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Utu: A Story of Love, Hate and Revenge

Introduction to Margaret Bullock’s Utu: A Story of Love, Hate and Revenge

Introduction to Margaret Bullock’s Utu: A Story of Love, Hate and Revenge

Deceit, revenge, murder, incest, cannibalism and false identities, Margaret Bullock’s Utu: A Story of Love, Hate and Revenge has it all. Bullock was asked by her publisher make the novel ‘as sensational as possible’ (Wattie 78)1 and she certainly took that advice and followed it through. Sensationalist literature was at its peak during the 1860’s in Victorian England, Bullock took a genre that was known for its mad women, ‘bigamy, illegitimacy, drug abuse, murder, inheritance scandals, and adultery’ (Fantina and Harrison ix)2, added an historical element and then brought the novel ‘down under’ for its dramatic conclusion.

Fantina and Harrison in their book Victorian Sensations: Essays on a Scandalous Genre state that sensationalist novels are often described as ‘novels with a secret’ (xii)3 and Utu certainly has its fair share of secrets. We find out in chapter two of the novel that the villain Jacques (for ease of identification he shall be referred to as Jacques, although in the novel he also goes by the names Monsieur le Comte de Pignerolles and Monsieur Conrad d’Estrelles) intends to blackmail his biological father, Mr Radcliffe, whom he believes murdered his mother. As well as money Jacques wants to be able ‘to solicit the hand of’ (Bullock 15)4 beautiful Eleanor, whom he mistakenly believes is his cousin. Upon Mr Radcliffe’s revelation that Eleanor is actually Jacques sister, Jacques determination to win her hand does not waver. Although as with any good sensational novel, this desire for marriage has nothing to do with love. As Fantina et al. state ‘The institution of marriage in these novels is often seen as a weapon to be wielded for financial gain. Love, in the sensation novel, often has very little to do with it’ (xv)5. In Jacques’s case there is more to his desire for marriage than money, he has a strong desire for revenge upon not only Eleanor for flirting with and then rejecting him, but also her intended fiancée for using his whip on him.

Fantina et al state that:

At the heart of many sensation novels lies the recognition of the fluidity of identity. Rather than embracing essentialist notions of class, gender, race, and religion, the sensation novelists often complicate and at times defy them (xxi)6.

Bullock uses all these elements. Jacques crosses all the class lines as he goes from a poor valet to a count thanks to his devious behaviour, but as justice would have it Jacques ends up as the lowest of the low by the end of the novel, looked down upon by even the lowest of the ‘savages’ of New Zealand. Eleanor performs the reverse, starting off wealthy and ending up quite literally at the end of the earth to exact her revenge. Bullock plays with gender roles by having Eleanor disguised as a man for the second half of the novel, intriguingly by having her remove her eye-lashes, one can only assume that they were quite feminine and long for her to have to pluck them out. Race lines are also blurred, as Jacques and Eleanor are products of a mixed-race marriage, their father having married a ‘Gitana’ or a Spanish gypsy. Jacques claims this gypsy heritage as a reason for wanting revenge upon his father stating that he ‘must know that with our people revenge is the highest virtue. I have been reared for vengeance’ (Bullock 14)7. There is also the introduction of a love interest in New Zealand where a young Māori princess by the name of Rau-kata-mea or Laughing Leaf, falls in love with Conrad d’Estrelles or ‘Konrat’ as she calls him.

Fantina et al also make the statement that ‘In many sensation novels, women act boldly to accomplish their goals, giving little thought to questions of propriety’ (xvi)8. Our heroine Eleanor is much the same. Although by the time she decides to act boldly, her lover’s heart has already been delivered to her pierced with a blade, her husband has already attempted to murder her and her father has died.

Bullock herself seems to have been embarrassed by the sensationalist aspect of the novel. In two letters that she wrote to Sir George Grey, to whom she dedicated the novel, she apologises for the sensational aspect in both of them stating in the first:

As to the story itself, my desire at the outset was to preserve the memory of manners and customs now obsolete, and fast fading from the recollection of even the natives themselves. To do this effectively involved the concoction of a story sensational from the beginning, so sensational, in fact that I am not sure but I ought again to apologise for asking you to read it (Grey 1894)9.

