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While the big pig trots around a selection of trade link hopefuls, firing from the hip on his latest pet issues, government ministries run around dazed and bewildered at the reports travelling back through the internation press.
Muldoon seems willing to render state administration obsolete. This is an extremely disturbing prospect as it has already sustained severe body blows by the installation of hand-picked think thanks and task forces.
He has now placed the economic machinery of New Zealand in the hands of a selection' of out-to-grass academics and petty bureaucrats draughted from the ranks of the upper-middle classes.
The question needs to be put - is there now any need for state legislature and indeed, even cabinet? Muldoon has every cabinet member so far under his thumb, that the natural checks and balances on a party leader can not now be expected to operate.
Muldoon has shifted any potential leadership threats into the background and given them diversionary portfolios. His deputy leader, chosen of course as a reward for siding with the Muldoonist wing of the National Party (now there is no other) during the Marshall days, is hardly capable of making a power bid for first in the queue at Bellamey's, let alone the Premiership.
All cabinet ministers are noticably silent. All have to justify themselves by cutting their departments budget. All are on trial under the eye of the most reactionary and coercive leader New Zealand has ever had.
Heads of State will probably not take Muldoon seriously while he is overseas, shooting his mouth off with every statement (many of which are not backed up with any proof).
New Zealanders have to take him seriously because he now holds so much power in his hands (he constantly refers to his landslide victory and huge mandate of 34% of the vote).
Robert Muldoon cannot be trusted. In a period of high inflation and economic unstability when small business are tending to go in to liquidation and people feel threatened by immigrants and other dissenting groups; history proves that such conditions encourage the emergency of a tough fascist dictator appearing as a father-centred figure preaching anti-liberalism, anti-communism and anti-intellectualism. Muldoon is such a man. He is a product of a tough and vicious age of history and he shows it every day through his political actions.
We operate as an information exchange for new ideas and practices ip education.
We are a small (non-profit) collective with extensive files on alternative schools, open teaching methods, radical education theory, work outs - and much more.
If you are interested, write to:
for a free sample copy of our regular newsletter, The Magazine
Salient has received official notification from Deputy Registrar Robin Gilliver that first term bursaries will be paid out on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday of this week the 28th, 29th and 30th of April and that cheques may be collected in the Lecture Block foyer between 9.30am and 12.30pm, and between 1.30pm and 4.30pm each day.
Assessment meeting. Boardroom 12-2pm Monday. All those interested please come.
Special General Meeting of the Students Association Wednesday, 28th April, 12 noon Union Hall, discussing how your money is to be spent by Studass this year.
International Club - Wine and Cheese Evening - 28th April (Wednesday).
Union Hall.
Anyone who wants to be involved in discussions on their courses with a view to writing critiques for Salient come to a meeting in the Salient Office on Tuesday, 12 noon
Its Free!
'Harry and the One Hand Band'
Gymnasium Thursday 1pm & 8.30pm
Friday 12.30pm
Auditions
Auditions
Auditions
7.30pm Wed. 28 April - Activities Room for:
Drama SOC Lunchtime Panto - Revue
Drama SOC Lunchtime Panto - Revue
Drama SOC Lunchtime Panto - Revue
playing 25th, 26th and 27th May.
If you'd like to help in anyway with this production, please come to auditions or phone Janet - 738-396
Being the first of a series of rock and roll Salient Notes.
The lights dimmed. Or blew, as the case may be. Six thousand eager students quietly expectant, whispering as the first traces of that characteristic red glow appear around the fringes of the stage, the glow that has become the hallmark of the rejuvenated Salient rock and roll band ever since they exploded into the music scene at the start of the year of the Dragon (
A muted roar rose among the fringe of the crowd as the band trucked down onto the stage, led by lead vocalist John Ryall in his distinguished Mao cap and trendy Mao jacket. Following closely were lead guitarist John 'Hendrix' Henderson, resplendant in a red jacket and tool operators headphones, Hammond organ maestro Tony Ward, twin lead guitarist David Murray, and bassist and nominal leader of the band Gyles Beckford, the oldest and most experienced of the University musicians. Then proceeded pedal steel guitarist Rachel Scott, famous for her hart and leather, Lynn Peck a big name on the acoustic guitar and back-up vocals. Lionel Klee, drummer of the band, a great dummer but subject to the occasional technical fuckup, Lindy Cassidy (synthesister), Leonie Morris (percussion), pianist Pat Bartle and Richard Mays on alto tennis racquets, Pat O'Dea, castanets in hand, followed on, as did rhythm guitarists Mike Stephens and Robert Lithgow.
Chief songwriters Ben Smith, Mark Sainsbury, Gerard Couper, Martin Doyle and new recruit Guru all featured on backup vocals, and business manager Warwyck Dewe played a mightly cowbell. Lead violin (Rose Desmond) starred first on the bands opening song (the classic Dialectical Materialism Blues) with her blend of traditional and contemporary strings, as did Gerard Van Bohemn on lead triangle. Second song 'Pitchforks and Haymaking' (a Henderson/Ryall/Stephens/ Smith composition) featured Leigh Thomson's piercing vocal style, reminiscent of recent Christian Union material, the band he left to join Salient.
Cleese/Idle composition 'How Sweet to be an Idiot' was presented next, with Comrade Mac leading in a way that only the truly initiated find possible.
Salient finished with their famous Tangerine Lighttable', with Big Lenny, Chris Wilson, Terry Auld, Alison Bartlett and Kevin Swann each being given a change to prove their brilliance on the bugle.
While I was writing this review the concert finished and everybody went home, but I am assured by independant sources that a good time was had by all.
Salient is edited by John Ryall, published by the Victoria University Students' Association and printed by Wanganui Newspapers Ltd. Drews Avenue, Wanganui.
One complete set of Premier drums with 3 Avedis Zildjian cymbals 20 inches, 18 inches and 16 inches, plus high hat and double toms 1973 model $450 ono. Telephone 894-213 Evenings.
A major confrontation is looming between the Government and the student and teacher organisations as a result of a Cabinet decision to cut first year student teachers' allowances.
Only a few months after taking office, the National Government has broken its election promise to retain the present level of allowances paid to student teachers and has adopted the defeated Labour Government's policy of attempting to undermine student teachers' existing conditons.
Although Education Minister Les Gander has tried to justify breaking the Government's election promise by blaming the Labour administration for creating "major anomalies in the conditions for students entering teachers' colleges this year", the Government's decision not to pay new entrants to teachers' colleges the January 3.1% cost of living wage adjustment is seen as part of its overall policy of cutting education spending.
This policy has already caused a sharp reaction from the NZ Educational Institute (representing primary teachers) the Post-Primary Teachers' Association, the Free Kindergarten Teachers' Association, the Student Teachers' Association and the NZ University Students' Association.
The controversy over student teachers' allowances first blew up after the Labour Government introduced the standard tertiary bursary in the Budget last May.
Labour Finance Minister Bob Tizard's statement that the Government would give preference to students admitted to teachers' colleges in
Anxious to capitalise on popular discontent with the Labour Government, the National Party was quick to criticise the new bursary plans. Speaking in Parliament on 5 June, Opposition Education spokesman Les Gandar outlined National's alternative policy. 'The National Party has already announced", he said, "that, when it becomes the Government in November, it will first restore the present conditions for student teachers."
It did not take long for the Labour Government to buckle under student and teacher pressure. Just over a week after the Budget announcement, Education Minister Phil Amos told Parliament that the Government had decided to drop its controversial decision to give preference to new entrants to teachers' colleges who opted for the unbonded bursary.
The Government then attempted to heavily increase the bond for those student teachers who opted for bonded allowances in
Teacher's college students have always received a much higher level of allowances than students at universities and technical institutes. In return for signing a bond obligation to repay each year of training with a year's service to the state, student teachers receive annual allowances ranging from about $2500 to $5500.
In legal terms, these allowances are a peculiarity. They have always been negotiated between the Education Department and the teachers' organisations in the same way as teachers' salaries. The allowances have attracted regular cost of living increases paid to state servants and have been taxed. But the allowances are not a 'wage' or a 'salary'.
However student teachers have an "employee-employer" relationship with their bosses, the Education Boards and the Teachers' Colleges. They undergo a directed programme of training which combines professional preparation with liberal arts courses. And teachers' college students undertaking the three year courses spend over one fifth of their time in the classroom 'on section".
During their classroom training, student teachers must act, for all intents and purposes, like a junior teacher rather than a student. In this respect their course of training is more analogous to that of a policeman who goes through a police training school than to that of a university student.
The central point of concern of the student and teacher organisations' opposition to the Labour Government's plans to phase out student teachers bonded allowances was their fear that lower allowances would not attract students to teachers' colleges. Although recruitment levels were high, the students and teachers argued that that gave teachers' college selection committees a greater ability to select keen and able teacher trainees.
The students and teachers pointedly reminded the Labour Government how a decision, on financial grounds, in the
The Labour Government also came in for some harsh criticism for its refusal to consult with the student and teacher organisations before announcing its plans for student teachers in the Budget.
It wasn't until Amos's announcement on 19 August that this message finally got through to the Labour Government. In September the Director-General of Educations convened a meeting with representatives of the employing authorities, the teacher organisations and the student organisations to discuss student teachers' allowances from
It is not certain how big a part the Labour Party's bungling over student teacher allowances played in winning votes for the National Party. But the National Party seized the opportunity to play on students' discontent and constantly attacked the Labour Government for its lack of consultation and its ill-prepared plans.
On 5 September Les Gandar outlined the National Party's policy in a letter to interested organisations. The first point of this policy was a promise to "retain the present level of allowances paid to student teachers" And in explaining this pledge Gandar stated: "The present student teacher allowance carries with it obligations of an employer/employee relationship. Until this important matter has been thoroughly examined we feel that the
Later, the Young Nationals put out a poster titled "Labour Government Rips Students Off', which was authorised by Gandar as National's spokesman on Education. This poster stated: "Consulting no-one but Treasury about student needs, the Government has slashed the Student Teachers average pay by two thirds (a statement which was quite incorrect), to pay for other students rightful allowances. Why should one section of students have to suffer the loss of their rightful allowances in order to provide a basic allowance for the rest?"
Two days before the election, the National Party fired its final round on student allowances. A large advertisement placed in metropolitan dailies proclaimed that a National Government would "restore the present scale of payments to teacher trainees."
In the dying days of the election campaign the student organisations warned that the National Party was attempting to bribe students with hollow promises and blatantly dishonest propaganda. The National Government's decision on student teachers has now shown that their concern was well-founded.
It is not known if the Government even bothered to consult the Treasury before deciding not to pay new entrants to teachers' colleges the January 3.1% wage adjustment. Certainly, the student and teacher organisations were not consulted. And Gandar's justification for this decision had a rather familiar ring to it.
After a meeting with teacher and student organisations on 15 April. Gandar said that until the anomalies in the conditions of new entrants to teachers' colleges had been resolved, the Government had decided not to let allowances move further away from the standard tertiary bursary, as would occur if the January wage adjustment was applied to new entrants to teachers' colleges. This statement strongly implied that the Government had surreptitiously adopted the defeated Labour Government's long-term policy of moving all tertiary students on to the same level of allowances.
Gandar has also said that he wants the Education Department to resume the discussions on student teachers' allowances from
Students' Association Vice-president Steve Underwood, has threatened the Wellington Training College Students' Association with court action over a letter published in its weekly newsheet.
In a letter from Underwood's solicitor, Mr P. Boshier, the editors of the newsheet, Michael Howley and Audrey Young, are informed of comments made in "Newsheet 7" which are alleged to be defammatory.
The comments are made by a person writing under the nom-de-plume of "W.P.". Apparently there had been some previous correspondence relating to the sale of bean bags at Training College by John Leydon, and insinuations that he was seleling them for his own profit.
However, in Newsheet 7 John Leydon explained that he wasn't making any personal gains from the slae, but that the profit was going to a Training College "elective" (weekly optional courses).
In a letter following this, the original accuser "W.P." admitted that he/she had made a mistake in attacking John Leydon, but insinuated that Steve Underwood was certainly "engaging in a private fund raising effort" and that he was doing this behind the bake of the Students' Association.
Below we reprint the letter. Salient will be interested in the eventual outcome.
Approximately 300 students attended the Special General Meeting of the Wellington Training College Students' Association (at least the beginning of the meeting).
There were rapidly bored by onerous financial details of last year, proposals for this year and at the end of this initial section of the meeting about 30 people left.
Alex Purves (the National President of S.T.A.N.Z.) spoke for a while on the issue of non-payment of the Cost-of-Living increase to first year students. He explained to the students that this was in direct conflict with the previous policy of the Education Department under which students had always automatically been paid.
Any deviations from this rule had always been discussed with representative organisations (ie NZEI and STANZ) and the National Party Policy said that the present system would continue.
First on his feet during the ensuing debate was local Trotskyist Woodward who seemed in the same speech to criticise Purves for not acting himself and for also not consulting students.
Debate staggered along for a while until the meeting generally agreed that the student body had to wait until that 'craggy pillar of wisdom' Candar had turned down a polite request to come through with the Cost-of-Living Order.
Then having an extremely strong case the students would meet again and probably act like any other union would.
After brief reports from Geoff Jones (STANZ Liason Officer) and Trevor Mallard (President) on STANZ and sexual discrimination in education the meeting hit its high point with a discussion on whether the Students' Association should abolish its quorum (presently 20%) for Special General Meetings.
Although it was couched in liberal words, it was seen by the meeting for what it was - a plot by the Christian fellowship to get their revenge for a bit of politicking last year whereby they missed out on a grant because the quorum left just before it was granted.
The result of their motion would have been that meetings would go on until finished even if only one person was present.
Next on the Agenda was a proposal for a building fund which took a hell of a long time to establish considering how simple the motion was and the degree of unamity of the meeting.
Just as we got on to the most vital issue of the meeting - (another right wing plot which questioned Wellington's continuing association with S.T.A.N.Z.) - the same student as last year was pulled on the Christian fellowship. The quorum buggered off and the meeting closed amid howls of Christian protest.
Capping has traditionally been a time for drunken revelry, terrorising the locals and generally having a good time. Those of us who have been around for 4-5 years will be able to tell you all about the good old bad old days of Capping. But those days are gone and we now have the good old now days.
The now days Capping program is brought to you by the Studass Executive and promises more and better than last year. There is something for everyone in Capping and if you want to get anything out of it you must participate.
'Flop Flop (to be taken orally)'
Capping Revue - Monday to Thursday 8pm, Friday and Saturday 8pm and 11pm. Memorial Theatre.
Admission $1.50 students - $2.00 others.
The best Capping Revue yet - music, dancing, hard hitting satire guaranteed to wake you up after a long boreing term at University. Come and hear things you've never heard on stage before and we defy you not to blush!
Cast
top - Mark Cuby;
next - Mary Regan, Christopher Ransome;
bottom - Deborah Guthrie (director), Robert Langton, Cashy Haig;
others - Gerard Winter and Phil.
To be judged and implemented during Capping Week. The Capping Committee shall judge.
Prizes for Originality - Ball Ticket
and Publicity - Ball Ticket
A Cappint Stunt must be distinguished from the treasure hunt. The Stunt generally do not involve the kidnapping or borrowing of any
eg taking over the Brian Edward Talk back show.
and a door to door survey in Glenmore street registering objections to the second airport being in the Botanical gardens.
All stunts must be registered and approved at the Studass office before the stunt eventuates, so the VUWSA can accept some legal responsibility.
New Zealand Breweries is pleased to be associated with this event and once again has come across with very generous sponsorship.
Tennis Courts -
No registration is required for above events, just front up! You have to compete to get a drink. All timing will be done on electronic timing devices for the above events, accurate to 1/1000th of a second.
In addition there will be faculty drinking races which law faculty will undoubtedly win. Two teams per faculty allowed.
This year we are having a 'Special Events Race' whereby any sports team, flat, boarding hostel etc may enter. The team must consist of 6 members who will each drink a 7oz. You must register for this event, naming your team, by Friday 23rd April 5pm at the Studass Office.
If time permits there will be medley races, 7oz, ½ pint, pint, jub (4 man teams), and selected drinkers will be called on to participate in 2 'Oxford 8's' before play is stopped due to failing light.
