The Custom of Taumau, or Betrothal of Infants

When the tohi and pure functions were over, and also the ceremonial feast, then a leading person of the community, or of quite a different tribe, might rise and say, "I wish to bespeak our grandchild for So-and-so." Were the infant a male the person who made the above remark would here repeat the name of the female infant of some man of position. Now the parents of the infant would be quite unable to decline such a proposal; should they so decline it, then such action would be a serious affront. Neither would the grandparents and other elders be able to refuse the offer; such would be a contemptuous act that would cause much trouble in the future between the two parties. Suppose fighting should ensue in laterpage 45 times, and that child be captured during an engagement, then he would be retained as a slave. He would not be slain, but spared, but ever after the saying "a slave of mine" would be used in reference to him and his descendants.

Female children of rank, as also male children of that status, were given in marriage to persons of important, powerful tribes, possibly of a quite unrelated people, as a means of procuring assistance from such tribes in time of war. In this connection we can see the application of the following saying of olden times: "He taura taonga e motu, he taura tangata e kore e motu" ("A gift connection may be severed, but not so a human link"). Two peoples may meet in friendship and exchange gifts and yet quarrel and fight in later times, but inter-marriage connects them in a permanent manner. Like many other sayings, the above represents facts—with limitations.

Should, however, the parents of the infant, or the people, decline the offer, then he who made the proposal would reply briefly, "Very well. Never mind; but, remember, man flourishes and man degenerates." That is a saying that carries this meaning: the fortune of man cannot be foretold; some flourish and survive, while others meet with trouble and disaster.

Should the request be granted, then such consent was marked by the chanting of the karakia hono by the relatives of the newly-born infant, after which the fine cloaks pertaining to the baptism of the infant would be produced. These would be arranged near the gifts presented by the toro, the envoy or person who had come to claim the infant in the taumau, or betrothal ceremony. In the event of there being similar articles on both sides, then cloaks were so arranged that the collars were together, and short weapons (patu) so that the butt ends thereof were together. Then were recited the formulae that had been chanted during the performance of the tohi rite over the infant. Thus the delegates who had proposed the taumau would understand that the matter was satisfactorily arranged. If the articles mentioned had not been produced and displayed, and the karakia recited, then the proposers of the alliance would have been uncertain as to whether or not their proposition had been approved of. Those garments that had been employed at the tohinga of the child would be handed over to the delegates, who would take them to their home. In after-time, even if those two communities did chance to quarrel and fight each other, neither would ever disavow the connection established by the taumau.

The term taunaha, meaning "to bespeak," is sometimes used to denote betrothal of infants, as also is taupua, which carries a similar meaning. I am told that precise speakers, however, did not use thepage 46 word taunaha in this connection, but only when referring to land and ordinary things.

The toro (delegates) sent to arrange a betrothal of infants would send forward no notice of their visit. In some cases the principal person of the visiting party would make known the object of the visit when the two peoples foregathered in some roomy house in the evening. Or the visiting party, after being welcomed, and having partaken of a meal, would retire to the house set aside for its accommodation, whereupon the leader would send word to the chief man of the village that he wished to see him. On the arrival of that person the toro (delegate) might possibly wait for him to open the conversation, which he would do by making the very brief remark "Inutai," which is an invitation to speak. The other person would then proceed with his narrative, or whatever it might be—in this case an explanation of the object of his visit. In such interviews, should the chief of the place require more details, he would say "Hokia ano." But this applies more to cases wherein a messenger speaks in an enigmatic manner. Thus a messenger conveying news of a raid often made it known by means of such a remark as "Kore na hoki maua; ko te wai anake e rere ana" ("We are no more; naught remains save the flowing waters").

We have seen that there is a certain etiquette pertaining to the presentation of gifts. Thus, when presenting a cloak or cape to a person, it would be laid outspread before him so that the upper part, the collar, would be next him. When gifts were made in a house we are told that a garment was deposited so that the neck faced the window; this was because visitors always occupied that part, or, in the absence of such, then it was the sleeping-place of the principal person of the inmates. Be it observed that the Maori did not hand a gift to the recipient, but deposited it before him. Gifts presented to an infant during the above-described functions were alluded to as paremata.