In her second letter to Grey she reiterates the sensationalist nature of first part of the novel, fearing that reading this part ‘will prove rather wearisome to one of your cultured taste’ (letter dated January 8 1895)10. Bullock did reconsider rewriting the first section before its publication in England but goes on to state in the letter that ‘the trouble involved, and my lessened interest after so long a lapse of time prevented my doing so’.

That this novel is sensationalist cannot be denied, but it is unique in that its scandalous events culminate in New Zealand in 1772. It gives us insight into how Pākehā at the end of the nineteenth century viewed Māori life before the arrival of Europeans, and their perceptions of Māori with their earliest interactions with European colonisers. But what of the woman who wrote this novel? Who was Margaret Bullock and how was this novel received in 1890s New Zealand?

Margaret Bullock

What we know of the life of Margaret Bullock is mainly due to research into her life by Bronwyn Labrum. Although we know that she was born Margaret Carson around 1845 in Newton, Auckland, little is known of her early life, until her marriage to George Bullock in 1869. The couple had five sons and lived in North Auckland until George’s untimely death in a shipwreck in 1877. After George died Margaret moved to Wanganui with her sons where her brother was the editor of the Wanganui Chronicle. Bullock worked with her brother as a reporter and an assistant editor at the paper and wrote stories for English and New Zealand papers under the pseudonym ‘Madge’, a name that she became quite well known for, especially in regards to her regular letters to the editor. On one occasion she had need to chastise another writer who ‘ignores literary etiquette by appropriating a nom de plume well known as mine’ (Wanganui Chronicle 23 March 1895)11. Bullock was well versed in the politics of the day due to her role as a reporter in the ladies’ press gallery at parliament of which she was one of the pioneers, which enabled her to be a parliamentary correspondent for several colonial newspapers.

Bullock’s political activism extended to women’s rights, and as such she was a member of the suffragette movement. She founded the Wanganui Women’s Franchise League in June 1893 and she was also a member of the National Council of Women. Bullock seems to have been someone who was not afraid to speak her mind. Passionate about the women’s movement Bullock had firm words to say at the annual meeting of the Wanganui Women’s Political League on 3 August 1899 in regards to what she perceived to be apathy on the part of women after they received the vote:

...we got the franchise, and then our sex had the ball at its feet. No catastrophe followed our enfranchisement. The National calamities so positively predicted have not eventuated. But neither can it be truly said that we have achieved all our warmest friends expected of us. Victory opened for us a broad road to many fields of usefulness formerly closed; croakers, discomfited, had crept out of sight and had women thenceforward stood shoulder to shoulder, united in Will, our sex would today be free of all disabilities and in a position to initiate with some hope of success, many an urgently needed reform. As it is, one sometimes rather sadly fears that our great initial victory – which should have begun a series – stands permanently alone. Yet in it we gained all the elements of perennial success. The vote, added to our united will, put all things within our reach. The absence of the “united will” renders the vote almost a nullity. Still, though the sex has not accomplished what it might have, the value and need of co-operation been generally realised, there can be no question that progress onward is being steadily made, in spite of the lamentable apathy exhibited by the majority (Wanganui Chronicle 4 August 1899)12.

Bullock was the delegate from the Wanganui Political League at the annual meeting of The National Council of the Women of New Zealand in 1900 and she spoke on a number of the important issues of the day. These issues included child welfare and women’s involvement in politics ‘She was quite sure that Parliament would be none the worse for the presence of women, and women would be none the worse by their entrance into it’ (Lovell-Smith 25)13. She was also passionate about the removal of women’s disabilities enabling them to have financial independence in marriage. In her own ardent words women would be ‘Aroused at last to a clear perception of her true destiny, women, no longer a chattel, no longer a plaything, no longer a dependant, but a responsible human being, the co-equal of man, would ere long take her place in regenerating the world’ (38-9)14.