Bursary is paid today - we hope this is not a stunt.
10.00am Treasure Hunt - Rankine Brown Courtyard'.
1st prize - Ball ticket
2nd prize - 5 SASRAC tickets
Most original entry - 5 SASRAC tickets.
A person of high regard in public life will be called on to judge the entries.
All entries must be registered by Tuesday 27th of April 5pm at the Studass Office.
All entries must turn up at Rankine Brown Courtyard by 10am.
The Treasure Hunt merely involves the borrowing of some unusual and interesting article, and entering it.
Past entries have included:
Carmen
Tip Top Truck
An aborted Wallaby Foetus
One of Mat Rata's comics
A circus elephant
Your entry must be able to be brought to the Rankine Brown Courtyard. If not it may be best to enter it in the Capping Stunts.
(what paternalistic crap - I think women should boycott this event - Typesetter)
Each entry receives 1 dozen.
Afterwards there will be liquid refreshments at 15 or so establishments between Oriental Bay and the University.
8.00pm Sports Council Blues Dinner - tickets from Studass Office.
London, April 5. — Audrey Callaghan looks on her burdensome new role as wife of Britain's Prime Minister as a challenge.
Unlike her predecessor. Mary Wilson. Mrs Callaghan has said she would be delighted to live in the Prime Ministers' official residence. 10 Downing Street, not far from the Houses of Parliament.
The shy Mrs Wilson disliked living above the offices housed on the ground floors of No 10 and the ease with which their domestic routine could be interrupted by official business.
During Mr Wilson's final term of office the couple lived in their own home nearby in Lord North Street.
Mrs Callaghan is looking forward to the challenge of a new home. She has made striking changes to the decor of her husband's present official residence, such as ordering one of the state rooms to be highlighted with gold leaf.
She has a reputation for getting things done: "Audrey wears the trousers in that house," says a close friend.
In political matters. Mrs Callaghan is described as being to the left of her husband. She takes a keen interest in children's welfare and until
Now in her mid-50s. she met her husband when she was a 17-year-old schoolgirl and he was a tax official. After leaving school she won an economics degree at the London School of Economics, where she was taught by Hugh Gaitskell, a future Labour Party leader.
The couple married in
Christchurch, April 5 (PA). — The Christchurch police have released the names of the three people who were found dead in a house in Somerfield Street, Somerfield on Sunday.
They were: Mr Edward Frances Lewis, 45, his wife, Virginia Anne Lewis, 28, and their son, Anthony Glenn Lewis, aged seven.
The bodies of the three, which were found by the police about 7pm on Sunday, were formally identified this morning.
The man and his wife had
A post-mortem examination of the bodies was mode today, said Detective Inspector N J Stokes, of the Christchurch CIB.
He said the results of the postmortem examinations would not be released until the Lower Court hearing of a charge of murder against a 17-year-old high school student.
From Hawkes Bay Herald Tribune
NZPA-Reuter — Copyright San Antonio, Texas, Oct. 11
A 21-year-old woman told police yesterday she was running naked along a street seeking help after being raped by three men when two cyclists grabbed her, dragged her into the brush and raped her twice more.
The woman said that in the first attack she was forced into a car by three men as she walked along a street on San Antonio's north side. She said they look her to the west side, raped her and rode off in their car, leaving her naked.
She ran up a street seeking help, she said, only to meet the two men on bicycles, who also assaulted her. Her next try for help was successful. The residents of a house she went to telephoned police.
Helen Carmichael toyed with the brown cord round her waist . . . sat pensive and ran her togue over his lips . . . slapped the table-top repeatedly as her voice rose a pitch and the words rushed out.
She's an unexpected leader for an historically conservative political party.
She's young, attractive, self-assured, with blue eyes, and a brown mini-skirt showing enough thiugh to add to her sex appeal.
Sunday 1 1/8 Times
Salient is running a number of articles this year on some of the not so obvious values and biases coming through our local newspapers. This one investigates the unseen sexism contained in the press.
Notable features of newspaper reporting are;
Examples that follow are drawn mainly from the daily newspapers - all the observations made apply a fortiori to the Sunday papers.
The contention that women seldom appear in "significant" (male-defined) news items is supported by the very existence of a "Women's Page". Most of the newspaper is concerned with vital public affairs, and directed towards men, but a small portion is devoted "the women", whose world, it seems revolves around cooking, childcare and personal grooming. (Check the content of tonight's "Women's Page" if you doubt this).
One obvious case of completely "writing women out of the news" appeared in the Sunday News of
The inability to think beyond stereotypes permeates reporting, e.g. in the Evening Post of (
Consider an article that might run:
"Good-looking 20 year old John Bloggs, a postman, stole the show in a figure-fitting pantsuit at his marriage today to Diana Marvell, assistant manager of the Ritz Restaurant. John, a tall, hazel-eyed brunette, holds a diploma in public speaking, but claims he's a shy boy at heart". Enough said.
Further examples of the use of women as entertainment in the press are the inevitable photos of unusual articles for auction, (hardly coincidentally) "being admired by" young female assistants.
One example, from the "Evening Post" of
The press acknowledges limited possibilities for women - an article about the wife of Britain's new prime minister titled: "Mrs C. Happy to live in No. 10" (Evening Post
Rather further into the article it is admitted that "she takes a keen interest in children's welfare and until
To continue the theme, on the same page is a picture of "Miss Marjorie and Mrs Mary Wilson stepping out for a walk in Downing Street, from where they will soon take their leave." The caption goes on to describe Marjorie Wilson's bonds to the house while "Mrs Wilson has always made it clear that she prefers the cosy domesticity of her own home."
As well as presenting a limited perspective, this treatment of "the women attached to the men in politics" typifies the Press's perception of women as appendages to men. In an item a about a New Zealand woman jockey invited to ride in international races in Brazil (Evening Post
This contrasts with the treatment of the politicians' wives - the women associated with a "successful" man are selfom mentioned except in theri ascribed capacity of domestic help, their greater or lesser ability as homebodies. (Or in the case of young women - Margaret Trudeau, Nancy Kissinger - their sex appeal or lack thereof).
Headlines such as "Mother Dies, Husband, Children Hurt" (Evening Post
This logic pervades reporting down to the linguistic level; notice items in which females and males could feature equally (e.g. road accident reports - assuming no fatality - then the deceased's name takes precedence): the male name appears first, followed by e.g. "his wife -" (relational status).
It's also interesting to notice the logical priority of men's events in the sports pages - almost invariably women's sport appears at the end of the section, reflecting the overall pattern of reporting on women.
The continuous use of the male gender e.g man, mankind, his, chairman etc (when referring generally) subtly reflects the male orientation of society in general. If you substitute "her/his" or "chairperson" it immediately strikes you that there is something different/unusual (it doesn't sound right!) in that sentence. You stop and read it again. The consciousness-raising effect is enormous - to women and men.
A comparison: if you were a black and everything was referred to as being white.... hasty changes would be made so as not to appear racist.
The point is that any step, however 'small' that heads us in the right direction of breaking down patriarchal concepts and thought, is a step worth making.
To return to stereotypes, the "Kapi-Mana" of "Each year the YWCA offers classes and courses to entice people, from housewives, stay-at-homes, and the handicapped, to those who enjoy meeting people and learning new skills." (Italics mine).
Often more pernicious than such blatant stereotyping of women is subtle manipulation of headlines to distort or add further comment to a report. For example, a report about the rape of a woman by 2 men for whom she sought help after being raped by 3 others, carried the headline: "It just was not her day". Little wonder that rape is regarded as almost being acceptable in our society! (More about "humour" later!).
And an item about women protesting against sexist advertising used by the Capital Club carried a photograph of Muldoon telling one of the women: "Don't be a Naughty Girl" (Evening Post
The headline "Looker Jane's On Top So Far", actually told the tale of "Pretty young Australia" Jane Lock, who took the honours in the second round of the Benson and Hedges Ladies' Golf Classic! Did her attractiveness affect her performance? I've never heard mention of the shape of Arnie Palmer's legs.
Feminists, predictably, get very poor treatment from the press.
Not only are they presented as women with whom others would not want to identify (irrational, strident, humourless), but also as women who disdain the concerns of housewives, mothers, and other women involved in "traditionally feminine" activities.
"Women's Liberation" (or "Women's Lib, Libbers etc etc) is mentioned with reference to bra-burning, but never to baby-bashing.
A consequence of these tactics is that other women are alienated from their feminist sisters.
A variation on the old "divide and conquer" theme. The press serves the patriarchy.
Cartoons, and sexist hurnour in general, warrant a complete investigation of their own.
It's a truism that humour reflects the attitudes of a society. The general anti-woman bias of the press is blatantly embodied in the comic sti strips that (male) editors choose to run, since of course this form of humour operates on the use of stereotypes.
'The Wizard of Id" and "Redeye" are limited to the extremes "old and ugly" and "young and nubile" in their presentation of women. "Footrof Flats" is always based on a rigid division of sex roles, with the concomitant value judgements - (e.g. always a male main character, women seen as vain, timid etc).
The cartoon below is an indictment of the press's attidude to women - similarly, that a series like 'Andy Cap', the humour of which turns on situations of truly brutal oppression, is run at all.
The despair and outrage of many women at their representation in the press is articulated well by Tom Scott, writing on the 1973 Women's Convention in the "Listener":
"The Auckland Star arrived containing a convention photo of mother and child captioned to suggest that baby Oliver would rather have been at the test with the boys.
I thought it a stupid, pathetic, harmless enough gesture and was stunned by the anger that greeted its announcement. I began to perceive the enormity of the despiar and range. It was yet another petty humiliation heaped upon a mountain of such insults, a road toll statistic, part of a whole too huge for comprehension."
Guerilla theatre, posters and placards publicised International Women's Day in Wellington streets yesterday.
Miss Pat Bartle, organiser of a group of Wellington feminists which set up a display in Cuba Mall, said:
"Some men tried to be smart, and some women giggled."
The theatre side of the display protested at attitudes to menstruation, and exploitation of its sanitary requirements.
"We thought people might be embarrassed, but they laughed along with it." Miss Bartle said.
The end of a typically action-packed Student Representative Council meeting. General business. Start asking why there's no one here Start understanding how come 100 of us can claim to make policy for all 6000 students. Start wondering how things could be better.
And don't ask the heavies. Like the captain of the Titanic puzzled where it all went wrong. We didn't plan enough lifeboats either. Not that there's much place to go in Jaws-infested Muldoonland.
So what is wrong with SRC? One idea, much canvassed last year, is that its not advertised enough Fair criticism, particularly of the last meeting. I'd better get onto the job smartly. More posters, leaflets etc will be shortly deluging your isolation in the library. Something to doodle on anyway.
The malaise is far deeper than this however. A high powered advertising campaign (how about Radio Windy?) could succeed in giving us another Edsel. If successful.
There's the rub. Nothing succeeds like success. Quite clearly there's precious little of that around at the moment. Apart from its administrative functions. SRC is not doing much that could be successful. And the old timers seem to have few solutions. In Elridge Cleaverism we're getting to be part of the problem.
So what is wrong with SRC. Let's start over. Point One: Hugh Blank, in a letter to Salient, criticised the clique running SRC with its "cliched rhetoric and psuedo-intellectual clap-trap". Not letting the masses push their ideas forward. Point two: Mark Sainsbury, standing on a "grassroots student" platform, attacked bureaucratism and swept in as a rep to NZUSA May Council. Point three: A hundred students clapped vaguely.
The three major citicisms of SRC at present are of a leadership that is rather repressive, disliked for its bureaucracy and "rhetoric", and paradoxically not good at leading, giving direction. The reception that this gets is obvious from each SRC and the lack of people at it.
The criticisms are sound, but they're essentially distructive, not suggesting improvements (Hugh Blank's improvements centre on form rather than content - and run into the same problems as advertising).
Destructive criticism has us strong points Like the year's beginning, when some of us went off the rails. The fierce attack then was clearly needed (tho' should have been received better). The distrust of Exec stemming from this (and the attack on Don Carson's activities at ASA) has continued. It showed itself at the AGM when all the annual reports were rejected. What this means is not clear. Its even less clear what can be done about it.
The AGM also saw a mass exodus when hassles over technicalities of constitution or accounts cropped up. While taken to excess here there is no doubt that constitutions and accounts are necessary. They are a part (and only a part) of ensuring that an Association works well for its members.
Which brings us to the rub of the question - the role of the Association, and of SRC in that. As I see it, the students association has two basic functions to fulfill. These are to do things effectively for students, and to do things well with students.
In the first respect, with one major and tragic error, we are operating smoothly. The bookshop is turning over exceptionally well; the cafe has improved considerably; social events have been well attended; Sasrac is booming; and the films are very popular. Individuals queries and requests for help are sorted out reasonably competently. (What for all those letters of protest now!).
SRC has a function in checking up on these aspects, and in seeing that its own administration (particularly student representatives) operates effectively. Aside from this stuff being boring to most, SRC's more important function is a political one. Doing things with students. And that's where we've fallen down in a big way.
It's not just a function of the rhetoric or 'cliquishness of the leadership. If students in general saw SRC as an effective forum for political debate or action, then the meetings would improve dramatically. At the moment clearly you don't.
Just as its very easy to become bureaucratic in student politics, so its very easy to become arrogent about "apathetic students' Both tendencies must be struggled against. "Apathetic students" obviously do have attitudes, strong often, on assessment, on racism, on sexism, on nuclear power. Sure these attitudes could be developed, crystallised through debate. But doesn't that go for all of us?
So the main issue on the political front is that SRC is not seen as a valid way of pushing your average, ordinary ideas. Either because you don't see anything coming out of it, or because you fear that heavies descending like a proverbial tonne of bricks.
The outlook is not totally grim. The SRC officers - international, national, education, welfare - have some really good ideas on involving broad members of people on issues like foreign control, the environment and assessment. And HART is starting to build up its organisation again. If you've ideas in these areas, want to help - please get in touch. So much of any movement is what the people in it want to make it And that's all of us.
So, I think the answer to the problems of SRC is two-fold. On the one hand we (ie the 'heavies') have got to become more open to others' ideas, less repressive and bureaucratic. On the other there's got to be a push to get SRC active on real issues, debating the pros and cons and decising action.
If you've read this far you're probably fuming over my errors of analysis, my arrogance in assuming peoples' attitudes or my stupid suggestions. Good - lets get some constructive debate going on how SRC and this Association can best serve and help students.
Gary Henderson last week was looking for a dignified way for SRC to die. It doesn't have to. SRC has immense potential for bringing us together to decide issues and what we'll do on them. How much that potential comes alive is up to all of us. Now
On Thursday, April 8th, 50 women attended a meeting which had been called to plan a mass rally at the opening of Parliament calling for an immediate halt to the continuous assaults being made on a woman's right to control her own body and for repeal of the abortion laws.
The meeting coordinator, Pat Bartle, pointed out the urgent need to impress upon the government the strong feelings many, if not most, women have regarding their rights - the most important being control over their reproductive life.
She then read a statement by Air Commadore Gill, Minister of Health, which makes it quite clear that he wants the Hospitals Amendment Bill
Not only this, but it is a well known fact that MP's are still going to be allowed a "conscience vote" (while denying women theirs) on the issues of contraception, sterilisation and abortion regardless of the Royal Commissions recommendations. (At a
Once again women's consciences do not count on an issue that, one would have thought, concerned them more than anyone else.
The situation looked even worse when Australian Socialist and Feminist, Elizabeth Wheelahan, addressed the meeting and informed us that so called "right to lifers" in Australia are again attempting to get the laws restricted, especially in New South Wales and Victoria.
At present in NSW the Levine ruling states that one doctor can refer a woman for an abortion if her mental or physical health is in danger. Unfortunately two women (a doctor and nurse), who worked in an abortion clinic are presently awaiting trial on charges of performing an abortion on a woman under 16 years without first getting the consent of her parents. If these women are convicted the new ruling will make it much more difficult for women to obtain abortions. Attempts are also being made to put forward a bill (the Harold Bill) which states that a woman can have an abortion only if her physical and mental health are in obvious danger. The sentences will be up to 20 years for either having or performing an 'illegal' abortion, and a couple of years for referring someone to a doctor who will perform the operation. It seems that they are determined that women will have to again resort to back-street butcherers.