The refusal of an offer of betrothal such as is described above was deemed a slight, and, among such "touchy" folk as the Maori, the act might be productive of bitter trouble in the future.

This taumau function might take place at almost any time, as when the child was five or six years old, or some weeks or months after the tohi rite had been performed. An active man of good address was selected as a toro, and a small number of persons would accompany him on his errand. When making known the object of that errand the delegate would make some such remark as the following: "I have come hither in order to see our grandchild of whom so much has beenpage 47 heard by all, hence we are seen here" ("Taku haramai he toro i to tatou mokopuna, kua rahi ia ki roto i te taringa o te tangata; ina matau e noho nei"). In order to make known the child selected by his people as a mate for the local infant he would say, "Na Mea ka noho i a Mea ko Mea" ("From So-and-so who married So-and-so comes So-and-so"). This would be quite sufficient; his hearers would know the persons mentioned and their various lines of descent. The toro (delegate) would bring with him some form of gift, such as a cloak or a weapon, which he would deposit before his hosts. This is a form of gift alluded to as a paremata. The speech-making and arrangement of matters concerning the betrothal might take place the day after the arrival of the party, the previous evening having been devoted to the reception of the visitors. If the party arrived early enough in the day the ceremonial reception would be held during that day, and the village folk would entertain their guests during the evening, postponing all business until the morrow. Not more than two of the visitors would rise to speak concerning their business. The person who acted as spokesman for the village folk would, if the betrothal proposal was accepted, recite the formula termed a karakia hono.

After the deputation had departed on its return home the village folk would hold a meeting in which related peoples of other hamlets took part. At this meeting the gifts received from the deputation would be exhibited, also arrangements would be made as to who should have the custody of such presents. Hence, in after-days, one might inquire, "What became of the garments of the baptism of So-and-so?" and it would be explained, "So-and-so has them," or "I riro te kuwha o Mea"—that is, utilized as marriage gifts to a woman of the clan that had sent the deputation concerning the proposal of betrothal.

When the betrothed children reached the marrying age, that function was the occasion of a meeting of the clans, and at this meeting any of the betrothal gifts available would be exhibited on the marae (plaza) where the people were assembled, after which they would be handed over to the young couple. Any such articles as garments among these presents might be utilized later as ceremonial gifts and so passed on to others, but any "hard goods" (taonga maro) such as weapons were often retained. The ceremonial presentation of garments, ornaments, weapons, food-supplies, &c., represented a frequent occurrence in Maori social life; such gifts were made in connection with birth, marriage, death, exhumation, peace-making, moral delinquencies, and many other things too numerous to mention.

page 48

In connection with betrothal and marriage the Maori has an old saying as follows: "He hono tangata e kore e motu, kapa he taura waka, e motu" ("A human joining is inseverable, but not so a canoe-painter, which can be severed").

The ceremonial betrothal of children, termed taumau, has survived to some extent even to late times. Some twenty-five years ago or more Te Hati Houkamau, of the East Cape district, heard of the birth of a female infant in a certain family at Wai-rarapa. He thereupon despatched a messenger to that place, who took with him a superior garment to be handed over to the father of the child, so as to bespeak her for his own son Te Mana. He said to the messenger, "Haere, kawea te kakahu hai whariki mo te tamahine a—" ("Go, take the garments as a couch for the daughter of—"). Occasionally a toro would be despatched to convey a message to the chief of a neighbouring clan, asking him to select a suitable wife for the son of the applicant. The despatcher of the messenger would say to him, "Ki atu ki a Mea kai tirohia tetahi o ana kotiro maku" ("Tell So-and-so to select one of his girls for me"), although the young woman was wanted for his son, or possibly his grandson.