As well as her franchise involvement, Bullock was active in many other community issues. In one notable case she reported charges against a warden in the Wanganui Old Men’s Home for unlawfully assaulting a patient, she then conducted the prosecution for the case which resulted in not only the defendant being fined 60 shillings but an awareness in the community of the treatment of the elderly in retirement homes. (Wanganui Chronicle 4 – 7 October 1897)15. She was not above giving praise where it was due either, in 1900 she wrote to the Wanganui Herald praising the current conditions she found in the Old Men’s Home, albeit very tongue in cheek:

Sir, - I have discovered a phenomenon, and hasten to record the fact. I went up yesterday to the Old Men’s Home, and found a sick man properly cared for, on a perfectly sweet and spotless bed, in a perfectly clean and odourless room...Truly publicity is a good thing. Gentle public, continue your interest (Wanganui Herald, 29 January 1900)16.

Concerned about the welfare of all citizens Bullock was also a visitor to the women’s prison and she spoke out at the police commission about the below-average conditions that female prisoners were detained in and that ‘it was high time some alteration was made’ (Wanganui Herald 24 June 1898)17 to the accommodation for prisoners.

Bullock made use of her writing ability to support herself and her five sons. Along with her contributions to local and English newspapers she wrote three brochures for popular tourist spots in the North Island of New Zealand, and her only novel Utu: A Story of Love, Hate and Revenge. Utu seems to have been well marketed. An advertisement in the Southland Times proclaims the excitement felt at receiving advanced copies of the first four chapters and mentions that they have high expectations for the novel. Although they ‘make no comment’ on the content of the book they assure the reader that ‘when the story is published in Book form throughout the World it will create a sensation unknown in Literary circles for years’ (Southland Times 22 January 1894)18. It was first published in serial form in New Zealand Graphic, the proprietor of the journal being so elated at procuring “a work of the highest literary merit” that he intended to have it published in novel form in London as “it is unquestionably the story of the year and not a mere stringing together of well-worn facts of the last Maori war.” (Wanganui Herald 15 January 1894)19. The majority of contemporary reviews were overwhelmingly positive, most notably those from the Wanganui region, and one can’t help but feel the local pride emanating from these reviews. The Wanganui Herald states that Bullock’s ‘literary ability is fully displayed in the interesting pages of “Utu”’ (23 August 1894)20 and the Wanganui Chronicle states that the fact that the writer is one of their own should be sufficient enough reason ‘to commend it to local readers’ but that ‘“Utu” will sell itself for itself’ as the writer is ‘gifted with remarkable literary ingenuity’ (30 August 1894)21. Overall most reviewers tended to be impressed by the imaginative abilities of the author, one reviewer (who assumed that the author was a male) exclaimed with relief that characters as found in Utu ‘are not often met with in the flesh’, although ‘the reader cannot help admiring the inventiveness of the author in producing such a thoroughly detestable villain for his edification’. This reviewer then sums up by saying that ‘Utu is well worth reading, if only to discover the imaginative faculty so abnormally developed in the author’ (Poverty Bay Herald 27 August 1894)22.

However, not all reviewers were completely satisfied with their reading experience, one commenting that ‘It would have been better if the French words and phrases, with which the pages are too plentifully bespattered, had been omitted’ (Fielding Star 27 August 1894)23, and another not happy with the first part of the novel, believing it unnecessary, thought it ‘would probably succeed better in a purely Maori tale.’ This reviewer then goes on to criticise Bullock’s writing style: ‘Her style, however is capable of improvement, and the variety of languages used – English, French, Romany, Maori, &c. – is rather perplexing’ however as if to soften the blow of this critique the reviewer then goes on to state that ‘If “Utu” is a first attempt, it is, however, promising. The illustrations are fairly good’ Evening Post 18 September 1894)24.

Margaret Bullock dedicated both the New Zealand and English versions of Utu to Sir George Grey due to, as Bullock puts it, his ‘care and foresight’ that enabled the European settlers to ‘live in amity with the once warlike race’ (Bullock dedication page)25. A reviewer in the Hawera & Normanby Star found this a fitting dedication due to Sir George Grey’s ‘extended knowledge of and sympathy with the native race’ (30 August 1894)26. The letter that Bullock wrote to Sir George Grey requesting his permission to dedicate the book to him still survives, as previously mentioned she seems rather embarrassed by the sensational nature of the first part of the novel. She apologises to the premier for this and asks for his endorsement of the New Zealand portion of the novel stating that ‘one word of commendation from you will have more weight than pages of matter from critics who have no special knowledge of the subject’ (Grey 1894)27. Sir George Grey himself consented to this dedication but was non-committal about what he thought about Utu as a work of fiction: ‘without committing himself to any opinion [to] its precise perfections as a work of fiction, bears willing testimony to the fidelity and accuracy with which the Maori scenes and customs are portrayed’ (Wanganui Chronicle 29 December 1894)28.