Women in New Zealand have, as a last resort, relied on being able to obtain an abortion in Australia. If these restrictive measures are passed, even those women who can afford to go to Australia - and most can't -will either have to try to self-abort (and risk their lives) or go through with a very much unwanted pregnancy.
There was some discussion before the 50 women separated into sub-committees, and it was decided that we should make the opening of Parliament a day of national action - enabling women who cannot get to Wellington to demonstrate solidarity with us and their anger and opposition at the restrictive New Zealand abortion laws.
The four sub-committees formed are:
Liason, Plus a feminist drama group who are working on theatre to be performed on and before the opening of Parliament.
By the end of the meeting the groups had tentative plans of action drawn up.
With enough enthusiasm and dedicated hard work we can build this campaign and tell the government in no uncertain terms that we are not going to stand by as they attempt to take giant steps backward as far as OUR rights are concerned.
Women interested in helping to make this a Mass Rally can contact Pat Bartle in the 'Salient' office Wed-Friday, or phone her at 842-821 (other days and evenings.
Notices of meetings will be also be printed in Newsheet, and Women's Choice Club is going to become involved in organisation.
Imagine an SRC that actually represents students: no I'm not delirious. If developments at the latest meeting are any indication, we may someday reach that utopia. For more in this exciting story, read on......
All was quiet over the trenches as Gyles Beckford crept into the Union Hall, taking unawares the scattered pockets of students quietly eating their lunches. Apologies and Minutes were deftly disposed of.
Eric Freedman pointed out that contrary to indications apparently given in last week's Salient (a bit before my time actually) the NUIS motion was not "some kind of plot'. It had in fact been tabled beforehand.
Next Tony 'ubiquitous' Ward - those who blinked would have missed him - gave two reports as SRC Coordinator and Film Controller. Apparently 5pm film screenings had been less successful than expected.
So far plain sailing. But waiting in the grass was.... "Election of Delegates to the NZUSA May Council'. Armed only with loaded submachine guns, three candidates battled for the two positions as Chief Delegates. Gyles Beckford, Tony Ward and Mark Sainsbury.
Gyles and Tony claimed that they should be elected because they knew what was going on, and Mark who claimed to really represent student opinion because he was "a grass-root student" rather than "one of those committee type people". His views were supported by a large number of dart throwers, hissers and general stirrers who obviously had a point to make - disgust at the fuckery of student politics. I think, however, they could have expressed it in a lot more positive ways.
Anyway after a division and a second vote, Tony and Gyles were finally elected.
The election of Welfare and Accomodation delegate resulted in a similar situation. Three nominations were made - Scott Wilson (Accomodation officer), Chris Wylie (Welfare Officer) and Mark Sainsbury.
Tony Ward outlined the importance of work to be done in both these areas (especially with regard to the university's threat to make us pay for welfare services) and moved an amendment that both the accomodation and welfare officers be sent ex-officio. Mark Sainsbury asked why have elections at all if the same members are always elected. This time his anti-officialdom stand carried through as the amendment was lost and then Mark elected as delegate.
Thus the 'anti-politics' body of the meeting made their point, but again in rather a negative way.
Election of International Affairs delegate also involved a bit of political wrangling. The Israel debate sparked up as Leonie Morris and Eric Freedman faced some rather heavy questioning about their personal attitudes and willingness to support VUWSA policy that might disagree with their own views. The Jewish Soc. members were obviously concerned whether Leonie would support the VUWSA policy on Israel, although she personally disagrees with it. Those on the other side of the political fence were equally concerned that Eric would ignore the more important International Affairs problems of Malaysia and the South African tour. After a close vote Leonie was elected.
Then in quick succession delegates were elected for National Affairs (Kevin Swann), Education (Lindy Cassidy, Education Officer), and Finance and Administration (Steven Underwood). The monotony was only broken by a cunning, but alas unsuccessful attempt to have the Welfare and Accomodation Officers included under the banner of Finance and Administration; ah, the slyness of students knows no bounds
If you don't want to read this list of student reps elected to university committees, at least read about the first one, for that seems quite important. Lindy Cassidy (ex officio) and Rae Mazengarb were elected for the Teaching and Research Committee. This represents the only body with University approval that is studying the effects of different forms of assessment.
Other reps elected were; Council, until June 30, (Gyles Beckford); Catering sub-committee (Alex Tully); Language and Literature (Neil Morrisen); Commerce and Administration (Kevin Swann), two positions still vacent; Joint Committee, meets once every four or five years!, (Don Carson, John Ryall, Simon Treacy), University Extension (Roger Palmer); and there was nobody yet mug enough to sit on the Teaching Aids, Timetables, and Careers Advisory Committees. However, these positions are open to any student, so if you do want to become a student rep just make yourself known at the next SRC.
By this stage interests were rather flagging, so for the next motion a rather half-hearted debate culminated in the chair having to urge those present to actually vote at all.
The motion proposed the redrawal of the Asian Students' Association Boundaries to exclude the Middle East, thus obviating any more debate on the subject and also allowing for better administration of an area that at the moment stretches half-way round the world. It was admitted that if this motion was introduced by New Zealand at ASA, it would not even find a seconder.
However it was generally agreed that simply making a political statement is important in itself (or else why would SRC be passing motions week after week?).
A motion on Women's Studies courses involved a similar discussion of tactics. At the moment the course is treated rather contemptuously by the University Administration - there is no provision for salaries, expenses or library space.
The motion deplored this and also called for further courses, particularly a segregated course for women only to help them understand and fight their oppression. It was stressed that this apparently sexist proposition was a temporary but necessary expedient; an all-women group would provide an atmosphere in which it would be easier for women to come to terms with their own conditioning. Everybody agreed with the idea, but some felt such an open statement of political viewpoint would simply alienate the Administration.
Again we decided its important to stick up for a principle, even if you think nobody is going to listen.
Hart gave notice of their intention to book the Activities room continuously until the Anti-tour mobilization of May 28th. Until then the Activities Room (next to T.V. room) will be the Varsity Hart centre where you can drop in to work or talk or get information or ideas.
And now, what you've all been waiting for; people started asking questions like; 'Why is all this so boring?', 'Why is nobody here?', and most particulary 'What can we do about it?'.
Patently SRC does not represent the majority of students. More effective publicity was suggested, but as Tony Ward said 'you can lead a horse to water but you can't make it drink'. In other words the majority of SRC business is only interesting or even intelligible to those involved directly in student politics.
Don Carson said SRC had the potential to be very powerful - Vic is the only campus with an open SRC - but that its decline was based on a vicious circle; it is powerless because nobody is interested and nobody is interested because it is powerless. Somehow the spiral must be reversed. A few scraps with the university are what is needed.
So if you see injustices in the present system (and you would have to be deaf, dumb and blind not to), don't mutter them to yourself; speak up at SRC.
The Executive this year have shown a slightly paranoic tendency to go into closed committee at the drop of a controversy.
Last Wednesday's Executive meeting was no exception when Steve Underwood moved that the meeting do so. No reasons were given. All that is known is that the two remaining pieces of business at that stage were The Office and The Staff.
In the light of the Goodall affair this manoeuvre seems unfortunate and does not provide much encouragement to the feeling that the Student executive be made answerable to the student body.
The religious fervour raised up by the Moonist 'invasion' of the Executive Boardroom continued on Wednesday night when on the crest of the wave appeared a student representing the Christian Science group applying for club affiliation.
After parrying an attempted lunge by Steve Underwood (who asked whether the group had anything different to offer) he found himself sinking in the quagmire of the Constitution.
There must be twenty paying Association members as signatories on the application form. The Christian Science group had only about ten, with the remainder being those of graduates interested in joining the club.
His genuine attempt to get 20 genuine signatories looks positively refreshing. Usually, signatures are those of assorted diehards in the Cafe.
Gyles Beckford threw him a lifeline and sympathy, suggesting he come back next time with the appropriate changes.
Four other club affiliation applications were unaccompanied by anyone representing those clubs. So Secretary Peter Aagaard was chastised for wasting the Executive's time.
If students wish to know what the Association does with their money, attend an Executive meeting.
Under 'Reports' Peter Aagaard reported a sum of money was stolen from the office safe The problem he said was that the keys issued had been made available to other people. He told the meeting security has now been tightened up.
A mysterious gentleman called D.J. Beswick received permission from the Association to sell a certain publication in the Studass foyer.
It is entitled 'A look at Catholic Action and the N.Z. Political Scene'. He confessed it would be controversial.
It was a welcome relief to see a couple of new faces at the meeting.
They were the Polytech Students President and Liaison officer, present as a result of a visit to Polytechnic sometime previous by our Tony Ward.
Their keen eyes were seeking expertise and guidance on the running of social functions and the like with a view to closer liaison between the two institutions.
President Gyles Beckford commented that it was good to have an increasing liaison between the two institutions, especially in the light of recent resurrected interest in NUS (National Union of Students).
When the meeting went into closed committee I accepted my redundancy quietly and left with visions of becoming a famous investigative reporter.
Those people around in 1974 will remember the farce of the National Union of Students proposals put forward that year. The plan then was to merge the three student organisations, NZUSA, STANZ (student teachers), and NZTISA (technical institute students).
The whole affair verged on being a debacle, with the only progress (sic) being the formation of a working party to discuss the whole affair.
The working party was also less then successful. Any progress that might have been made was forestalled by the withdrawal of the STANZ delegation. Out of the working party came a 12-page report from its chairman, John Blincoe, which was considered by the national executive of NZUSA in February.
After considering the report John Blincoe was asked to go away and come down with his own view as to how a National Union of Students could operate and this was tabled at the April meeting of the national executive.
The outline given below is taken from the paper.
These would be the supreme governing bodies, making policy and giving the NUS its direction. They would be held in May and August. Voting at the councils would be proportional to the number of members in each Association, although each body would have a minimum number of votes as of right.
Because of the large number of constituents expected it would not be possible to have direct representation from each Association. The composition of the national executive would be six regional representatives, as well as the elected officers, (see diagram).
There would be three regional councils. Northern, Central, and Southern. The work of these regional councils would be to co-ordinate the work of NUS in the region, foster regional cooperation; elect two regional representatives to the national executive, and to elect a regional organiser.
Each region would have a full time, paid regional organiser. This person would be elected by the regional councils, he would be paid by and be an officer of NUS. This officer would be ultimately responsible to councils but usually would report to the regional councils.
There would be 10 full time paid political officers: President, Deputy President, International Vice President, Education Vice President, Teacher Trainee Organiser all of whom would.be elected. There would be two research officers one dealing with general research topics and one specifically in the field of education. There would also be three regional organisers elected by the regions.
These officers would be split up into three departments of Education, International and the Presidential office. The effect of the increase in officers is to provide adequate servicing of the regions as well as to give recognition to the special needs of some constituents through a Trainee Teacher organiser.
Assuming that there was a total membership of somewhere around 50-60,000 fulltime students, then a levy of $2 per head per annum should suffice.
This concept attempts to accomodate two major tensions in an NUS concept - regionalism and sectionalism. The National Executive would be regionally based, with three of the five national officers being assigned to the regions. On the other hand the Councils - the supreme governing body - would be constituent based.
As John Blincoe stated the purpose of the proposals was to act as a model upon which people might hang their thoughts. However, while the concept recognises the regional needs of students it puts a barrier in the way of effective student representation.
The establishment of regional councils and a National executive made up of elected officers and regional representatives means that ordinary students are four steps away from the national office, except at council meetings (only two per year).
The growth of such a large and removed bureaucracy only adds to the problems that exist now within student representatives are too far apart.
It is essential that students are able to be as close as possible to the regular decision making areas like the national executive. To leave the representation of student views in the hands of regional councils and regional representatives means that these views can go through several distortion processes before they even reach the national executive.
The other problem with the regional councils is that they are envisaged to be reasonably informal affairs, which would meet about a week before the main executive would meet.
Such a system gives no time for student to even know what is coming up on the agenda let alone formulate some views on the matter.
With such a large set up as outlined the charge of jobs for the boys would assume a greater measure of truth than it does now. It virtually requires that anybody who wishes to become involved in national student politics would be forced to serve an apprenticeship in local student politics.
Although to a certain extent that is now the case it is still possible for an ordinary student having had little or no experience in local student affairs to become an office holder in NZUSA'
The proposed structure is too bureaucratic and distant for my liking. Lack of space precludes any great analysis of the proposals. These general comments are only some that have come to mind and which have been raised by a few people.
However, the final arbiters of the scheme for a National Union of Students will be students and it is important that they discuss these and any other schemes for any merging of tertiary students in this country.
The Standard Tertiary Bursary was finally introduced this year despite the efforts of the government.
One group of students that were not included in the STB were Ph.D students. In the past these students have been eligible for competitive post-graduate scholarships offered by the University Grants Committee.
However, the scholarships have never catered for all Ph.D students and while the number of students in this area have increased rapidly over the past few years (there are about 130 PhD students registered at Victoria) the number of scholarships has not increased.
It has always been a fallacy that PhD students were on the pig's back, and were certainly better off than their undergraduate counterparts.
A survey at Victoria last year showed that a great proportion of Ph.D students were actually living on as little income as $1500 per year.
The problem is aggravated since PhD students have never been able to get well paid vacation jobs since they are expected to be engaged in full time research.
Last year a committee was formed by the University grants committee to look into the plight of Ph.D students and study awards.
The committee after an extensive nation wide survey recommended to the UGC that Ph.D students who are not otherwise eligible for postgraduate awards should receive the STB.
Although this proposal was strongly, supported by the universities and NZUSA the UGC was opposed to it. The government has said that it will not introduce any new bursary measures until it has totally reviewed all student bursaries.
There have been meetings of graduate students on other campuses and these have led to the formation of graduate student associations so that they can better protect their interests.
There will be a meeting this Monday, April 26 in the Lounge and Smoking Room at 12 noon for all graduate students to discuss these matters. Any graduate student who are not able to come to the meeting and would like further information or have suggestions and ideas that they would like to put forward can see Lindy Cassidy or Byles Beckford at the Students Ass. office.
For some time there has been a debate raging inside the National Youth Council over whether it should be affiliated to the World Assembly of Youth.
A compromise was reached with the decision to send three delegates to the 9th WAY General Assembly in Kenya, on the understanding that they would report back for a final decision to be made
Salient asked two of the delegates, Geoff Woolford (NYC Executive Officer) and Sue Green (NYC Executive member and former NZUSA Education Vice-president) for their comments on the Assembly.
The 9th General Assembly of the World Assembly of Youth (WAY) held from 23 to 28 February in Nairobi, Kenya, was attended by a delegation of three from the National Youth Council of New Zealand.
It was not without lengthy, and, at times, very heated debate that a decision was taken to send the delegation. And with the return of the delegates and a reassessment of NYC's position in WAY taking place in early June, that debate is far from complete.
On the return of Ross Tanner (member of the NYC executive) from working for several months for the WAY secretariat in Brussels, a sub-committee of the National Youth Council was formed to prepare a report on our relationship with WAY and what our future with WAY should be.
This committee prepared an outline paper which recommended that New Zealand continue its membership of WAY, that it send a delegation to the
In the interim period between the preparation of the report and the date of the AGM I visited Melbourne and talked about WAY with members of the National Youth Council of Australia (NYCA).
NYCA had recently withdrawn from WAY and as a result of these discussions I realised that there were many areas of contention which the sub-committee report had not covered. So on my return to New Zealand I prepared a further report for the AGM outlining some of these areas.
By this stage there were moves, particularly from NZUSA and STANZ to withdraw from WAY immediately. Some of the reasons behind these moves were:
At the AGM a motion to withdraw from WAY was defeated, but it was clear that the sub-committee's report was not considered sufficiently detailed and the executive was instructed to prepare another report.
This was done and a General Meeting was held in January to discuss the report and decide whether we would send a delegation to the Assembly.
After a heated discussion it was decided to send a delegation of three people who would be pressing to right some of our criticisms of WAY. They would also be acting in an investigatory capacity and our position within WAY would be reassessed on their return. NZUSA has given notice that it again intends to move for our withdrawl from WAY.
The delegation was elected from nominations received from the Council. Those chosen were Errol Millar (NYC President), Geoff Woolford (NYC executive officer) and myself (NYC executive member and one of the most vocal critics of WAY).