Infants are said to have been weaned when they had become able to turn over without assistance. This statement has been made to the writer by a number of natives. Others have said that the appearance of the child's teeth marked the time for weaning. In some cases mothers hastened the process by rubbing crushed leaves of horopito (Drimys axillaris) or kawakawa (Lomaria fluviatilis) on their breasts. Occasionally, we are told, a mother would allow a child to suckle her as long as it chose to. A lack of milk on the mother's part might lead to her masticating such food as the flesh of young birds as sustenance for her infant. Suitable foods for young children must have been difficult or impossible to procure in many cases—unless, indeed, all foods were suitable for the shorn lamb.

The practice of massaging infants was followed by Maori mothers in former times. Several different kinds of massage were employed by Natives, and to these were applied the terms romiromi, takahi, and toto. The first-named method is as its name implies, one of pressing, squeezing, and stroking, while the second is performed with the feet, it being a treading or trampling process (takahi = to tread). This latter, as may be assumed, was not employed in the case of infants, but is said to have had excellent results when practised on a person suffering from excessive fatigue. The form of massage employed in dealing with infants is termed toto, the substantive or gerundial form being toanga; it consisted of stroking, pressure, &c. The limbs,page 49 features, &c., were subjected to manipulation daily so that the child might acquire a comely form. When the child attained maturity the final beautifying process was begun—that of tattooing. Thus massage and tattooing are by the Maori coupled together, as seen in the following remark made by Hori Ropiha, of Waipawa: "Ka whanau mai te tamaiti ka toia e tona whaea kia ataahua ai nga waweae, te tinana, me te kanohi; a ka pakeke ka taia ki te moko. No reira tenei whakatauki. He toanga ke ta tona matua, he toanga ke ta te kauri" ("When a child was born it was massaged by its mother to render its legs, body, and features shapely; when grown up it was tattooed. Hence this saying 'The manipulation of the parent differs from that of the tattooer' ").

Occasionally a form of basket cradle was used by the Maori mother, and this porakaraka, as it was termed, would be suspended in some way near where the mother chanced to be employed. This basket-like receptacle was distended by means of a hoop, and one informant stated that a trailing cord might be attached to it, and by means of which the mother would occasionally set it swinging. Another form, termed a pakokori or korowhitiwhiti, was a small enclosure made by thrusting in to the earth four supplejack hoops so as to enclose a small square area. To the upper parts of these hoops, on the inner side, was tied a circular hoop, and a folded mat or old garment was arranged round the hoop and there secured. This was constructed at such a height that when the child was placed standing inside the enclosure its arms could be placed over the padded edge thereof. This was for children not yet able to walk: the child supported itself partially by means of its arms, and its feet took the balance of its weight; in this manner a child soon learned to stand.

When a mother occupied a sleeping-hut that was tapu, as most of such places formerly were, she would go outside the hut whenever it was necessary that her infant should receive its natural sustenance. This was in accordance with the general custom that no food may be partaken of within a dwelling-hut.

In former times the Maori was evidently much given to the singing of songs to infants, and many songs were specially composed for that purpose, of which a considerable number has been preserved. These songs are known as oriori (in full, oriori tamariki) and they must not be confused with lullabies sung with the intention of causing a child to sleep. When examined they are found to be peculiar compositions in many cases, and, from our point of view, utterly unsuitable for the purpose of being sung to children. This aspect is the result of their being packed with allusions to occurrences in tribal history andpage 50 ancient myths, beliefs, &c. It is a fact that many of these songs composed for children are among the most interesting of Native compositions, and that is on account of their contents. They are so composed because their purport was primarily an educational one. They were so worded as to contain much information that it was considered desirable children should become acquainted with. Certainly such a song would be sung to a child long before it could understand the same, and before it had acquired the faculty of speech. But the child would grow and develop the faculties of thought and speech, and also knowing the wording of the song. Sooner or later the child would commence to ask questions regarding the song, the meaning of names, &c., and so knowledge was acquired. This was, in fact, one of the methods of instruction adapted by the Maori. Schools for small folk did not exist, but there were certain peculiar and interesting usages by means of which desirable knowledge was imparted to children and so handed down succeeding generations.