Fact versus Fiction

As Bullock states in her introduction her story ‘may justly claim to be ‘founded on fact,’ for, though the characters are imaginary, the incidents are worked up from reliable materials, and the more shocking events are but detailed reflexes of historical fact’ (Utu 2)29. These factual events concern the ill-fated voyage of Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne one of the first European explorers to set foot in New Zealand. While Bullock is factual to a point with the events of this journey she uses her ‘abnormally developed imaginative faculty’ to add spice to an already exciting factual tale. Captain Marion Dufresne led an expedition to the southern seas with the boats Marquis de Castries and the Mascarin with Julien Crozet. Both Dufresne and Crozet were aboard the Mascarin while in charge of the Marquis de Castries was an aristocrat by the name of Ambroise du Clesmeur, who was not yet twenty. Bullock mentions that two men on board the ships, Jean and Jacques, had belonged to the crew of the St. Jean Baptiste under Captain de Surville which had previously visited New Zealand. While this voyage did take place there is no evidence to suggest that Dufresne’s expedition had members from de Surville’s expedition. It was assumed by a contemporary commentator on Dufresne’s voyage that de Surville’s activities had influenced Dufresne’s fate ‘He felt that Marion’s wearing of the Cross of Saint Louis, just as de Surville had, served as a ‘mark of recognition’ for the Maoris determined on vengeance’ (Duyker 201)30.

Bullock has the expedition sighting New Zealand ‘in the early days of May 1772’ (74)31 when in fact their first sighting of New Zealand occurred on 25 March 1772 around the area of Cape Egmont. However, it was the early days of May when they reached the Bay of Islands arriving at Cape Brett on the 1 May 1772. On the 3 May boats were sent on a reconnaissance mission for potential mooring spots. It was on the 3 May that the expedition had their first significant encounter with Māori people in the Bay of Islands, previously having only seen people from a distance and once having made an exchange of ‘several handkerchiefs and a knife’ (Ollivier 22)32for fresh fish. Three Māori canoes approached the Mascarin cautiously and the crew encouraged them to come aboard. They were boarded first by one old man who was given gifts and had his cloak removed and was dressed in European clothes. At which point the old man encouraged other tribal members to come aboard, and it is reported that after this first friendly encounter, other Māori canoes came along side the boats and they had by one account 250 people aboard. Du Clesmeur recounts the encounter in an entertaining way stating that:

Finally we had on board the two vessels at least a hundred Zealanders, who sang and danced almost all the time, and it was only with difficulty that we got rid of them, and even then on condition that we would pay them a visit; to engage us still further they gave us to understand that their women were pretty, hoping to attract us by this ploy which is indeed an effective way to unite nations the most disparate in their ways, their manners and their customs (Ollivier 22-3)33.

The fictional first encounter that Bullock envisioned between the two cultures is a somewhat sombre affair. A canoe is spotted in the ocean but it is filled with people that are ‘either all dead or in a very exhausted condition’ (Bullock 75)34 and indeed all but two of the hundred or so men on board the canoe have died of starvation. It is at this point that an interesting exchange takes place between Dufresne and D’Estrelles (the villain of Utu):

Another thing occurs to me, D’Estrelles. The poor Maori has been grievously mis-represented. He has been called a cannibal. But a hundred men have perished in that canoe of hunger, and not one is mutilated...Those warriors there must have been ravenous as wolves, yet there is no evidence of cannibalism. Depend upon it the gentle savage has been maligned (78)35.