On my return to New Zealand I issued a controversial press statement in which I described the Assembly as "a circus and a shambles." This is a description which is particularly aptly applied to the organisation or lack of it, of the Assembly.
The conference centre was two miles from the hotel the delegates stayed at. On several occasions no transport was provided. At other times it consisted of one VW Combie for 150 people - rather a tight fit!
Some delegates walked the distance, until several got mugged and robbed and one got run down by a car.
There was a shortage of interpreters, office staff and organisers which meant that many reports were presented orally and not received in written form, and the conference was constantly running late.
The hotel facilities were poor and the food of such a substandard nature that many delegates got food poisoning and spent more time in the toilets than in the conference rooms.
The conference was only five days long - an absurdly short period to attempt such a weighty agenda. Yet the entire first day was taken up with the opening ceremony.
During each day the proceedings of the conference were interrupted as we were called together to hear innumberable guest speakers. These in the main consisted of representatives of the United Nations, Environmental and family planning agencies and various running dogs of
Consequently the actual number of hours spent on the concrete work of the conference was very small.
Although we were informed prior to leaving New Zealand that there would be 3 workshops and 3 commissions at the Assembly the workshops never eventuated. The delegates were divided among 3 commissions - Human Rights, Development and Administration and 'The Future of WAY'.
Both myself and Errol Millar attended the Administrative Commission. This commission discussed the Secretary General's report, a masterpiece of vagueness and side-stepping. For me the classic statement in this report and one which says much about the nature of WAY's activities is "the Latin American office of WAY has continually harrassed dictators, where appropriate." (emphasis added).
This commission also discussed the accounts and financial position of WAY. Without money from US AID agency the total budget of the 'International' organisation for the year
Thus other agencies are going to have to be approached for funds. If these approaches are unsuccessful it is my personal opinion that the possibility of WAY receiving further money from US sources cannot be discounted.
When it was drawn to the attention of the commission that we should also be discussing a draft budget for the next triennium and we did not appear to have one, the treasurer rather embarrassedly pulled a crumpled, pencilled-on piece of paper from his pocket.
This was hastily photocopied and circulated to the assembled masses who, although it was hardly legible, were able to deduce that this 'draft budget' did not add up. Looking even more shamefaced the treasurer hastily collected the copies.
Next day another 'draft budget' appeared. This one added up because $500 from sale of publications had been added to the income. This draft was approved by the commission but a New Zealand delegate was heard to comment that she was interested that the treasurer's skills as a salesman were such that he had sold $500 worth of publications overnight.
Most of the time of this commission was taken up with discussion on changes of definitions, in amending the charter. These, although important in themselves, almost monopolised the limited time the commission had available and I feel we did not come to grips with many of the really important issues, such as WAY's relationship with regional organisations like the Asian' Youth Council and the Council of European National Youth Councils, and how it can reinvolve Asian and European countries in its activities.
It cojld continue at great length to discuss all aspects of the Assembly but I believe that the points I have made already well illustrate my attitude to the Assembly and to WAY as an organisation.
I consider the World Assembly of Youth to be virtually irrelevant as an international youth organisation.
It is almost totally lacking in funds to finance its activities, many of which, even if successful, would be of dubious worth. For example, planned projects for Asia include family planning programmes in a number of countries, and a regional event for young entrepreneurs'. - a week at the Kuala Lumpur Hilton perhaps?
The nature of WAY's membership on the representativeness of many of its constituents is questionable.
I believe WAY has little to offer New Zealand youth and I don't think we should be blackmailed into continuing our membership by a 'white man's burden' - type attitude towards aid to Third World countries as I am sure there are far more worthwhile contexts in which we can make our contribution.
I am hopeful that when our position is received in June. NYC constituents will decide to withdraw from the World Assembly of Youth.
New Zealand the the World Assembly of Youth
New Zealand, first joined the World Assembly of Youth in 1963, when a delegation from NZUSA represented this country at a WAY General Assembly.
WAY at that stage appeared to be a very strong organisation. It had a large field staff working throughout the world, a large budget and was involved in numerous development projects in a number of Third World Countries. Although it had no membership from any of the Socialist Countries, it was well represented in Europe and was attracting new members from newly independent Third World Countries.
It appeared to be a vigorous, expanding organisation that New Zealand should be involved in. Yet, thirteen years later it is clear that WAY was never as strong as it then appeared, and many of the problems' that today dominate the organisation had their beginnings in that earlier period.
WAY was formed in
The problems of the Cold War however soon caused a split in the World Federation of Democratic Youth, as this organisation was called, and Western countries withdrew from W.F.D.Y. in
I have no knowledge of the rights or wrongs of this withdrawal, but by having its beginnings in this manner WAY in may peoples' eye's became a pawn in the Cold War.
Strongest support for the new organisation came from America, which provided the largest share of the budget. Recent revelations have indeed indicated that some money that reached WAY came from the CIA through the Fund or for Youth and Student Activities, a front organisation that no longer exists.
As well as America the other strong influence in WAY came from Western Europe. Right throughout the 50's imto? tje ,od 60's WAY was an organisation dominated by Western Europe.
Yet with Third World Countries becoming independent and joinging WAY, it wasn't long before they began to question this European deomination and to press for a larger share in the power. As WAY changed from an organisation with a majority of European members to one dominated by Third World Countries, so their influence increased.
In
This change was not accomplished peacefully, and bitter feeling was left after the conference, especially amongst the Europeans who found themselves no longer in control of the organisation.
Urgent fence mending was needed, but unfortunately, this did not happen.
Withdrawals of European countries, which had begun prior to
Denmark has an affiliated WAY committee which includes most of the affiliated Youth Council members, apart from the Communist youth organisations who threaten to leaven the Danish Youth Council if that organisation ever affiliates with WAY. The WAY committee in Denmark provides that country with a means of overcoming this problem.
Those countries withdrawing claimed they were doing so because WAY was no longer democratic, and because it was proved to have been funded by the CIA.
The new leadership retorted that this argument was s sham, that the CIA financing had occured while WAY was controlled by those very countries that were now withdrawing, and therefore was nothing whatsoever to do with them. The charge of being undemocratic was simply a reaction of a European failure to adjust to a new world where International organisations could no longer be controlled by the white west.
So Europe withdrew, and formed a new regional body, the Countil of European National Youth Councils (CENYC). Yet along withe the membership they also took with them the considerable financial input which had been going to WAY.
WAY's financial problems were compounded also by rising criticism that the organisation was too much under the financial domination of the U.S.A., and the Manchester Assembly took a decision to move to end American financing of WAY. The last American money ended in
As American support ceased, WAY was forced to fire a large number of its regional staff, and scale down its programmes of activities. Little effort seems to have been made by the administration controlling WAY in the post-
It was easy to find people willing to fund activities that centred on Family Planning, a large part of WAY's programme over the last three years centred around this acitvity, causing some disatisfaction.
In the face of this mounting financial crisis, it proved difficult to hold the General Assembly, originally planned for last August. The six month delay was mainly the result of inadequate funds to organise the meeting, and when it was finally held the tight budget had repercussions right throughout the meeting.
There was no money, for instance, to pay for an adequate translation service, and the delegates from Latin America complained bitterly they were often left out of discussions because they could not understand what was going on.
Practically every delegate present was unhappy about the organisation of the conference. Lack of finance also led to the conference being too short to adequately discuss the very important questions the New Zealand delegation wished to see high up on the agenda.'
Too much of the conference was spent listening to prestigeous speakers instead of working on the more practical questions that should have had more time devoted to then). This was obvious to all the members of the New Zealand delegation.
The leadership of WAY attempted to run a prestigeous conference, in which their stewardship could hopefully be shown to have left the organisation in good heart. It was clear that this was not the case.
It seems to me that we are still in a period when Third World Countries feel they have to prove themselves as efficient as the White West in organising and running things on a World scale. Unfortunately, they cannot yet marshall behind them the same financial resources that seem to flow into organisations still controlled by Western personnel. They struggle on under much more difficult situations.
I have spent little time dealing with the Assembly, because I think it is important to understand the situation that WAY is in, and how it came to be in the difficult situation it clearly find itself. At stake in the current debate over WAY are some very important principles.
It is possible to be an effective World organisation today without relying on American funding, or funding by any other Great power. WAY is attempting to follow this course. It is possible for Third World countries to control an organisation, without facing opposition from Western countries unable to adjust to a situation where they are no longer in control.
New Zealand's continued membership of WAY means that we believe that this kind of a struggle is important, and that this country is prepared to throw itself in with Third World countries and perhaps experience for ourselves something of the frustrations they feel continually.
At the Assembly a new leadership was elected to guide WAY over the next three years. Only one of these people was on the previous Executive. That members value New Zealand's continued participation in WAY was seen by the election of NYC President Errol Millar to influential position over the next three years.
Clearly this new administration faces great difficulties in trying to keep WAY alive. Money must be found, and efforts made to carry out the programme that was decided on at the Assembly.
This too will be difficult. The Assembly stated clearly, that although they saw Family Planning Programmes as one area for WAY to be involved in it would only be if local youth councils saw these as relevant to their situation (as Indian, and Sri Lankan delegates clearly did). There was wide agreement that Family Planning should be only one element of the WAY programme.
Plans were mounted to set up a team of young economists to study the U.N. proposals for a New World Economic Order and to start thinking of more radical proposals than those currently before the U.N.
There are plans for a display of works by yojg artists to be mounted and sent round different countries. There are proposals for youth exchanges for the training of young leaders in Community Development - to encourage youth to study critically the cultural heritage of their own countries, and how this heritage can be retained in the face of increasing technological change. All of these, I suggest are very exciting programmes, yet unless the money can be found, they will remain purely as ideas.
I believe for N.Z. to withdraw from WAY now would be a mistake.
We must wait and see how this new administration performs, to see whether they can make these ideas work, to see whether they can begin to re-open dialogue with those countries that have left the organisation, and to see whether promises that the new administration will be more open and less sensitive to criticism are kept.
If this can be done, WAY faces, if not a bright future, then at least as good a future as can be hoped for given the nature of the present world. A perfect World may provide a perfect world organisation - in the meantime I believe WAY is worth sticking to.
There was a good deal of debate recently when a club named the Victoria University Association for the Research of Principles tried to affiliate to the Students' Association.
Many questions were directed at whether the club had any links with the Unification Church, a group commonly known as the "Moonists".
The club spokesmen denied any formal connection, although they admitted to their joining with the Unification Church for a march through Wellington the previous week to protest about the "Communist menace". (The march, was so popular that it managed to attract six people).
Who are the Moonists? They are members of the Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity, a religion founded by a 55 year old Korean preacher San Myung Moon. Having arrived in south Korea in
An estimated one million members give Moon their undivided devotion in the belief that he is the new messiah. American membership, according to Moonist sources, has grown from 5 people in
Moon's principal evangelist and former south Korean military attache in Washington, Colonel Bo Hi Pak, says that 'our movement is more important than Martin Luther's 95 Theses. The Rev Moon's spiritual revolution will have a thousand times greater impact than the Christian Reformation.'
The overall worth of the Unification Church in the United States is about $35 million. Moon's private residence in Tarrytown, New York, cost the church $625,000. Here his converts are indoctrinated. According to one such British student, they find themselves in a prisoner of war camp, being watched over by 16 stone goons and imprisoned by barbed wire and locked gates. They were told that if they accepted Moon's teachings they would become part of a world wide force of supermen able to save decadent and communist Britain
Col Pak lives in a more modest $115,000 home in Fairfax County, Virginia, which doubles as the headquarters of his personal real estate business and a branch of the church.
While some of Moon's money comes from the profits of his south Korean holdings (estimated at $15 million), most of it is raised by church members. In return for no wages and spartan room and board, many Moonists work long hours in church enterprises. In the United States these include a printing company, petrol stations, restaurants and a business consulting firm. Last year two New Zealand Moonists turned to burglary in order to keep up their payments to the church.
The most disgusting aspect of Moonism is the support Moon gives to fascism in south Korea. The south Korean people have been reduced to utter poverty. They work ten hours a day, six days a week for about 35 cents a day in the factories. They suffer large-scale unemployment. Inflation has meant that for most working class families rice takes more than half their income. Worst of all, the south Korean people have been stripped of all their democratic rights Any kind of protest against Pak's fascism is met with armed repression, torture and death.
Moon takes an active part in this repression as early as
During the recent anti-communist rallies in south Korea, in which Moon's organisations took a leading role, youths were paid to slit open their stomachs and write anti-communist slogans in their own blood. The rallies were staged by the Pak regime as part of its lying propaganda campaign to show that north Korea was about to invade the south.
One of Moon s training centres, located just outside Seoul, gives anticommunist training courses to hundreds of south Korean military officers and civil servants each year. In these courses, paid for by the Pak regime, they learn that Satan governs north Korea, and that the economic and political domination of south Korea, mainly by the United States and Japan, is part of a divine plan.
Amongst Moon's foreign backers is Sasagawi Ryoichi, founder and head of the World Karate Association. Now one of Japan's leading financiers, Ryoichi was a leading advocate of imperial expansion in the
If the Moonists confined themselves to their nonsensical religious ideas, they would do little harm - Moon's irrational theology would appeal only to a tiny minority. However, the Unification Church's energies are directed against communism, which Moon regards as the embodiment of Satan on earth. One of the local Moonists stated on TV1 that 'the Unification Church is education against communism.'
Moon himself was an active supporter of US aggression in Indochina. Recently his local converts demonstrated in Wellington's streets against New Zealand re recognition of the governments of liberated Cambodia and Vietnam.
Moon's success shows that the combination of big business, fascism, anticommunism and pseudo-Christianity is a powerful one. Within a very short space of time he has built his church into a multimillion dollar international enterprise in this he has been aided by blind anti-communism produced by the Cold War amongst some of the youth.
Applications are now being called for inclusion in the delegation to visit the People's Republic of China in early July, departing from Wellington and returning to Auckland.
This delegation will consist of 24 students and will visit five cities including Kwangchow, Shanghai and Peking. The delegation will enter and leave China via Hong Kong.
The criteria for the selection committee is:
The estimated cost is $1300, and as in the past NZUSA will assist members in the raising of funds.
There will be a compulsory attendance at an orientation at Queen's Birthday weekend (5-7 June). All enquiries are welcome and further information can be got from the International Vice-president of NZUSA, Box 6368, Te Aro, Wellington, phone 856-669.
Applications should be sent to the Chairman, PRC Delegation Selection Committee, P'O' Box 6358, Te Aro, Wellington, postmarked no later than
Anyone feeling hesitant or unsure as to what the trip entails should contact somebody who went last year:
Victoria HART is again strong after a successful Annual General Meeting held before Easter.
The VUWSA Halt All Racist Tours Movement, with nearly 400 members, is the largest club on campus, and has during the last six years probably been the most successful in mobilising large numbers of students in debate and action against oppression, whether it be in New Zealand or in a foreign country such as South Africa.
However like all issue-centred movements, HART virtually went out of business with the advent of the third Labour Government in
Since the start of HART's new era of activity (things were pretty quiet for up to a year after the tour cancellation) the efforts of the national movement have been concentrated on building up a mailing list with the general aim of rallying as much grass-roots support as possible.
However with this direction came a very centralised decision-making structure. Decisions were seen to be made at National Council level, and then passed down by newsletter to the individual HART supporters.
The setting up of HART community groups has managed to overcome this to some extent, but the feeling still remains that the ordinary HART member has little control over the organisation's direction.
This was reflected in the activity surrounding the World Softball Championships at Lower Hutt when very few people had any idea of the strategy that was to be adopted and there was very heavy criticism of the effectiveness of constant picketting in places where there was little contact with the public.
Many people were also distressed by the last-minute arrangements made for many of these activities, the picket organisers calling repeatedly on the same group of people.
The HART club's AGM showed that times have certainly changed, with the realisation that HART will only be effective if every members feels that he/she is involved at the centre of the club's decision-making.
However, the new direction was not achieved without struggle, the HART traditionalists (reflecting the same trends as seen in the national movement), wishing to keep the club very tightly controlled by the committee so that a "correct line" would be maintained, resisted any opening-up of the club's structure, arguing on the basis of organisational efficiency.