The following is given as a specimen of these oriori, or instructive songs. Attention is directed to the number of proper names it contains; these would be the subject of inquiry on the part of children:—

Naumai, e hine! ki te aoturoa a to tipuna a Tane-matua;
I tiki ai ki roto o Matangi-reia i a Io mata ngaro; i roto o Rangiatea e whata ana
Mauria mai nei ko te kete tuauri, ko te kete tuatea, ko te kete arounui, ehine!
I te ara tiatia i he ai Whiro te tipua; kake noa tera i te ara taepa, te kite, te aha.
Koia tarahau o nga puhi o nga rangi, e hine . . e!
Ka kawea mai e Tane-nui-a-Rangi, e nga whatukura,
Ki roto o Wharekura nei whata ai te wananga, e hine!
Ka waiho hei ao marama ki taiao nei, e hine . . e!
Koia i tipu ai te tarahau, te hinana na;
Tau ke atinuku, tau ke atirangi i konei, e hine . . e!
Ka kutia te po, ka kutia te ao, ko Te Paerangi tenei, e hine . . e!
Koia i noho ai Tane i a Hine-titama i konei, e hine . . e!
Ka titamatia te po, ka titamatia te ao;
Ka uia i reira e Te Kuwatawata "E haere ana koe ki whea, Tane te waiora . . e!"
Ka uia "E hine! Haere ana koe ki whea?"
Ka mea a Hine "Kei whea toku matua e ngaro nei i au . . e?"
Ka uia ki nga poupou o te whare, kaore te ki mai te waha.
E mate ra i te whakama, ka konau haere i Whitianaunau, ki marae nui o Poutere-rangi
E ohomauri ana a Tanae, ka atiu i waho ra o Hui-te-ananui
"E hokai ana koe ki whea, e Tane-tikitiki . . e?"
Ka pa mai te waha "Ki te whai atu i ta taua nei puhi, e hika . . e"!
page 51 "E hoki; tangohia e koe i nga tupuni o Wehi-nui-a-mamao
Ko Hihira ki uta, ko Hihira ki tai, ko Parinuku, ko Parirangi
Tikina e koe ki te kahui whatu punga nei . . e"
Ko Takurua nei, e, Meremere nei, e, Atutahi-ma-Rehua nei, e;
He ariki no te tau ka wehe nei, e;
Ka tau mai ko Whakaneke pungarehu nei, e, ko Ruaki-motumotu
Nei . . e;
Hei tupa i a Wero-i-te-ninihi, e, ko Wero-i-te-kokota nei . . e.
Ka puta i konei o raua tuahine, a Wero-i-te-marie, a Wero-i-te-
ahuru . . e;
Koia te wero i te mahana, e i tataia ki te poho o Rangi-nui;
Koia Tama-nui-te-ra, e hine, e! Ka haere wareware atu na koe, e;
Koia i tau ai te haere i te aoturoa, e hine . . e . . i!
Ka wehea te po i konei, te ao i konei, e hine aku . . e . . i."

Here we have a song that would, from our point of view, be utterly unsuitable for such a purpose as singing to infants—a song utterly unlike our lullabies and nursery ballads. In this orirori the child is welcomed into the world of light, this world into which Tane introduced light and knowledge. Then occur references to the ascent of Tane to the heavens, his procuring the three baskets of knowledge and bringing them down to earth, where they were preserved in Wharekura. Then comes the story of Tane and his daughter Hinetitama, and of her descent to the underworld; after which come allusions to old astronomical myths—and this was composed as a song to be crooned over infants!

Another of these oriori collected in past years was composed by Tamahau, of Ngati-Hikawera, of the Wai-rarapa district. It was composed in retaliation of some offensive remarks made by one Toko-pounamu, and the first part runs as follows:—

E tama ki te matangi e tangi nei, turituri noa.
E tama maniania kia whakarangona ake te ki a te mokai.
Tenei taua te kiia mai nei he toenga,
Tenei taua te kiia mai nei he mutunga,
Tenei taua te kiia mai nei he mau maro,
Tenei taua te kiia mai nei he taurekareka . . e . . i.
Mau hoki e utu atu, noku anake te tupuna;
To haramai i mua i waiho nga huruhuru o te tara
Hei piki mo te tino tangata e korero mai na . . e.
Ko taua ano i Nga Konohi, e; ko taua ano i Wai-o-ruarangi;
Ko taua ano i te putakari tipua ki muri.
Ka ea ona mate, ka waiho te whenua mo taua, e tama!
Tahuri utua ke te ki e ki mai ra.