This episode seems to have been included by Bullock to dispel the notion that the Māori people were socially deviant and killed humans for food. As Bullock states in her introduction, the chapters that are ‘descriptive of the life of the ancient Maori’ though ‘sketchy’ are ‘true to that past life, as Maori scholars and historians have handed it down to us’ (2)36. Although she deals with Māori cannibalism further on in the book, it is made clear that the reasons behind the cannibalism are based on revenge, including an explanation in her own footnote stating that: ‘The ancient Maori was not a cannibal from choice. He merely ate his enemy for utu, as the last evidence of his hatred and contempt’ (106)37. She even states in Utu the dire consequences of breaking tapu:

Probably all the terrible deeds of bloody cannibalism, which, in the beginning of the century made civilized cheeks pale at the name of New Zealand, were but reprisals for some infringement of this unknown law, and might have been avoided had the pioneers of settlement been acute or heedful enough to master its meaning (86)38.

Bullock depicts the French men as being rather enamoured of Māori women, particularly Rau-kata-mea, a Māori princess daughter of a well-respected chief. Bullock’s narrator states that ‘the majority of the young wahines were fine creatures’ (99)39 and has Dufresne stating that Rau-kata-mea is ‘not the only pretty one in the kainga, parbleu!’ (123)40. However, the opinions of the French men that were actually on the expedition were somewhat less flattering. Jean Roux, the ensign on board the Mascarin, wrote a detailed retrospective account of the expedition and he states: ‘In the chief’s fine canoe there were four young women, not pretty in the least and rather badly built’ (Ollivier 139)41 and later on when the locals offered the crew some of their women: ‘They presented them to us and they seemed angry that we rejected them’ (147)42.

In Bullock’s tale she has members of the crew breaking a significant tapu, the accidental desecration of a sacred burial site of Māori chiefs; it is this act of irreverence that seals the fate of the crew in the novel. This event is of course an invention of Bullock’s, but it would appear that Dufresne’s crew, at least unwittingly, did break several tapu laws. Edward Duyker in An Officer of the Blue: Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne, South Sea Explorer, 1724-1772, has an excellent account of the reasons why Dufresne and some of his crew were most certainly murdered. For example, the camp they had set up for felling kauri trees to re-mast their ships would not have taken into account rituals required before the cutting down of trees. As Duyker states ‘To the Maoris, all natural objects had a spiritual dimension’ (150)43 and the god of the forest, Tane, had to be placated before the removal of any trees. Likewise, when the French were fishing they would have been unaware of the debt that needed to be paid to Tangaroa, the god of the sea. As Duyker states in relation to the sea ‘whole areas could be off-limits and subject to tapu because of their association with disturbing events. Marion was unaware of the significance of such ritual prohibitions, if he observed them at all’ (151)44. Indeed, in Te Ao Hou magazine there is an account told to John White (British ethnographer 1826-1891) of Dufresne’s visit to the Bay of Islands, and it recounts the breaking of the tapu of the fishing grounds. The only thing known about White’s informant is that he was a member of the Ngapuhi tribe. The informant states that:

But there came a day when the foreigners rowed ashore in order to net fish on the beach at Manawaora. The Maoris scolded them for this, for the beach was tapu to some of Te Kauri's people...Some men from there had been drowned in the Bay of Islands, and had been cast ashore on this beach. Although the people of Ngati Pou told them angrily not to do this... the foreigners took no notice, and persisted in drawing in their net on the beach. Then Ngati Pou became very sad, and no longer visited the ships (Te Ao Hou 1965)45.

Along with breaking tapu, Duyker cites economic and territorial reasons for Dufresne’s demise. Te Kuri (possibly the chief Takori that Bullock refers to in her text) was ‘the paramount chief of the region’ (149)46 and he is described by Roux as ‘regarded as one of the great chiefs of this area; almost all the others paid him homage’ (Ollivier 149)47, and he seemed to begin to feel threatened by the presence of Dufresne. As the crew began to set up on Moturua Island Roux states that:

I do not know what the natives thought when they saw us settling in this fashion. I am convinced that they believed very firmly that we would stay there forever because each day we unloaded many items from the vessels (147)48.

If this is what Te Kuri believed then Dufresne would have been a threat to his authority. The economic effect of supplying food for the two crews would also have given Te Kuri cause for concern. For all these reasons ‘by the middle of June 1772 Te Kuri appears less an individual motivated by barbaric passions, than a leader under great pressure’ (Duyker 151-2)49.