NZUSA past-president, Alick Shaw, heading the democrats, said if HART wanted to get 2000 students along to the anti-tour march in Wellington on May 28, then the club must decide its policy and its strategy at a time and place where all members could attend and have their say.
He said this had been the policy adopted by the Anti-War Movement at Victoria University in
"In
These thoughts were backed up by others present, most of whom agreed that because of the urgency of the May 28 march, there should be a meeting every week to which all members would be invited by mail.
At these meetings activities would be discussed, the committee would report back on the previous week's work and problems arising from it, and the future direction and strategy would be discussed.
The traditionalists, seeing these proposals as personal attacks on them rather than as positive ideas for taking the issues to the students, tried to put all sorts of administrative hurdles in their way. But after numberous people had volunteered to help with the weekly mail-outs, and Gyles Beckford suggested the Activities Room could probably be used as a campus headquarters, the opposition disappeared and a new enthusiasm emerged.
Suggestions were made for involving students around the university. Fosters are to be painted, lectures are to be leafletted, speakers will espouse their views at all comers of the campus, and socials are being planned - all hopefully leading up to the week or fortnight's concentrated activity before the May 28 March.
So, by the time the HART AGM finished everyone was prepared for the intense activity to come, and most were enthusiastic about the part that they could play.
For anyone with any enquiries, the
HART is alive and well and living in the Activities Room. We are going to stop the 1976 Tour and we need your help.
We have an office in the Activities Room (top floor. Union Building) from which we will co-ordinate activities on campus. Come up and see us and give us a hand. Anytime. The Big Day is May 28th when there will be Nationwide Demonstrations of opposition to the tour.
Before this there will be many activities in which you will want to partake. Here are a few - watch noticeboards for more information.
Important strategy meetings for all students: April 29th (Thursday) - noon - Lounge
May 20th (Thursday) - noon - Lounge
Be there with your ideas for this campaign.
Oppose Apartheid - Stop the Tour
"A generous description of the current political system in South Africa would be to call it a partial democracy. More correctly it is a racial oligarchy. The National Party is firmly in power, the official White opposition supine and without hope of every defeating it. The appurtenances of democracy are retained in free elections, a parliament and the rule of law. This is a facade. The free elections are confined to the White fifth of the population; Parliament consists of a government and an opposition, both dedicated to the maintenance of White hegemony; the rule of law is distorted by numerous discriminatory laws and extensive delegated powers, despotically applied"
Opposition to the ruling Nationalist Party within South Africa covers a spectrum of groups. Firstly, there are four other White political parties which aspire to gain power by winning a parliamentary majority from the existing White electorate.
a) The United Party:
The United Party, the official opposition would if successful try to maintain White supremacy throughout the Republic by milder means than those introduced by the Nationalists. The United Party has been committed on 'White leadership" in the interests of all our people and as an instrument bring about a sharing of power and responsibility among all our population groups.
In recent years they have adjusted thier policies to those of the Nationalist Party to such an extent that they are little more than an English carbon copy of the ruling party.
The United Party has accepted that certain Bantustans may become independent states, but considers that close links should be maintained with such territories, and that as much of South Africa as in feasible should be preserved as a single economy.
In terms of its federal plan, various communities would be identified according to ethnic and geographic considerations. Each would be established, consisting of M.P.'s and members of each assembly, to advise the central (White) parliament on matters affecting the community concerned.
A federal assembly would be created consisting of three representatives of each legislative assembly together with 120 members elected on the basis of a formula reflecitng the contribution of each community to the country's gross domestic product.
Parliament would, in its discretion, gradually delegate certain powers concerning matters of common interest, to this federal assembly. This body would not be able to interfere in the internal affairs or special interests of the various communities and their legislative assemblies.
The Party believes that seperate social and residential facilities for the various racial groups should be retained. But permanently urbanised Blacks should have the right to acquire freehold title to land in their own residential areas, should be afforded a greater sense of security, and should have improved standards of living, educational facilities, and training for employment.
b) The Progressive Party
The Progressive Party would introduce constitutional reforms, giving full political rights to all adults who meet a test of "civilisation"; create safeguards against group domination and guarantee the fundamental rights of all individuals.
The Progressive Party bases its policy on the belief that South Africa is, and will remain a multi-racial country whose citizens are interdependent. Its philosophy is that in any society, the individual human being is of paramount importance. Each citizen must be treated with equal dignity. Merit, and not skin colour, should be the measure of individual worth.
The Party opposes compulsory social integration as well as compulsory segregation. Social relationships should be regulated by the conventions of society and the attitudes of individuals. The Progressives consider that South Africa should become a federation of, largely, autonomous provinces, the provincial boundaries being redrawn to take into account demographic, economic and other factors.
For approximately 13 years the Progressives held one seat in the White Central Parliament, that of Helen Suzman but at the general election and a subsequent bye- election, in
On
c) The Herstigte Nasionale Party
The Herstigte Nasionale Party, led by Dr Albert Hertzog, former Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, believes in the intensification of apartheid on more restrictive lines reminiscent of the old Afrikaner Society of the 19th century.
The Herstigte Nasionale Party believes that international forces making for racial integration must be resisted. The Party regards the maintenance of separate identities by the Whites and Blacks as paramount; the latter must not be given expectations of social equality with Whites.
Economic forces militating against separate development must be countered to ensure peaceful progress in which the separate development of the White and Black groups should be strengthened. Industrialisation should be checked if it is overstimulated by foreign capital and labour.
d) The Democratic Party
The Democratic Party, led by Theo Gerdener, former Nationalist Minister of Interior, was formed in
The democratic Party would redraw the boundaries of the Bantustans to consolidate into large areas which could become viable, completely independent, states. Large urban African townships might be converted into autonomous city states of into integrated parts of Bantustans, or else urban Africans could form a third bloc of the peoples of South Africa.
The mixed White, Coloured and Indian areas together with the independent African city states, and possibly neighbouring states would be linked in a confederation, economically inter-dependent but politically independent.
While an ever increasing proportion of the White electorate has supported the Nationalist Party since
They have pointed to the glaring gulf between theory and practice of apartheid, to the absence of any adequate substitute for participation in the political process for Blacks and to the harshness of the methods employed to maintain apartheid. In the main they have been ineffective in creating an opposition within South Africa, but have embarrassed the Government by their effectiveness in arousing public opinion abroad. They, too, like all opponents, are allowed to function, harassed at the Government's discretion. After that they are then arrested jailed, placed under house arrest or deported.
Mention must be made here of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) and the Christian Institute of Southern Africa.
NUSAS is the White Students organisation with memberhsip drawn largely from the English speaking White universities in South Africa. It was founded in
Following the establishment of the radical Black South African Students Organisation (SASO) there were attempts by NUSAS at restructing in an effort to adjust to the rising tide of Black consciousness. The leadership of NUSAS realised that if NUSAS was to remain a viable body working for change in South Africa then White students, would have to speak to Whites to make them aware of the injustices perpertrated against Blacks rather than speaking to or on behalf of Blacks.
In
The Commission (a secret commission consisting of politicians from the ruling Nationalist Party and the United Party) had been appointed by the Government to investigate the objects, organisation, financing and activities of the University Christian Movement, NUSAS, the Christian Institute and the South African Institute of Race Relations and any related organisations, bodies, committees, or groups of persons.
Shortly after publication of the interim report, seven members of NUSAS and a university lecturer were banned for five years under the Suppression of Communism Act.
In
The Sharpeville massacre of
There have been over 400 reported cases of right-wing terrorism; academics, students and clergymen have had the windscreens of thier cars smashed, tyres slashed, molotoy cocktails thrown into gatherings and buildings set on fire.
One academic had bullets fired through his bedroom window, which just missed his wife and child by inches. Very much of this terrorism has been conducted by reactionary elements among the Afrikaans - speaking, but the police have also been reportedly seen carrying out such acts. Except for the arrest of a fire-bug who called himself Scorpio the crimes have gone undetected.
In
Several organisations, consisting mostly of disenfranchised Blacks, seek to gain power by extra-constitutional means and create a non-racial democratic state. Since
The African National Congress (ANC) was formed in
The formation of the ANC was a significant event in the history of the Black people of South Africa. It gave them hope that one day they would reverse their military defeats and win back their political power through the ballot-box. The ANC was essentially a reformist elite-led association for the betterment of Black economic, social and political conditions within a non-violent legal frame-work
The All African Convention, a political organisation which had been founded in
The All African Convention argued that to continue to operate the segregated institutions for any reason what soever was to accept the inferiority of the Black man and to involve the population in working the machinery of thier own oppression.
To implement the policy of non-collaboration a federation of political parties called the Non-European Unity Movement was formed. It comprised such organisations as the All African Convention, the ANC, and the Comm
Albert Luthuli, Let My People Go, p 102
The policy of non-collaboration failed. The ANC and the Communist Party, whose leaders were anxious to use the dummy-bodies, withdrew from the Unity Movement. Though the policy of non-collaboration did not succeed it was certainly the correct path as events bowed later and still do today.
The Unity Movement still exists today operating from
It has been mentioned earlier that the ANC was
The growing restlessness of the Black youth "at lack of action led to the establishment in J.A. Davis & J.K. Baker (editors) Southern Africa in Transition, p 9
The Youth League was therefore a pressure group within the ANC but had its own basic policy, namely the overthrow of foreign domination and foreign leadership and implementing the fundamental right of the lack people to self determination.
One writer J.K. Ngubane, An African Explains Apartheid, p 98
In pursuing this line, it had administered a fatal blow
The militancy urged by the ANC Youth League was
The Programme of action proposed by the Youth league aimed at the attainment of National Freedom, which was defined as: "freedom from White domination
The extent to which the ANC was rejuvenated by the Youth League can be seen in the
Among the members of the Youth League there was tremendous resentment of the dominant role being thought to be played in the ANC by the White members of the Communist Party. The members of the Communist Party were also members of the various
After the outlawing of the CP by the newly-elected Nationalist Party government in
Following the Passive Resistance campaign and the Congress of the People" Campaign in
The PAC took the first step in
Thousands were peacefully arrested but in two places, Langa and Sharpevill, panicky police opened fire on the peaceful crowds. The horror of apartheid became known throughout the world with the Sharpeville massacre in which 69 people were killed and 183 wounded. The Government declared a state of emergency and outlawed the ANC and PAC under the Unlawful Organisations Act and jailed many of the leaders of both organisations.
Subsequently, three main underground revolutionary movements emerged:
POQO, founded by members of the PAC after the outlawing of the Party, as the military wing. POQO militants armed with pangas, axes, home-made bombs and a few stolen guns and pistols engaged in several dashes with the police and with pro-apartheid government chiefs and supporters. The most serious clash was the Paarl uprising which resulted in a fierce attack on the police station probably in an attempt to capture arms. In the struggle which ensued two whites were killed and several police wounded. This alarmed the Government and its supporters; a one-man Commission of Enquiry into the spate of armed uprisings was instituted. On
After three years of sabotage, killing and attacks the Government banned these three movements under the General Laws Amendment Act of
Sharpeville was neither the first nor the last massacre of Blacks in South Africa. Between
The importance of Sharpeville is that it marked a qualitative change in the Black struggle for liberation. While the protesters chose as their target the pass laws which were the scourge of the people and a daily reminder of their physical oppression, they in fact challenged the entire system. The ultimate aim of the uprising was the seizure of political power. By inviting arrest the men aimed at depriving the system of that on which it thrived - their labour.
More importantly the Sharpeville massacre removed all doubt about the futility of non-violent protest. Thereafter both the ANC and the PAC adopted the principle of armed struggle as the only means to achieve a non racial democracy in South Africa. Both movement are still operating in exile and are committed to the armed struggle.
Despite the systematic violent suppression of all protest in South Africa the racist regime has failed to cow the people into submission. In fact it is a truism that repression breeds resistance. Despite the large number of Draconian laws which provide for indefinite detention without trial and arbitrary restriction without trial, the apartheid system is being challenged by all sections of the oppressed, particularly Black workers inside the country.
From the beginnings of
Despite the fact that all strikes by Black workers are illegal in South Africa, in
The Black Consciousness Movement comprises:
The Black consciousness movement has made vast progress over the past six years and despite very many leaders being banned, jailed, forced into exile, continues to flourish inside the country. The Movement completely rejects apartheid and all apartheid institutions.
At a Black Renaissance Convention held at Hammanskraal in
"We dedicate ourselves towards striving for a totally united and democratic South Africa, free from all forms of oppression and exploitation. A society in which all people participate fully in the government of the country through the medium of one man one vote. A society in which there is an equitable distribution of wealth and an auti-racist society."
An international campaign has been mounted to exclude the People's Action Party of Singapore from the organisation of Social Democratic Parties, The Socialist International.
Besides the PAP, current members of this Socialist International include the West German Social Democratic Party, the Israeli Labour Party, the Australian Labor Party and our very own New Zealand Labour Party.
A large number of individuals and organisations throughout the world, such as the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, have pledged their support for the expulsion.
The New Zealand Labour Party has only so far sought from the Secretariate of The Socialist International News of what is going on.
At the annual conference of the New Zealand Labour Party (in two weeks time) a remit will be discussed the calls for New Zealand support for the explusion of the PAP The following is the case against Lee Kuan Yew's government.
The Peoples' Action Party (P.A.P.), under the leadership of Lee Kuan Yew, came to power in Singapore in
Under Premier Lee, the government has carried out increasingly ruthless suppression of human rights. It uses a whole armoury of repressive legislation to institute measures in blatant violation of democratic socialist principles.
To attract foreign investment, the P.A.P. has effectively crushed an independent trade union movement with a formidable array of anti-labour legislation. Examples of such include:
The Contract of Employment Act 1968
These laws prohibit unions from including in collective agreements such basic questions as: promotion, transfer, termination of service by way of redundancy, dismissal or reinstatements of a worker assignment or allocation of duties by employer.
Fringe benefits (including overtime pay, bonuses, redundancy payments, retirement benefits, maternity and sick leave) have been drastically reduced and working hours increased. They curtail the right to industrial action and give management sole power over hiring and firing.
Furthermore, the government-appointed Registrar of Trade Unions can refuse to register a trade union without giving any reason.
These laws were described by the Times (London
Not unconnected with the anti-labour measures is the suppression of all political opposition to Lee's regime, especailly those who champion the cause and receive the widespread support, of Singapore workers.
The Internal Security Act 1960 gives the widest power of detention without trial. There are about a hundred political prisoners in Singapore, some of whom have been detained for over a decade. Among those still in detention and subject to solitary confinement and other forms of mental and physical torture are:
Dr. Lim Hock Siewa founder member of the P.A P. and a leader of the opposition Barisan Sosialis which split from the P.A.P. in1961 .Detained
1963
Said Zahariformerly editor of Utusan Melayu, a Malay daily; President of the National Press Club of Malaya and President of the Malay Journalist Association of Singapore.Detained
1963
Ho Piewa trade unionist and Secretary of the Seamen's Union in Singapore.Detained
1963
Lee Tee Tongtrade unionist and Legislative Assemblyman.Detained
1963
T.T. Rajaha lawyer who consistently defended political detainees in the past.Detained
1974 (released Dec.1975 )
Today there are about 100 political detainees in Singapore held under the Internal Security Act. These people conducted their political activities within the constitutional framework and even the official grounds for thier detention, namely, their opposition to the terms of merger of Singapore with Malaysia, were rendered invalid when Singapore was expelled from Malaysia in
Yet they have been denied due process of law and no charges have been brought against them in the courts after these long years.
As a condition for release, the Lee Kuan Yew regime demands that the detainees publicly renounce their political beliefs and eulogise the regime.
As these men have refused to comply they have been subjected to long stretches of solitary confinement and "interrogation" at special centres in an attempt to break them. Most political detainees are treated in this way.
Conditions in detention are comparable in their brutality to those in fascist regimes such as South Africa.
Visits are restricted to close relatives - friends and fiances are not allowed, conversation between detainees and visitors is conducted via telephones across a glass barrier and monitored by the authorities. If conditions of life in detention or ill-treatment are mentioned the telephone is immediately cut off and visits suspended. Interviews with lawyers are rarely granted, and when granted are closely supervised.