Here the slighted one composes an oriori in order to avenge an insult—indeed, to doubly avenge it. In the first place, it would quickly become known, and so doubtless annoy his detractor; in thepage 52 second place, he explains in the song belittling expressions made concerning himself, and calls upon his infant son to square the account. The child would grow up thoroughly conversant with the song, its meaning, and with what was expected of him. At some time in the future the account must be settled. When the opportunity came to do so the offender might no longer be in the world of life. but that mattered little—his children or other members of the clan must pay the reckoning.

The following is the first stanza of an oriori composed by one Nga-rangi-whakaotia for Meretini:—

Uiui noa, au, e hine! Ko wai to ingoa
I kawe ai koe e o matua ki te wai tuaroa ai?
Maku e tapa atu ki te ingoa o to tipuna, o Whakarewa-i-te-rangi, e hine . . e!
Noho mai, e hine! I roto i to whare i Taiwhetuki, e, te whare no Tuarangi.
Ka patua e Tane hei topetope i tana toko,
I a Toko-hurunuku, i a Toko-hururangi, i a Rakau-tuke, i a Rakau-koki
Nga toko, e hine! I tokona ai te rangi i runga nei.
Rere te maramara no te Awhiorangi;
Ko te toki tena i topetopea nga ngaru.
Ki mai te tangata—Na wai ra, e?
Mau e ki atu na Te Kahui-pou, na Pou-titi, na Pou-tata, na Pou-korero
Na Kahu-taringa i tiki ki roto o Wharekura, e hine . . e!

Here again the composer goes away back to the origin of things, to the separation of earth and sky, to find a theme for a song to be sung to an infant. Here are mentioned the four props or supports by means of which the heavens were supported; the ancient and tapu stone adze said to have been used in cutting those props, and in after-times employed in a singular rite performed in order to calm a storm-tossed sea. This magic implemented is said to have been used to fell or hew down the great billows; its name is the Awhiorangi, and rumour states that it is in possession of the Nga-rauru folk, who keep it concealed.

One Wai-Karaka was responsible for the following oriori, composed for a female infant named Hiki-pakupaku:—

E Hiki-pakupaku! E ware ana taua i te korero o te mokai;
Nuku mai taua ki raro, kihai taua i tata.
I tikina e koe ki te motuhanga o nga waka i tawhiti;
I a Tainui taua, i a Te Arawa, i a Horouta, i a Takitimu, i a Kura-haupo;
Ko te waka tena o to tupuna, o Whatonga.
Ko Ihu-papangarua, te hoe tena i u mai ai ki Aotearoa;
page 53 Ko te hoe whakairo i waiatia i te ngaru tuatea.
I u ki uta ra ko te karaka huarua, ko te kopou ai (?) ratau.
I toro mai taua, e hine! I Tawhiti-nui, i Tawhiti-roa, i Tawhiti-pamamao;
Koia te nukuroa nana [a] Maurea, nana Rongokako, nana Tamatea,
Ka noho i a Iwipupu ko Iwipupu ko Kahungunu-matangi-rau.
Kotahi tonu, e hine! Te whawharua i takoto ai raua ko Rongomai-wahine . . e . . i.
Whakautua taua, e hine, ki Maungaroa ki te tiraha aruhe . . e . . i.
Whakautua taua ki te kawhiu paua i a Uepata.
He peka ianei taua, e hine! I te korero o te mokai;
I rapa taua, e hine! Ki te tahunga a to tipuna i te maota i mate ai te moa.
Na Uenuku taua, e hine! I mokai ai;
I haere ai Ruatapu i te huri purei ata, tona hokowhitu;
Te hoki mai hoki ki te whai ao, ki te ao marama.
Ka whakapuaretia e te tuakana, e Kahutia-te-rangi;
Ka tukua i reira ko te rahui nui ki raro;
Ka mate taua i te Upoko-poito, e hine . . e . . i.