Bullock’s account of the murder of Dufresne seems to be fairly accurate. Up to the end Dufresne had no suspicion of the offence that he had caused the Māori people and his casual attitude depicted by Bullock matches his attitude as evidenced by Roux in his log book, as he details the last conversation that he had with Dufresne:

I remarked that he should not be so trusting with these people and that I was convinced that the natives were plotting harm. He would believe nothing of it and kept on repeating that we had only to treat them kindly and they would never do us any harm...Mr Marion said to me: ‘How can you expect me to have a poor opinion of a people who show so much friendship for me? Since I do them nothing but good, surely they will not do me any harm?’ (Ollivier 175)50

According to Roux’s log book this conversation occurred on the 11 June 1772. On the 12 June 1772, Marion Dufresne along with at least 12 others went at the invitation of Te Kuri and other chief’s on a fishing expedition at Te Hue, the cove below Te Kuri’s village. It was there that they were slaughtered. According to the information given to John White:

Marion and his men used their nets, and the fish were lying in their boat. When the foreigners were putting the net into the boat, the Maoris attacked them and clubbed them to death. All of them were killed; not one escaped.

They took the bodies and cooked them, and Te Kauri and Tohitapu of the Te Koroa sub-tribe ate Marion, and Te Kauri took Marion's clothes. The bones of the foreigners who had been killed were made into forks for picking up food, and the thigh-bones were made into flutes (Te Ao Hou 1965)51.

Bullock describes the aftermath of the killings as taking place a lot more quickly than the events actually occurred. She does recount accurately that Māori were spotted by the French wearing Dufresne and the other men’s clothes, and that Crozet was some way inland and on being informed of Dufresne’s death tried to keep the news from his men as he led them back to the coast in order to prevent panic (Duyker 158-9)52. The first attack by the French on a Māori pa took place on June 14; this attack was made on Moturua Island to preserve the French water supply, but it wasn’t until the 7 July that the French attacked Te Kuri’s village, killing the occupants who couldn’t flee in time and then setting fire to the village so that nothing remained (Duyker 160-162)53. At eight o’clock on the morning of July 13 1772, both ships set sail and headed for Guam (Ollivier 207)54.

Margaret Bullock passed away on 17 June 1903 after a long illness. Her obituaries remember her as a ‘clever descriptive writer’ (Evening Post 17 June 1903)55 and as ‘one of the pioneers of the Ladies’ Gallery of newspaper writers in the House. She was a very bright writer of sessional notes, observations, and comments’ (The Free Lance 27 June 1903)56. It is her obituary in her hometown paper the Wanganui Herald that fittingly gives the most complete account of her life. It details how she became known throughout the colony for her ‘facile and descriptive pen’, her involvement with the Wanganui Women’s Political League and the New Zealand Council of Women, and her community involvement which had ‘been greatly appreciated by all classes of the community’. The obituary also mentions her regular contributions to the paper in regards to the issues she was concerned about as being ‘pointed and forceful’ (Wanganui Herald 17 June 1903)57 an accurate account of a lady who was not afraid of having her opinions heard. What remains of Margaret Bullock is her ‘clever descriptive’ writing that in her novel, her tourist guides, her letters to the editor and her speeches to various women’s organisations detail important aspects of New Zealand history. It seems appropriate to conclude with Bullock’s own words regarding Utu: ‘Such as it is, the author now abandons it, not without some fear and trembling, to the unbiased verdict of that potent judge and jury combined. The Public’ (Utu 2)58.