Neither is there any legal protection from torture of any kind. In
True to form this was rejected outright by the PAP regime. Indeed Lee Kuan Yew himself admitted to tortures practised by his regime at the meeting of the Commonwealth Press Union in
The case of Lee Tee Tong, detained soon after his election to the Singapore Legislative Assembly in
Iny
Unlike other political detainees who are allowed weekly visits, Lee Tee Tong is allowed only one visit in 5 weeks. Except for biscuits, no food is allowed to be sent in by visitors.
During weekdays he is locked up in his cell from 3 00pm, whilst during weekends and other public holidays he is confined to his cell from 12 noon to 8 am the following day. This, it should be noted, is the routine when he is not in solitary confinement.
His health has deteriorated badly as no doctors are known to have attended to him these years. As for dental care, the prison provides only for extraction without facilities for fillings or dentures. As a result he has lost all his teeth. Despite suffering such brutal treatment. Lee Tee Tong refuses to recant in barter for his freedom.
A close scrutiny is kept on all educational institutions Students cannot enter institutions of higher learning without a Suitability Certificate (a provision of the Internal Security Act). A certificate is issued only after clearance with the Special Branch that the applicant is politically acceptable.
In
The latest move to suppress the student movement is the enactment in University of Singapore (Amendment) Act 1975 to dissolve USSU and reconstitute a new 'Union' whose constitution, membership, functions and other matters will be under the control of the government.
The PAP in the past branded its opponents as "Communists" or proxies for external forces. Of late as opposition mounts from wider sections of the population, the regime now warns of "non-Communist subversion" which includes the New Left, the Student Christian Movement and the CIA
Accusations of "non-Communist subversion" have been levelled mainly against the University of Singapore Students' Union (USSU) following student protests over large scale redundancies and declining living standars of the workers. Not surprisingly USSU has recently been dissolved under the University of Singapore (Amendment) Act
Over the past few years as Lee Kuan Yew's sophiscated public relations machinery has come unstuck and his mask slipped somehwat, his European social democratic colleagues are beginning to see the true picture of his repressive regime. In recent months the Central Committee of the Dutch Labour Party has decided, in view of the gross violations of fundamental human rights in Singapore, to contest the PAP's membership of the Socialist International.
Most New Zealand students knowledge of New Caledonia doesn't stretch beyond visions of the blue skies, white sand and palm trees.
About 80 people took the opportunity to deepen their knowledge at a forum held in the Union Hall last Wednesday.
The speaker, Dwe Gorodey, a member of the Kanak (i.e. indigenous people of New Caledonia) Liberation Party gave a brief outline of French Colonialism in New Caledonia. This was expanded by several minutes of question time, reflecting the high interest generated by her talk.
France rules New Caledonia through a governor, whose power of veto over the territory assembly makes this attempt at diluting direct colonial rule a complete farce.
In
Up until
France's interest in New Caledonia lies in the wealth to be extracted from her rich nickel mines. To exploit this raw resource the Kanak's were removed from the land, the foundation of their spiritual and economic life.
Today the price of nickle is falling and because of the French government's failure to invest in other economic sectors, the economy is in crisis. Unemployment and poverty are increasing.
Having completely destroyed the Kanak peoples culture, France speaks much of her policy of equality.
The Kanak people are free to compete with the Europeans in a system which is unfamiliar to them
Kanak children are punished for speaking indigenous dialogues at school. One out of every five children reach secondary school, and very few complete UE.
It is against this background that one of the young Kanak's organised meetings in Noumea starting in
Dwe related a very moving story that was to have a profound impact on the struggle against French Colonialism.
On
Since the Karounda affair the provocations of the reactionary whites have been growing.
Internal defence measures have been stepping up and a contingent from the French Air Force has been stationed at Noumea airport.
The army is deploying its forces on manoeuvres in the north of the main island, with the sole objective of intimidating the population of the Kanak reserves.
In the face of the disgusting politics of the French colonisalists, the young Kanak militants decided to organise themselves with their people in the struggle for national independence - Kanak Independence.
Dwe stressed that Kanak Independence would signify the total destruction of the French colonial system in New Caledonia and its replacement with a socialist political and economic system.
The young Kanak militants absolutely refuse an independence granted by the French which would allow France to maintain her economic hold on the nickel of the country through the intermediary of the local black and white lackeys quite prepared to accept a neocolonial independence.
The Kanak liberation party recognises that theaction of the French colonialists demonstrates that there is no dialogue possible between an oppressed people and their oppressors.
But they also recognise that their movement is too small to wage armed struggle against their oppressors.
Their job is massive political education work to awaken the people to the necessity of armed struggle. For in the words of Dwe 'When the conscience of a colonised people finally grasp this fact Nothing can stop it.
The Campaign Against Foreign Control in New Zealand (Cafcinz), at it's AGM held in Christchurch, adopted major policy priorities for research and action in the coming year.
The Seminar/AGM was held over two days, the first day being devoted completely to a seminar and the second to the A. G.M.
A wide range of speakers was assembled starting with Wolfgang Rosenberg (reader in Economics at Canterbury, and author of books on the New Zealand economy). He spoke on the extent of foreign domination of New Zealand's economy.
Following this were reports from research leaders in specific C.A.F.C.I.N.Z. projects - Mt Davy coal, the Fiordland Red Hills and Comalco.
The afternoon was devoted to Alister Taylor (noted publisher and campaigner against the CIA/SIS) followed by Owen Wilkes, who presented his latest research on the long term implications of New Zealand's present nuclear policies. He gave details of the present trends in New Zealand's Armed Services training, noting the shift from subversive guerilla jungle warfare to open desert-type army manoeuvres in the lake Tekapo area, which is now being used more frequently than before (It may be relevant to note that the Australian Army have also started large scale manoeuvres on the North West Australian coast lines practising invasion landings etc.).
Bill Rosenberg delivered a summary of the Mt Davy Coal issue, and made the observation that the coal could only be worked for about 15 years leaving about two thirds in the ground. There was also the definite possibility that the mining company might well "find" more minerals and offer to prevent the politically- undesirable effects of a large scale industry closing down.
There is also the likelihood that a number of the skilled workers who would be required, may not be available on the West Coast. (A similar situation has developed with Comalco with most of the Administrative staff being from Australia.).
Peter Lusk had been working on the Red Hills asbestos deposits and' noted that it's promoters hasten to point out that it is not the "asbestosis" (a form of lung cancer that is extremely difficult to cure) inducing variety (although Ralph Nader in the USA points out that white asbestos is still highly dangerous).
It is proposed to open-cast mine the complete deposit because asbestos occurs in layers of upright fibres usually only ¾ inch in length. The scheme calls for the removal, crushing and placing elsewhere of a complete mountain. (Where does one put a complete mountain in the middle of Fiordland?).
Comalco, as presented by John Christie, has been reported at length elsewhere. The only significant point to date is that with a shrinking world demand for aluminium, Comalco, which has as it's controlling partners some of the world's largest producers of aluminium, is increasing its Tiwai Point (Bluff) smelter's capacity by a further 40%.
By mid-year it will require about 20% of the country's electrical energy (and the bottom is almost sure to fall out of the second-hand heater market!).
Alister Tayler presented an illuminating presentation on the role of the CIA/SIS activities in New Zealand. His talk went on to show that far from being separated from the struggle in which C.A.F.C.I.N.Z. is involved, the Campaign to oppose the S.I.S. is closely related.
Owen Wilkes who was an important part of the C.A.F.M.A.N.Z. (Campaign against foreign military bases in New Zealand, parent of the organisation that is now know as C.A.F.C.I.N.Z.) gave an .'informative talk on the possible involvement by New Zealand in some future global conflict. He pointed out that in event of complete exclusion of the U.S. from their bases in Thailand later this year, New Zealand and Australia would be the most likely supply route to sustain any operations last year and Portugal's reluctance to allow the U.S. to use it's airfields as refueling points).
On the subject of Omega, it was C.A.E.C.I.N.Z.'s initial research that blew it's cover causing it to be shifted to Australia. It also took the removal of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam, to allow it to proceed there as well.
The research that was done in New Zealand was also responsible for the project being the subject of a Royal Inquiry in Norway, resulting in it's likely rejection there as well.
The following A.G.M. was unfortunately closed to the press and therefore the proceedings will have to remain unreported until some later date when appropriate press statements will be issued.
South Westland may seem a strange place to hold the annual conference of a national organisation, but not if you have heard of the Native Forests Action Council (NFAC).
This council, the most active of all forest conservation groups, held its conference at Franz Josef over the Easter weekend, in order to publicise the imminent logging of the Okarito State Forest by a local sawmill.
The commencement of selection logging, under milling rights given by the New Zealand Forest Service, is seen as a possible threat to the continued survival of the Kotuku or white heron.
This rare bird, which feeds in the Okarito Lagoon at the edge of the Okarito forest, may lose its major source of food if the catchment of the lagoon is milled
NFAC believes that widespread logging of the Northern Okarito forest will result in the silting up of the lagoon, and the raising of the water table.
This fear for the white heron is coupled with the more obvious concern about the acceptability of any logging at all of the magnificent virgin lowland Rimu forests.
NFAC has mounted a campaign to bring public attention to this logging, in the hope that pressure may be brought to bear on the Minister of Forests (Venn Young) to concede some political ground.
Early in January, NFAC wrote to the Minister asking for an immediate stay on the proposed logging, and an environmental impact report on the effects of such logging on the Okarito Lagoon. NFAC also asked that both of the State forests proposed for milling, Waikukupa in the south and Okarito in the north be included in the adjacent Westland National Park.
The effect of this request would be to establish a unique mountain tops - to - the - sea reserve of public land, incorporating some of the best pure Rimu stands in the country.
The Minister refused this request, and said that logging will commence shortly in an initial block of 164 hectares close to the edge of the lagoon.
This small area is only the beginning though, as up to 6,000 hectares is available for logging, on the Minister's approval, and such approval is unlikely to be withheld.
Realising this, and the fact that logging was imminent, NFAC reluctantly decided to acknowledge that some selectively-milled Rimu was going to be lost. Hence a continuation of the request for admission of all of Okarito and Waikukupa State Forests was no longer meaningful.
A compromise was offered. In return for the careful selection of trees from the northern Okarito forest, NFAC wanted a definite admission of all of Waikukupa and southern Okarito into Westland National Park.
It also demanded that at least 3km of untouched forest be retained as a buffer between the lagoon and the edge of the milled area. This recognised the irreversibility of the Minister's stand, and offered further protection to the lagoon and Kotuku.
It is worth noting that the Okarito Lagoon is already a reserve, and that it does have a buffer zone of forest. However, the buffer is only 100m wide which provide no protection to the ecology of the feeding grounds.
If the Forest Service milled up to this line, therefore, it would destroy its own reserve; a not uncommon phenomenon in New Zealand forest management.
Professor Knox of Canterbury University told a public meeting in Christchurch last month that a minimum of 3km was his recommendation. NFAC accepts his expertise in favour of the Forest Service's suggestion, which has not been subject to the environmental assessment NFAC demanded.
The Minister has not yet reacted to this offer, except to say that he is 'sympathetic' to the idea of including some lowland forest in the National Park.
While this may seem encouraging, he is really only talking of a 'corridor' of forest to the sea, which is unacceptable to the members of NFAC.
The Okarito controversy is a continuation of the battle between the production forestry attitudes inherent in the Forst Service's mentality, and the desire for a fuller and more long term view of New Zealand's native forests.
NFAC has developed to promote and defend the qualities and worth of the native bush, particularly as the history of human occupation of New Zealand' has coincided with a wanton destruction of vast areas of the natural vegetation.
The continuation of this destriction can no longer be justified in terms of the need for agricultural land nor for large quantities of timber. Yet this is the attitude of the sawmillers of the West Coast and elsewhere who see the exploitation of native forests as a reasonable and justified economic activity.
Native forests are not suited for large scale commercial exploitation both because of their botanical and zoological significance, and economic factors. Long rotation periods (100 - 300 years), high transport and milling costs, erosion and pest control problems, and the interference with water catchments all militate against the use of forests on a sound long term basis.
The felling of West Coast Beech and Rimu forests can only be viewed as a short term gain for local millers, at the expense of all those who value standing native forests above sawn timber or chips.
The argument that the mills contribute to employment and regional development is the one most often used by the advocates of the exploitation of public forests, many of them virgin.
These ideas can be refuted on the grounds that an equivalent number of persons could be employed either in tourism, or in other smaller scale, forest based industries, such as furniture making; using a forest on a sustained yield basis.
It is also conceivable that other industrial initiatives could be undertaken to diversify the employment structure of the Coast.
Certainly the heavy taxpayer support of the West Coast sawmills, both in direct aid, and through the Forest Service stumpage formula, should be compared to other means of achieving the same end. The West Coast does need regional assistance, but not at any cost.
The uses to which the Rimu and Beech are presently put are a cause for concern also, as they contradict the new Forest Service indigenous forest policy.
This policy desires that timbers be used for their 'highest end use' - not presumbably the construction of packing cases (Christchurch), boxing (Twizel), wood chips (Nelson) and house framing.
NFAC supports the principle of a better and more limited use of native timbers, but only if it can be done on a sustained yield basis. Cut out and get out is not acceptable.
The 250 people attending the Okarito conference endorsed the previous policies of NFAC and instructed the National Executive to continue the fight to protect native forests anywhere, under the terms of the Maruia Declaration. Unanimous agreement was reached both to Okarito and the national scene.
You can help to save and protect our native forests in Okarito by writing to the Minister of Forests, or by contacting the local branch of NFAC. Act now before its too late.
Wellington bus driver Peter Rendall writes on some of the thoughts he put forward in the Capital Plan's' discussion night on public transport.
If you use Wellington's big red buses, you have just experienced another increase in fares. Will it achieve anything?
Our elected representatives certainly don't think so, for along with the announcement that fares were to go up came the statement that even this increase would go no way towards correcting the deficit that Wellington's city transport will run up in the coming year.
Nasty thought.... could this be because fewer people use the buses at the new fares? Perhaps the steadily increasing fares and poorer service could be the reason why the number of passengers carried has dropped over the years.
Between
We can all think of reasons - there are many - but does the Council Transport Committee see any solutions to any of them?
They have suggested that some peak period services be driven by part-time drivers, a suggestion strongly resisted by the present drivers, who see their livelihoods threatened.
The other attempt to balance the books is by cutting services, a move I would suggest is about at futile as continually raising the fares.
The main bright spot on the horizon is the current investigation into differential rating, which means in effect that those organisations and enterprises that are grouped together in the inner city area will contribute somewhat more to the running of the city and its services than they do at present.
In other words, the employers who want their workers to arrive, and the shops who want customers, will help pay for the system that gets them there.
Even this, I suggest, will be futile unless there is a total re-appraisal of the transport needs of the city area and an honest attempt to meet them. What is needed is a system that meets the needs of the greatest numbers of people, gets them where they want to go, when they want to, in a relatively high degree of comfort and speed.
Some ways of achieving this are included in the next section, but few, if any of those proposals will be effective, unless we decide who or what is going to determine the shape of the centre of our city.
I do not believe that there is room for both an effective and efficient public transport system and private motor vehicles. What is required is a political decision by the people of Wellington and their elected representatives.
We must decide if our freedom includes the freedom to hinder great numbers of other people as they go about their daily work, or whether it means that the greatest good for the greatest number should prevail, in which case the buses win.
Measures that can be taken to improve and popularize Wellington Public Transport, can be grouped under three main headings.
Each of these areas can be broken down into a number of specifics, and this I will now do, and attempt to illustrate my point with a Wellington example.
Improvements to roading utilization can be by means of the following:
Improvements gained through internal changes in the Undertaking itself are as follows:
The introduction of new services should be a high priority in any campaign to get people back on the buses. These services should, I feel, provide cross-town links on the one hand, and, on the other, faster journeys to the inner city area.
These needs tend to be mutually exclusive but are needed at different times of the day. The peak periods, both morning and evening, require fast if not highly frequent services to suburbs on the edges of the city. To achieve this there should be buses with limited stops in the city area, running non stop to specific suburbs. There could be perhaps a bus to Scorching Bay departing the station, stopping at the Town Hall and Courtenay Place, and then no stopping before the Seatoun Shops. There should also be provision for people residing in the Brooklyn-Kingston area to get to Kilbirnie and points east without having to go down into the town. To this end my suggestion of a transport interchange at Newtown would serve as node for persons wishing to move south and east without going through the centre of the city.