Here again we encounter references to tribal traditions—to the coming of vessels from Polynesia some twenty generations ago; to persons of that period and their doings in the world of life. The lengthy production below has been constructed on similar lines: it is an oriori composed by one Rangikawea—

Tenei roa taku tapairu ariki te haramai nei;
I haramai ano koe i roto i a Pipiri;
He uranga, he harurutanga, he ngatorotanga ka tau ki mua ra.
Naumai, e tama! Ki te ao marama nei;
Whakarongo ake ai ki te korero o te mokai e hai mau ra kei a taua.
Whakarongo ake ai ki te korero o te mokai e hau mai ra kei a taua.
Na to tipuna, e tama! Na Te Rangi-kamangungu i ki mai he mokai taua no roto ake nei;
Mau ra e ki atu—Ko koe anake te mokai, no te Rowhita papa . . e
No taku hau te kawa, no te pohatu paremoremo . . e
No te kirikiri tatangi mai i roto o Tawhiti-nui . . e
No te mea raia, e tama! He rurenga taua no nga pou.
No runga, taua, e, no te tahu atua nei;
No te kimihanga taua, no te rangahautanga,
No te kore te whiwhia, no te kore te rawea.
Pupuru mau ake ki te kanoi o te uha
Te kawitiwiti, e, te katoatoa kai tirawa i hapua he tane ko Hawaiki . . e
Na Tangaroa taua, na Te Whatu, na Maire, na Maika, na Uira, na Tato
Na Rongokako, na Tamatea, na Kahungunu, na Kahukura-nui, na Rakai-hikuroa
E ka taketake taua ki te ao marama . . e . . i.
Na Ngaitaua, e, na Ngainui, na Ngairoa, na Ngaipehu,
page 54 Na Ngaiakiaki, na Te Manu-waerorua, na Toi, na Rauru-toa,
Na Whatonga, na Ruatapu, na Tahatiti, na Rakaiora, e tama!
Ki te whai ao, ki te ao marama . . e . . i.
Ko Kahukura anake te atua i whanau mai ki waho;
Na te hau, na te matangi, na te hau whakarawarawa;
Na Tuatea, nana i ai mai ko Tara-kumukumu ki mua, ko Kahukura ki muri;
Whangai rawa atu ki te waiu o tona matua hamama tonu ki tawhiti,
Whangai rawa atu ki te ate kahawai;
Ka ruakina mai ki waho ra, koia te maroro.
E hanga ana Pou i tona whare i Pohokura
Toia nga waka e rua ki te tauranga, hoki tonu mai tera ki te kainga.
Hoki rawa atu ka riro i nga taokete te kahaki,
I a Kauoa, i a Paeaki, i a Rongoiamoa, i a Atahinga-matua.
Eke tonu tera ki runga ki tona waka huruhuru manu;
Ka tu ki waho ki te moana ka tuku te roro hau;
Ka taka ki raro ra koia Rumakina ka whanake i raro ra.
Pipiha i te uru o Maruanuku, whakaea te uru o Maruararo;
Ka haere tera i runga i te ika moana;
Tutaki tonu atu ki nga taokete e haramai ana;
Whakahoki rawa mai, maro tonu atu.
Tangi te pou mau kita kau ki uta ra;
Ka hoa i tona karakia, tukia mai te papa;
He koenga, he papa matiketike, he papa makeukeu . . e.
Kei te whakahotu nuku, e, kei te whakahotu rangi, kei te huihui aromea;
Te kakau whakawhiwhia e Rua, Rua nui a Toru . . e.
Ko wai koe e whakahua mai nei ki toku ingoa? Ko awau ko Rangahua, e
I haramai au ki nga kakano, kia tangohia mai ko te tutae tara, ko te kawakawa tawhiti.
Tirahatia mai ko Hautakere-nuku, ko Hautakere-rangi;
I haramai i runga i aku manu, i a Tiunga-rangi, i a Haronga-rangi
Ka tau ana ko te aro o te atua.
Ka tiria, e tama! Ki te puke tahi anake
Whiti a tau rawa ake, ka heke ki te raupapa nui (?)
Ka tae ki te tua kiato [? atua kiato] hei whangai mohou . . e . . i."

