.¹

The Faipules returned from one of their Fonos, announced fa'a Samoa marriage would be no longer allowed, and, threatening penalties, started a regular stampede among the Samoans into the bonds of holy matrimony. Couples who had been legally married and were now living apart, tried in some cases, in fear of the "law," to effect a reunion; and the respective legal and illegal husband of the same lady, in two or three cases of which I knew, actually came to blows. The outcome of this proceeding on the part of the Faipules—having resulted in a crop of marriage and divorce (a reference will be found in the annual report to divorce as the result of legislation passed by the Faipules)—was advertised to the world (there was continuous propaganda in overseas newspapers) as being largely due to the precept and high moral influence of General Richardson. The matter was then allowed to die down; save that shortly after, the resolution relating to fa'a Samoa marriage—together with all the other Faipule resolutions—was issued in book form mixed up among the laws. It was impossible to differentiate between the two. Proven evidence to this effect may be found in the report of the Royal Commission. The book was printed in the native tongue, and entitled The Laws of Samoa—approved or assented to by His Excellency in accordance with the "Fono of Faipules." This, it will be seen, was in conformity with the resolution passed in January 1924—vide Chapter 15, Section VI—so obviously the whole scandalous procedure was long premeditated.

VI

On Flag Raising Day, August 29, 1925, the Administrator made the customary speech to the assembled Europeans and natives at Mulinuu: "On this, the third occasion, I am able to meet you with pride and confidence; I am proud of the progress Samoa has made during the past year…."

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Interference in the lives of the Samoans had now reached a pitch scarcely to be credited. Continual orders were issued as to a regiment, for the most part useless and irritating; and, committees of women having been instructed to appoint themselves, with authority to poke and pry into household affairs, the enforcement of some of these decrees naturally devolved upon them. It was actually determined how many tea-cups and spoons each family was to have: things of which they had not the slightest need. These committees also were endowed with, or took upon themselves, the power to fine.

There was already evidence of a decided change in the demeanour of the Samoans. Several times I passed parties of strangers on the road, who went by in silence with sullen and averted looks, whereas in former days they almost certainly would have accorded one the national greeting—"My love to you!" On inquiry, I learned in each case that they were a visiting party from Upolu. In my opinion regarding the matter, I was confirmed by a lady belonging to the Education Department of Fiji, revisiting Samoa after an absence of three years, who told me also that she was horrified at the sullen aspect of the children in the schools—as contrasted with her previous experience. This state of affairs may have been the cause of a special "resolution," included in the "Book of Laws," that all young men must salute officials of the Administration, chiefs, and councillors, by raising the right hand: a thing entirely foreign to their custom.

VI

According to the Samoa Times of October 16, 1925, General Richardson, upon the pressing request of the New Zealand Government, agreed to accept reappointment as Administrator for a further period of two years from March 1926.

"The only reason that induced His Excellency to accept a renewal of Office was that various Native policy matters that he had been successful in securing the support of the Natives to in principle, would be in danger of failing to be put into successful practice if there was a change of Administrator at this juncture."