A further new service that could be investigated is the running of buses to Happy Valley and Ohiro Bay via the Brooklyn Hill and Ohiro Road, which has recently been considerably upgraded. This would also reduce the number of buses travelling through Newtown at peak periods, while providing a service for an area at present not served by public transport.
There are many areas where new or speedier services could perhaps attract new passengers, but they must be at least investigated before we start to cut the services we already have.
It surprises me that so many people are willing to spend 40 or so minutes coming in from Seatoun in the morning peak periods, when a car can do the trip in 15 to 20. There must be an improvement to journey times if one can hope to attract more passengers back on the buses.
This can be achieved by limiting the number of stops at each end of the journey, and running the buses non stop between them. The faster running has another important feature in that it enables each vehicle to complete more journeys in the given period of time, which in turn increases the carrying capacity.
Wellington operates a mixed diesel and trolley bus fleet, which has one major problem. The newest diesel buses are some ten years old, and the oldest is a 8pritely 28. The trolleys aren't much better, the newest being some 12 years old and the oldest approaching 26. The problem is that city buses are usually given a life span of 12 to 15 years, after which point the running costs tend to escalate, and mechanical reliability tends to decline.
That we need new buses even the council realises, but the problem now is cost, we can't afford them, and there seems to be little prospect of the transport service ever earning enough to finance their own replacements.
Sidestepping that problem for a moment, do our present buses provide a suitable substitute for the private car, are they what the customer wants? I won't attempt to answer that one, we all have our own views on the subject, but I will list some of the features that' commuters in Brisbane said they wanted in their passenger transport.
The provision of vehicles to meet these demands would be somewhat expensive, but could be met by modem automatic or semi-automatic diesels, or modem trolley buses. In the first case Mercedes Benz, Leyland Nationals, Britos REL's and any number of other makes could fit the bill, while in the case of Trolley buses, any number of continental makes could fit the bill, though if we wanted to buy British, Leyland have just produced an electric version of the National, which is running on the Runcorn Busway in Lancashire.
The case for the improvement of public transport in Wellington requires a political solution. It requires the implementation of broad-based overall scheme for public transport to take priority over the private and non-essential commercial motor vehicles, and only when this occurs will there be the faintest gleam of hope for the centre of our city.
Though bitterly disappointing at the time, in restrospect the
For years the Labour Party has suffered from haphazard organisation, financial insecurity, falling membership, declining trade union participation and an digarchic structure which all too often stifled innavatory ideas.
The
Moreover, since the Election, the Labour Party has gained a large number of new members, as yet untainted by pragmatism and full of new ideas. Consequently the Party reached an important undershed in its history.
To retain this resurgency of support and build on it, the Labour Party must obviously be more than lacklustre alternative administration of the status quo. Clearly it must modernise its organisation and structure, but more importantly (as Helen Clark,
The resolution of this question is vital to the future success of the constructive Left in New Zealand.
But where does the V.U.W. Labour fit into this? Ideally, we too can participate in the mapping out a direction for the Labour Party which is new and yet builds on the ideals and essentially radical traditions of the Labour Movement in New Zealand.
To this end, the Labour Club welcomes into its ranks all students who share our basic vision of just, co-operative society where economic security is guaranteed to all, and where intellectual and spiritual fulfilment is possible. The Club has always southt to heighten the political awareness of students and to serve as a focal point for the type of enlightened discussion that lead to constructive policy proposals.
Now that the politics of expediency and prejudice seemed to have prevailed, it is essential that groups such as the Labour Club speak out forcefully to inject some idealism and progressive thinking into the political scene. For while the Labour Party is in a humble and receptive mood, we now have a great opportunity to influence it, and ensure its committment to a programme of far-reaching social change.
Already the Labour Club has established itself as the most active political club on campus. We have recently taken part in a stimulating discussion with Alan Levett on the need for new departures in policy formulation within the Labour Party. We have involved ourselves in Capital Plan.
A press release has been made deploring the Mayor's short-sighted rejection of Councillor Shand's motion urging the Government not to designate Wellington as the port of call of nuclear ships. On the social side, a successful stein has been held. Planned activities include seminars on foreign aid and on the relevance of the Welfare State. Further suggestions are welcome..
Harold Wilson once said: 'The Labour Party is idealism or it is nothing'. It is the Labour Club's aim to serve as a medium through which young people can channel their idealism into constructive avenues.
If you want to help us, do so, and if you're concerned at the current state of New Zealand, then come along to one of our fortnightly meetings. For further information contact Dave Colline (WOA 6740) or Rob Rabel (893-093)
The New Zealand Political Studies Association is holding its first National Conference in May 14-16, at Weir House and Victoria University.
In case you've never heard of it before, the NZPSA was established last year to stimulate study and research into social and political questions (esp. those of interest to New Zealand), and to provide a forum for the discussion of these questions by all concerned.
Membership of the NZPSA is now nearly 200, with members drawn from various fields (political science, public administration, sociology, law, economics, education), as well as politicians and political journalists.
Members will have their first opportunity to debate issues of concern at the Conference, at which anyone interested may participate. Conference includes 20 workshops and panel discussions, as a range of topics:
Several workshops and discussion may be held at any one time, and participants can choose between them, according to their interests. Copies of all conference papers will be supplied at registration, so that everyone is prepared for the panels they choose to attend.
All interested students are invited to attend the conference. The registration fee is:
This fee includes - admission to all panel discussions.
Buffet dinners, with guest speakers, will be held on Friday & Saturday nights.
For further information about either membership at the NZPSA, or attendance at the Conference, contact either:
If you were a commerce student last year you will remember completing a questionnaire on Term Assessment.
The results of the student survey highlighted the areas in which they felt assessment was inadequate, inaccurate and mismanaged.
Comments also impled what seemed to be apathy on the part of course controllers, tutors and lecturers. This implication is reinforced by staff lack of action.
Student opinion was quite clear on what it saw as the practical problems of the present system as well as the advantages.
There was a 75% return. This is noticeably high for such a survey. This indicates students are interested and concerned with assessment.
Courses with the highest rating were Econ.111, Accy 211 and Com. law 201. Courses with the lowest rating were Buad 111 and Accy 101.
The Advantages of Interim Assessment as students saw it:
These advantages are handicapped by problems of administrating the system in practice. These practical problems result in staggered work-loads and increased pressure.
Too much has been crammed into a half semester course. Matter can be covered in time available but depth required of such a number of topics is greater than reasonable.
Four credit courses in some cases far too intensive.
As one student put it:
The present system lacks scheduling and coordination. Students are often expected to hand in major essays in one week or sit three term tests in one week on top of their regular tutorial assignments, readings etc. Having all exams and projects down your throat at one go is pretty disheartening.
Students criticised the way in which some departments administer assessment.
Some departments don't relate the effort required to complete an assignment in terms of marks for finals. Further to this. In-term assessment is often a token gesture on their part. To be worthwhile, it must carry specific mark value.
There are also inconsistencies between departments on the requirements for similar courses in the amount of work necessary and the value placed on this work.
A particular area of concern was the need to increase flexibility of assessment systems by providing a variety of assessment tasks, from which the student is required to complete a certain amount.
Course lecturers should seek more feedback from students on course work loads and the design of assessment systems. Many students felt that the terms requirement should be abolished.
In effect, students want assessment to measure all the skills involved in a course, not just their exam technique. In-term assessment is still relatively new in the university. Students have made it clear that there are gross errors in its administration.
Students do want in-term assessment but they don't want it as it is now.
If any Commerce students have any comments on this article or specific comments on the report, see your faculty representatives:
They would also be able to help any student who has assessment or workload hassles.
Despite the amount of criticism appearing in Salient during the past six weeks, the Sociology Department will ask the Faculty of Arts next month to approve the introduction of another compulsory theory course.
The course concerned is The History of Social Thought (Sosc 205) taught at the moment by Chairman of Department Professor Jim Robb.
The course features a two-week run through the history of sociological ideas, and then the rest of the course is spent on a study of Marx, Weber, Durkheim and Simmel.
At present there are 24 credits of compulsory courses for a student doing a Sociology major, and so Sosc 205 will further plug the choice gap for the other 12 credits.
In a period when there is a general loosening of restrictions for majoring students, the introduction of this requirement comes as rather a surprise. Why is it necessary?
The students in the compulsory Sosc 301 course have been discontented with their course for quite a while and last year this erupted in the form of demands for improved workload and assessment procedures. Does the department see the answer to this discontent lying in the introduction of an earlier theory course? I think they will be disappointed.
The other assumption with the introduction of this course seems to be that students need a good deal of theoretical background before they can tackle Sosc 301. And yet the same problems which are manifest in Sosc 301, are going to re-appear in Sosc 205.
Most department staff are unsure of what "sociological theory" actually is, let alone how to teach it. A good example is the detached way that the four paradigms are taught in Sosc 301, with little application to social reality and, more importantly, with no attempt made to explain that reality.
At the departmental staff meeting there was very little active opposition -to the installation of another compulsory theory course - an indication of how oblivious the staff are the questions being asked in all comers of the department.
It seems that when questions are raised by students, departmental policy is to keep quiet and hope that interest will flag and the questioners will disappear.
Failing this, staff may find out who wrote the article, and use subtle means to personally drag the individual's credibility down in the eyes of both students and other staff members. If they succeed in this, the ideas put forward no longer have any power.
Salient has been very disappointed in the number of letters from staff members in its current Sociology Debate. Apart from Junior Lecturer Charles Crothers, none of the staff have bothered to reply to very important criticism of the Sociology Department, many of which centre on the very important area of the nature of theory.
If staff members cannot debate theoretical approaches in Salient, how will they be able to teach a course in sociological theory.
S.A.G. Initiation Rites:
Smoking Room
Thursday 12-2pm
29 April.
free coffee.
Beware Sociology Students - S.A.G. could become a terms requirement!
Salient ace reporter has spent the last two weeks investigating rumours of "creeping communism" in Wgtn's No. 1 newspaper the 'Dominion'. Here he presents his report.
While the storms of intraparty strife have raged through China in the last month, a cultural revolution of a very different sort raged through the offices of the Dominion.
The Dom's editor, widely regarded as a conservative, has become a Maoist.
In what is already being described in Western Intelligence sources as the 'great lurch leftwards', Kelleher announced his change of heart in a typically low-keyed Maoist fashion.
The announcement was tucked away on page 6 of the Dominion on April 13 - right next to the horoscopes - and took the form of a news Story, ostensibly from the New Zealand Press Association, on a number of archeological finds in the People's Republic of China.
In the article, the Dominion asserts its belief in class struggle as the prime moving factor in social change, and its belief that the class struggle is manifested in all forms of art. literature, culture and the commercial world.
While most New Zealand newspapers treat such announcements fro the New China News Agency as expressions of opinion, and interpolate the raw Maoist text with 'according to 's' and 'Chinese officials claimed', to show their disbelief of the material, the Dominion has joined ranks of the student and underground press in treating such overtly political commentaries on life in China as objective fact.
Now that he is a Maoist, it's obvious the Dominion's editor is going to have to tread warily.
Already there are hints that Western agents and the big international finance groups are moving against him with plans to destroy the paper's circulation.
The first attack by the rightist forces is expected to leave the Dominion without it's syndicated horoscopes and comic strips, thus halving the paper's circulation.
The second assault, which will leave the Dominion with no readers at all, involves the re-routing of the Porirua-Wellington trains around; rather than through the hills they meet on their way to town.
Once the tunnels are gone, commuters will be offered a choice between looking out the window and reading the Dominion - and it's expected most of them will opt for the scenery.
The Dominion though - and we understand it may be renamed 'The People's standard' - has a number of weeks to change the basis of its sales away from the boredom of commuters and the infantile and superstitious nature of the petit-bourgeoisie, and into the area of mass, united front struggle.
Salient understands that the right-wing and racist 'The Phantom' strip will be replaced by a new strip about an African Tribesman who fights right-deviationist forces in Shanghai, and 'Peanuts' with a cartoon about the class nature of American Kindergartens.
The white-collar 'Bristow' will remain 'to expose the alientation of proletarianised intellectual labour', while the 'Wizard of Id' will be altered to expose the true role of the rising peasant classes in the struggle with their feudal overlords.
The daily horoscope column will be scrapped as a supersticious piece of nonsense, and replaced with the world's first class horoscope that will go something like this:
Expect trouble from reactionary elements you have relied on until today Beware of foreign investors bearing gifts. Watch out for Muldoon.
Expect a further move downwards towards your eventual proletarianisation unless your income and realisable assets have been moving upwards for the past seven years. In that case expect the move to continue, with the certainty that you will join the big capitalists and be put up against the wall when the revolution comes. Watch out for Muldoon.
A bad day, like all the others. Sell your shop. Watch out for Muldoon.
A worse day yesterday. Don't forget to criticise revisionists in your Union leadership, and remember you are all workers, whatever the current state of play with demarcation with other Unions. Watch out for Muldoon.
Try to develop an historical role, but if you can't manage it, Meths is on sale at most hardwares, and cavalcade Sherry's been marked down in some bottle stores. Watch out for Muldoon.
This day in History' will recall only the victories of the progressive classes, or analyse their defeats. Special attention will be paid to such bad things as the day the Jap's could have shot Muldoon but missed, and good things like Vic Wilcox's birthday.
Will it last? Only time will tell if the Dominion will continue its great lurch leftwards. The odds against it are enormous, but history stands firmly beside the Dominion and its struggle against all that is reactionary.
Dare to Struggle, and dare to win....... Comrade Kelleher!
About 1000 bamboo slips, most carrying laws and documents dating back 2200 years, have been found in one of 12 tombs recently excavated in Yunmeng County in central China.
The tombs were discovered by peasants digging a drainage canal.
The three laws of the Chin dynasty unearthed are China's earliest laws and acts so far discovered and the bamboo slips, well preserved and with legible characters, are the first discovered of the Chin dynasty (221 B.C. to 207 B.C.).
The finds date from the late years of the warring states period (475 B.C. - 221 B.C.) and provide important historical evidence of how the Chin dynasty followed the
Preliminary studies show the bamboo slips include a document of a governor in 227 B.C.. laws, acts, judicial cases, a book on the "ways of officials", and a chronicle of major events from 306 B.C.
Also Included are specific cases showing how court trials were conducted.
The records of laws and acts of the Chin dynasty and of earlier periods had been lost for centuries.
Amone the new finds are acts on farmland, currency, appointment of officials, self-exiled Chin subjects and dismissal of officials.
The new find provides key research material into the historical experience of the rising landlord class in exercising dictatorship over the slave-owning class after winning political power, and the history of the struggle between the Confusion and the Legalist schools and class struggle as a whole.
If every there was any doubt in my mind that photography qualified as "Art", that doubt has been well and truly dispelled by this exhibition of Edward Weston's work of the twenties and thirties.
Weston is one of the old masters of photography and, with Stieglitz and Strand, was one of the foremost exponents of straight or classic photography.
Straight photography employs the very minimum of darkroom manipulation.
Weston didn't use an enlarger because of the inevitable loss of quality of definition and clarity of image entailed in the enlarging process. He was the complete purist. He considered that he had failed if he ever had to crop the final print.
He worked with the classic 8 × 10inch view camera which enabled him to see the finished image in full size before he clicked the shutter.
This was the essence of his philosophy; the necessity to visualise the final result before making the exposure, encapsulating the moment and then not tampering with it.
Using the simplest methods, he married aesthetic and technique to the point of virtuosity: Unless I pull a technically fine print from a technically fine negative, the emotional or intellectual value of the photograph is for me almost negated", he wrote.
Weston was aware of a duality in his work. A philosophical commitment to realism on the one hand a strong tendency towards abstraction on the other.
In
The emphasis in the selection of his work exhibited here is on abstraction and pure form Except for a few landscapes, stunning in their sharpness of definition, one beautiful soft focus portrait of a woman, (quite atypical - there are no other photographs of people), a couple of highly evocative photographs of places, ( a Mexican backyard, a seaside settlement a harbour scene), the photographs are of objects Seashells, peppers, factory chimneys, piled up pots in a Mexican marketplace, artichokes, pieces of driftwood and church doors predominate. His nudes are depersonalised studies of form.