Portions of the above are somewhat obscure. We have here another case of a person feeling insulted on account of slurring remarks, and so the aggrieved one composed this song in order to ease his mind and to keep the memory of the insult green. The composer welcomes his (or her) child into the world of life, and the child is told of the verbal affront and of the person who offered it, and how to make answer to it. We are then carried back to times remote and told the descent of the singer and his child, and of Pou-rangahua, who sought the seed of the sweet-potato at far Hawaiki, and of his wife, who was guardian of the prized greenstone, and of how the prized tuber was brought to these isles and here planted. All of whichpage 55 seems to us as being extremely inappropriate and unfitted for insertion in a nursery song.

In the following we see that lines of descent were traced in these songs, and so a knowledge of them was acquired by children as they grew up. This oriori was composed by one Tahatu-o-te-rangi for the benefit of two infants, twins, named Kupe and Ngake—so named, presumably, after the two Polynesian explorers who are said to have reached these shores in the mist-laden past.

Ka pau hoki ra o taua nei hau te tuku e o matua ki raro;
Ka hemo te maunga, e ora ana te wa ki o kaiure na … .
Whakaawatea rawa ake ko te puta kakari ko Ue (?)
Ka puta Pani taonga ki te ahi, ko Tohatoha te ika i te ati;
Ka puta ki te ahi i te Papanui, ko Waerea te ika i te ati;
Ko Te Atinuku, ko Tupai-whakarongo-wananga.
Ka rea i o matua nei ko te puta kakari ko Whakamarino;
Ka mau to taua nei wehi ki te rangi ka iri ta taua nei kai.
Kati pea, ma Kupe raua nei ko Ngake e tina te whenua nei,
Tina te tukutuku o te rangi, tina te aweawe o te rangi, tina tamore i Hawaiki.
Kia noho ai taua i te kainga o to tipuna o Whatumamoa i Here-taunga;
Waiho e Whatumamoa ki a Te Orotu nona te kiri pango e mau atu nei i a taua nei.
E kiia mai nei e Tahaia ki to tuakana ki te kiri papakiri
Na Houruru taua, na Hourea, na Houpango,
Na Taiwiri, na Taipopoia, na Tama-nohorangi,
Nana i ai mai ki waho ko Kura-tawhiti;
Ka noho i a Tu-rauwhanui, a Kea (?) ko Rakai-te-kura;
Ka noho i a Te Rangi-tuehu, ko Hine-iao, he wahine;
Ka noho i a Te Rangi-taumaha, ko Te Huhuti, ko Te Ruatiti;
Ka noho i a Te-Whati-Apiti, ko Te Wawahanga o te rangi, ko Te Hikawera;
Ka noho i a Te Ao-patu-whare, ko Te Rangi-kawhiua te tane;
Ka noho i a Horonga-i-te-rangi, ko Te Manawa-hawa . . e . . i.

There is an interesting allusion in the above to Te Orotu, an old-time chief of the Ngati-Mamoe folk who occupied the Napier district many generations ago. Now, Ngati-Mamoe are described in Maori tradition as being a branch of the Maruiwi people, the first occupants of the North Island. Ngati-Mamoe are said to have moved to the Napier district when harassed by enemies elsewhere. The composer of the above song remarks on the fact that Te Orotu was a dark-skinned person—"his the dark skin that we possess"—which reminds us of the traditionary statement that the Maruiwi folk were a dark skinned people. The Houruru mentioned in the song was the son of Te Orotu. The Kura-tawhiti mentioned flourished seventeen generations ago. The other persons mentioned are well-knownpage 56 ancestors of the Hawke's Bay district. The following is a line of descent from Te Orotu through Houruru—

Many more of these oriori songs might here be given, but the above will suffice to show the nature of such compositions, the utter lack of the simple themes and simple language that mark our nursery ballads and lullabies.