Later experiments

Since the introduction of the Occupation Rights scheme several other experiments have been tried on a smaller scale. The first of these concerns the island of Nassau, which had since the last century been in the hands of a foreign commercial firm. In 1945 it was purchased by the New Zealand government on behalf of the people of Pukapuka for £2,000 and in 1952, after repayment of the purchase price by the Pukapukans, the island was vested in the people of that island, to be held ‘in accordance with their Native customs…’.² The Pukapukan people chose to work the island collectively and to settle approximately one hundred of their number there each year to exploit the copra. The ‘settlers’, who are changed approximately annually, are drawn from representative families.

Both Nassau and Takutea have produced much more copra per acre than has been derived from those coconut-bearing lands in the group which have been exploited on an individual or family basis. Nassau produced an average of 0.114 tons per acre during the five-year period 1955–9, and Takutea 0.059 tons. In terms of man-hours, however, the latter island was the more productive as it has only been worked for a few weeks each year. Neither island could be said to be being exploited to the optimum, and scientific management could probably increase the yield of the former island threefold and the latter fivefold or more. Nevertheless, the present output per acre of these islands is considerably higher than the average of 0.036 tons from islands where ownership and production is on an individual or family basis without central organization.¹

A royalty of three pence per cubic foot would give the grower an estimated £87.10.0 per acre, and six pence per foot would give £175.0.0 per acre, but as yet no definite figure has been agreed on. In addition to the royalty, of course, an even larger amount will be paid out for cutting, milling and transport. While income per acre from forestry will not be comparable with that from citrus or tomatoes, it must be remembered that the latter are grown on first class land and the former on ‘problem soils’ which have to date produced virtually nothing.

In February 1961 a co-operative society in Rarotonga purchased the lease, stock and equipment of the island of Manuae,¹ which had since last century been operated as a copra plantation by various European interests, its entire population being indentured from other islands for this work. The co-operative intends continuing commercial exploitation on plantation lines but is considering the possibility of establishing a permanent settlement there at a later stage.

The soils of this whole area are classed as ‘problem soils’ and have not previously been utilized to any significant extent. Therefore, as much of the initial emphasis will be on developing the soils themselves with fertilizers, cover crops and other techniques, as on producing economic crops. The plan proposes to develop and farm the whole block initially as a single management unit, but in the event of continuation beyond the five-year trial period plans will have to be evolved for the tenure of the land and the continued organization of the project.

All these experiments have several features in common. Firstly, they are associated with tenure forms which give adequate security to the land-working unit; secondly, the cultivation, planting and harvesting is centrally organized (though not necessarily executed by the organizing institution), and thirdly, in so far as credit and equipment are used, they are supplied by a single agency. It is as yet too early to predict the results of the last two experiments, but all the others have been associated with considerably higher output per acre than is in fact derived from land of equivalent types which has been exploited on an individual basis.