1 Wattie, Nelson. ‘Margaret Bullock’. In The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Literature. Eds. Roger Robinson and Nelson Wattie. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1998.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

2 Fantina, Richard and Kimberly Harrison. ‘Introduction’. In Victorian Sensations: Essays on a Scandalous Genre. Eds. Kimberly Harrison and Richard Fantina. Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, 2006, pp. ix-xxiii.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

3 Fantina, Richard and Kimberly Harrison. ‘Introduction’. In Victorian Sensations: Essays on a Scandalous Genre. Eds. Kimberly Harrison and Richard Fantina. Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, 2006, pp. ix-xxiii.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

4 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

5 Fantina, Richard and Kimberly Harrison. ‘Introduction’. In Victorian Sensations: Essays on a Scandalous Genre. Eds. Kimberly Harrison and Richard Fantina. Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, 2006, pp. ix-xxiii.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

6 Fantina, Richard and Kimberly Harrison. ‘Introduction’. In Victorian Sensations: Essays on a Scandalous Genre. Eds. Kimberly Harrison and Richard Fantina. Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, 2006, pp. ix-xxiii.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

7 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

8 Fantina, Richard and Kimberly Harrison. ‘Introduction’. In Victorian Sensations: Essays on a Scandalous Genre. Eds. Kimberly Harrison and Richard Fantina. Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, 2006, pp. ix-xxiii.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

9 Grey, Sir George. GL: NZ B45 2 and 3, in the Grey Collection, Auckland Libraries.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

10 Grey, Sir George. GL: NZ B45 2 and 3, in the Grey Collection, Auckland Libraries.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

11 Wanganui Chronicle. ‘Mrs Bullock in Reply’. 23 March 1895.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

12 Wanganui Chronicle. ‘Wanganui Women’s Political League’. 4 August 1899.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

13 Lovell-Smith, H.K. MS Papers 1376, folder 3 NCW Conference, 1900 session. p. 25, 38-9 Alexander Turnbull Library.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

14 Lovell-Smith, H.K. MS Papers 1376, folder 3 NCW Conference, 1900 session. p. 25, 38-9 Alexander Turnbull Library.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

15 Wanganui Chronicle. ‘The Old Men’s Home’. 4 October 1897.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

16 Wanganui Herald. ‘To the Editor’. 29 January 1900.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

17 Wanganui Herald. ‘Police Commission’. 24 June 1898.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

18 Southland Times. ‘Utu’. 22 January 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

19 Wanganui Herald. ‘Utu’. 15 January 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

20 Wanganui Herald. ‘Review’. 23 August 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

21 Wanganui Chronicle. ‘A Readable Book’. 30 August 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

22 Poverty Bay Herald. ‘Review’. 27 August 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

23 Fielding Star. ‘Local and General News’. 27 August 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

24 Evening Post. ‘Review’. 18 September 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

25 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

26 Hawera & Normanby Star. ‘The Ancient Maori’. 30 August 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

27 Grey, Sir George. GL: NZ B45 2 and 3, in the Grey Collection, Auckland Libraries.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

28 Wanganui Chronicle. ‘Anglo-Colonial Notes’. 29 December 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

29 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

30 Duyker, Edward. An Officer of the Blue: Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne, South Sea Explorer, 1724-1772. Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

31 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

34 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

35 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

36 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

37 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

38 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

39 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

40 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

43 Duyker, Edward. An Officer of the Blue: Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne, South Sea Explorer, 1724-1772. Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

44 Duyker, Edward. An Officer of the Blue: Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne, South Sea Explorer, 1724-1772. Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

45 Te Ao Hou. ‘The First Pakehas to Visit the Bay of Islands’. No. 51, June 1965.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

46 Duyker, Edward. An Officer of the Blue: Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne, South Sea Explorer, 1724-1772. Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

49 Duyker, Edward. An Officer of the Blue: Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne, South Sea Explorer, 1724-1772. Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

51 Te Ao Hou. ‘The First Pakehas to Visit the Bay of Islands’. No. 51, June 1965.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

52 Duyker, Edward. An Officer of the Blue: Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne, South Sea Explorer, 1724-1772. Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

53 Duyker, Edward. An Officer of the Blue: Marc-Joseph Marion Dufresne, South Sea Explorer, 1724-1772. Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

55 Evening Post. ‘Personal Matters’. 17 June 1903.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

56 The Free Lance. ‘All Sorts of People’. 27 June 1903.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

57 Wanganui Herald. ‘Death of Mrs Margaret Bullock’. 17 June 1903.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]

58 Bullock, Margaret. Utu: A Story of Love, Hate, and Revenge. Auckland: H. Brett, 1894.

[Note added by Vicki Hughes as annotator]