Weston was a sculptor with a camera. He died in
This is the first and best of the series of Dollar films starring Clint Eastwood. It is a Mexican-American-Spanish-ltalian western because each of these countries has a pari to play in the final synthesis.
"Just about every western cliche that went with the old formula of the cool mysterious gunslinger who blows into an evil frontier town and takes on the wicked greedy varmints, knocking them off one by one, is in this egregiously synthetic but engrossingly morbid violent film "
New York Times
Eastwood plays the half cowboy half gangster hero who comes bouncing back no matter whether he gets beaten to a pulp.
The film is full of spectator violences and the professionalism of these scenes is partly due to the fact that the film is a rewrite of a Japanese samurai film made by Akira Kurosawa, one of the world's most accomplished directors.
I can't remember much about this film, except that I couldn't stop laughing from all those weird Marty Feldman faces.
This film is better described as a long Marry Feldman skit because it is totally based around him and the incredible situations in which he finds himself. Feldman plays an agent for an advertising company Trying TO come up with a jingle for a top roduct. He is sent out into the world with the advice to "think dirty". He does, and you'll have to go and see what happens!
The film about Sir Charles Gordon (
Gordon is sent into Khartoum tO evacuate the British and the Egyptians from the city as it is being taken over by the natives of Sudan. The Tribes leader was Mahdi (Sir Lawrence Olivier).
Based on actual history, the film s packed with an incredible amount of historical detail, battle action and mystery.
Mahdi is the victor in the battles and is the moral victor as well, although the film -s based on the British Hero Even in The meeting Gordon has with Mahdi before the final battle. Mahdi's arguments are much stronger than Gordon's. Mahdi is brilliantly played by Olivier, and as with the real characters, has it over Heston who gives one of his best performances ever.
'One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest' is the most devastating film I've seen for a very long time - and, funnily enough, one of the most enjoyable.
If you do nothing else this week go and see it. It'll make you think a lot more than a week of varsity bullshit.
Briefly, the plot revolves around R.P. MacMurphy (Jack Nicholson), a free spirited rogue who feigns insanity at a penal farm in order to force officials to transfer him to a local asylum. He thinks life will be easier there and gradually, through his irrestible charm and cunning, he begins to take over the ward to which he's been assigned. The patients love him, the authorities don't - and there lies the conflict which must end in his ultimate inexhorable, extinction.
'Cuckoo's Nest' is essentially the story of a man. A man, like you or I. A man who is perhaps impetuous, over-emotional, rebellious but nevertheless someone who is part of us all R.P. MacMurphy is a totally real character - his humour, his exemberance radiate from the entire film - with him we laugh, we cry, we suffer, we identify.
The impact of the film comes from its total believeability. The story totally absorbs us - we become one with Nicholson. And then comes the savage twist of the knife. As the billboards says 'If he's mad, what does that make you'.
This question of mental illness - what is it, who's got it, and what can we do about it - is the central theme of the film. In talking about the film the director, Milos Forman, said: 'One of the challenges of the story is that you are describing mentally ill people at a time when doctors don't know what mental illness really is.... I can only define 'mental illness' as an incapacity to adjust to ever-changing, unspoken rules. If you are incapable of making these constant changes you are called by your environment, crazy.'
The power of the film comes from the realisation that MacMurphy, Billy, Stan and the other inmates are no more insane than the rest of us. They're real, everyday people who are destroyed by the asylum itself. Just as they go mad, so too would we.
It is here we see the true genius of "Cuckoo's Nest". The film is a delicate blend of subtlety and understatement. It is not a belaboured documentary film on the evils of mental hospitals, but rather the happy-sad life of a likeable guy.
The whole film works on the age old principle of getting the audience laughing, getting them on your side, then subtly twisting the knife. And it works the audience reaction at the film was amazing, people laughed, clapped and cheered and finally, were deadly silent.
This sense of understatement is further shown in the actual depiction of mental treatment. In only one brief scene do we see MacMurphy receiving electric shock. But there's so much more power in what we don't see, - in what Forman leaves unsaid The audience silently, desperately Understands the rest.
"Cuckoo's Nest" explores the conflict between individual and authority. MacMurphy represents the independent, free-thinking exuberant being who takes on the bigoted, unfeeling 'system'. His tragedy is that he is crushed just when he was most likely to succeed
"One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest' has all the elements of a very romantic film. But it is the harsh, savage Romanticism of the
The full ironic sadness of the ending hits you when you realise that its only in the movies that the good guy escapes. Only one person can ever fly over the cuckoo's nest. For you and I there is no escape.
My final, lasting impression from the film was an unshakeable belief in the value of a single human being - the thinking individual against authority The film has an incredible sense of the dignity of man, which comes primarily from Chief Bromden - the frightened Indian who, through MacMurphy, grows to be a man. He gives to the film a dignity that few films have. It's something I can't describe - but it somehow gives the film a power that lives on after the cinema is long gone.
But don't take my word for it - go and see it.
I've tried to explain what I felt about the film and analyse the basic themes. But its only my point of view and it could well be a load of crap. The only way to check it out is to go see the film - and whatever happens, you won't be sorry.
When a star is born a superb birth is in order, and Liza Minnelli certainly gave us that in Cabaret. But one also expects fur their greatness: Lucky Lady is her first film to follow and is an unqualified disaster.
The story concerns three small-timers running whisky from Mexico into the States in
We are supposed to be watching a glorious series of jokes, slapstick, tomfoolery and sheer lunacy, yet all this is without exception embarrassingly-badly done.
Minnelli is Clare, a no-hope singer in a run-down Mexican night-club. Clare is not Sally Bowles, and while it is to Minnelli's credit that she so painstakingly tries to: throw off the mantle of the latter, it is unfortunate that her better moments occur when, just for a word or a gesture, she forgets to do just that.
Sally was a fascinating character; Clare is a bore. When the two men muse on her magnetism, one wonders whom the hell they are talking about.
Burt Reynolds plays Walker, an idiot through and through who can't even manage to be endearing. He looks (as he so often does) as if he hasn't a clue what's going on, and this time I don't entirely blame him. He is supposed to provide most of the slapstick, but has an uncanny knack of seeming to do something funny as if it really isn't meant to be.
Gene Hackman plays Kippy (the level headed partner), quietly smiling, but with an even more blatant lack of enthusiasm than Minnelli has for her role.
The basic trouble is that director Stanley Donen doesn't have the ghost of an idea of how to make a movie. Most of the conversations are inaudible and sound as if they were recorded on a swinging boom mike which made sporadic passes near the actors. (This isn't as annoying as it could be because one very quickly gets the impression one isn't missing much).
When one does hear the script, it sounds like an unhappy mixture of first-take improvised inanities and old jokes which the actors do their level best to ruih.
Visually the film is worse. Situations are painfully set up but completely lack the delightful predictability of, for exam pie a Blake Edw3rds comedy. To counter this (I presume) a number of visual jokes happen almost off-camera and do not play the role they should in creating a frivolous mood.
It is as if the cast consider they are not making a comedy but don't know what else it might be.
The gangsters look and sound like insipid versions of the old dummies in double-breasted suits toting machine-guns. To top it all off, even the big showdown with its requisite sharp-shooting, spectacular deaths and daredeviling-cum-buffoonery is unexciting.
At one point in the film someone asks of the three, "Waddya think they are, gangsters?' 'No', is the reply 'just Hollywood bums' I really couldn't believe it.
'Passion' was commissioned for the Campaign For Nuclear Disarmament's Easter
'Passion' is a powerful dramatic parable strongly evocative of Bertolt Brecht's 'Mother Courage' and 'Legend of a Dead Soldier'. Its opening is particularly effective. The old woman with her dead son sent back from the war; the stretcher-bearers masked in greatcoats and balaclava helmets; the narrator delivering Bond's lyrical prose in a clinically detached manner. Lighting, makeup and interaction between the characters make this one of the most compelling scenes in the production
The scenes that follow owe more to Spike Milligan's 'Bed Sitting Room' and Stanley Kubrick's 'Doctor Strangelove'. The old woman goes to the Queen to ask for her son back. She is told by the court magician that her son is to be covered in bronze and will continue to serve his countrymen as a monument to heroism.
That the Queen is only a constitutional monarch with no real power is characterised by her inability to make her yo-yo go-go With the help of her Prime Minister (whose yo-yo works) and the magician, the Queen launches a new bomb at the enemy ('May God bless her and all who sail in her') and unveils the monument.
There is a short gasp from the audience as the curtain falls revealing a crucified pigs carcass
In a brutally effective scene, the enemy retaliates and the kingdom is destroyed. Bhudda enters escorting Christ to the scaffold for his crucifixion.
Christ sees the pig and laments, 'I've come too late. Men have already crucified themselves.'
Unfortunately this is the least effective moment of the production. Christ is too full of false piety and anguish where quiet resignation or downright anger is required. His voice is too uncontrolled and breathy to be of much service to the play.
Bond's verdict is that we are all 'mad animals'. The pig is not only a sacreligious object designed to shock, but is a symbol for man's self-debasement. However it is a naive gesture. Naive because as a warning and statement, no one has taken any notice. After the play a common concern seemed to be how the carcass was to be kept preserved for future performances.
'Passion' is a black comedy, a play without humour. Bond takes himself very seriously. We laugh, but helplessly, at the inanities of the ruling elite and the simple-mindedness of those who follow.
There is a ressurection. The magician discovers a way of making a bomb from the dust of the destroyed kingdom, and cycle is all set to start again. We are not being offered hope.
The play ends with a voice-over Confession' from the body of the dead soldier. Here again, if the voice had been less emotive and more controlled the total impact of the play would have been preserved.
It is this unsubtle and emotive heavy-handedness which characterises the production. The narrator turns a box on his table to denote condition changes. A larger corresponding box is simultaneously turned on the stage. When the bomb falls the narrator dramatically crumples the box
This is unnecessary. The narrator does not need to make this comment. The actors onstage make it for him.
It's a pity also that John Banas resists the temptation to make the Queen an obvious caricature or personification of Queen Elizabeth II. There is no need for subtlety here. The satire should have a sharper edge, cutting closer to the bone.
Of all the characters, the Prime Minister was the most authentic and the best sustained. Here was the well thought out balance between fantasy and caricature.
Despite its pessimistic nature, this was an important production for Downstage. Rarely do we have an opportunity to see roughly contemporary works from Britain and America produced here. An increased proliferation would not only give us an insight into the development and progression of modern theatre, but may provide a much needed stimulus to N.Z. writers who are starved of worthwhile examples.
Here Michael King, the research man and script writer, tells about the treatment of the six hour-long programmes and the making of the first one.
We were outside a cottage on the shore of Aotea Harbour. Our contact man, Dave Manihera, was inside with the old woman Nohinohi. She was tattooed and spoke no English. The crew and I were waiting for her final decision about taking part in the filming of 'The Spirits and Times Will Teach'.
Dave, shaking his head, waded back through the grass from the cottage. "No," he said, "she's changed her mind. She's had a dream."
Dreams, They were the making or unmaking of us. More than any other factor they persuaded or discouraged people from working with us.
"She likes to spend her days more with the spirits than the living," Dave told us. "Last night she dreamed that Mahuta (the third Maori King) was here. As she walked towards him, a tatooed man threw a barbed spear that stood up in the ground in front of her. It was a challenge.
"Are you going to sell your people?" Mahuta asked her. "After your people, what then?"
"You see she regards her moko as her mauri, her life force. It surrounds her and belongs to her and the ancestors who gave it to her.
"You tell your pakeha friends," she said, "that when my time comes I want to go home with my moko unseen and my voice unheard. No one will take them from me. No one will diminish my aura."
"Dreams always tell you something," Dave said. 'They carry a message from somebody of somewhere. You don't ignore them."
So we became accustomed to working in a world of dreams, omens and premonitions.
For the remainder of "The Spirits" film we were blessed. Tom Porter, son of the last tohunga to tattoo, was instructed in dreams to help us. Eva Rickard of Raglan dreamed well of us and as a result her whole family agreed to let us live, eat, sleep with them in the intimate relationship essential for the making of a good documentary.
Most important, Eva's dream brought her tattooed kuia, Herepo Rongo, into the project. And the old lady's role quickly increased to that of main participant.
Through these people we explored the role of an old person in a rural Maori community - her view of life; her past and the ways the comunity relates to her, Moko, or tattoes, in the film became a symbol of an older pattern of life that was changing but not disappearing.
Tangata Whenua gives an impression of a distinctive set of life patterns foreign to most New Zealaners - foreign but affecting: Herepo Rongo leading her people to restore a desecrated grave; the same womar crying over Raglan Harbour to her ancestors and dead children; Waikato people marching on to a marae with their Queen for a demonstration of loyalty and solidarity; members of the Ringatu faith praying through their 19th century ritual composed in exile; John Rangihau of Tuhoe affirming what makes him Maori.
In most places tribal identity was more potent than Maori identity. The more we heard people talk about differences in history, etiquette and values the more difficult it became to claim things for Maoridom as some kind of mythical whole.
For the core of the crew who filmed Tangata Whenua - Barry Barclay, cameramen Keith Hawke. Rory O'Shea and Michael Hardcastle, soundman Craig McLeod, and myself - it was an experience unlike any other.
Immensely rewarding things happened to us and frightening, inexplicable ones: lights toppled and broke for no apparent reason; fires ignited on location. On one occasion we had to put all our gear through a tapu removal process. We were persistently reminded that the things we were doing were not to be taken lightly.
It is no exaggeration to say that our lives will never be quite the same. And I have learnt to be attentive to my dreams.
A series of films which present something of the variety of Pacific cultures, and something of thier common heritage will be shown on Mondays at 1 p.m. in the Memorial Theatre with the exception of Queen's Birthday.
With complete disregard for what I said in earlier columns about visiting cheap eating houses, today's review is of an expensive (by student standards! intimate restaurant.
Beauchamp ........ Tinakori Road.
The Tinakori Road area probably reached an all time low in the mid sixties with distruction of the area seeming inevitable in the path of road works. Today the place is on the move up, with houses and shops getting a face lift and generally the area takes a pride in itself. One such place is a converted shop now a small restaurant.
The door is kept locked but the sign says 'knock' - do it - and if you have booked you are greeted by name. If you want wine then the host makes a suggestion as to general type and you can whip across to the Western Park Tavern opposite to buy.
Once inside you have a small room with five tables, a dresser, a mirror, and a couple of pot plants. Taste' I think it's called.
The menu is in French and on a blackboard. Just as you are pooling your linguistic resources, the hostess arrives at the table, welcomes you, and explains the dishes one by done. This couple is all that there is. They cook and serve and take care of you. The hostess is the cook and takes an open pride in her cuisine recommending both main dishes with a heavy French-English be-aut-iful. We chose the Tomato soup. Pork dish with salad and coffee.
The soup was the first treat. Tomatoes cooked with onion and herbs then homogenized in a muelli or something then reheated with parsley. Hot and tasty. Good soup always puts you in a good mood. Poppy seed bread to go with it.
The pork dish was a pork chop cooked with garlic slices and herbs. Alongside sliced carrots and thin sliced potatos. It doesn't sound too exciting simply described, but the pork itself was incrediably sweet and tender.... like no pork that I've ever tasted. Adjectives cannot do justice to the skill performed on that meat... It was just as described by the hostess, be-aut-iful. The side salad consisted of an earthenware dish filled with tossed lettuce oil and vinagar, pepper and granules of cottage cheese. A cool crisp accompaniment.
The hostess returns to describe dessert parfaits and we settle for a coffee and whisky one. Arriving at the table in a silver govlet (the only extravagant table pieces), the dish is a coffee ice cream square with frozen whiskey on top.
The coffee ice cream is (I guess) frozen then the whiskey liqueur poured over the top and refrozen. The alcohol in the whiskey doesn't entirely set but is captured in an icey layer on top and once served soon melts over the coffee ice cream.
Coffee to finish although not included free (refills are).
The surroundings themselves were, as stated earlier, tasteful and relaxing. None of your boorish fake artifacts of hotel restaurants. There is no musak or background Mantras of any kind - and the peace is a joy.
The emphasis is on simple surroundings and quality rood. Beaucnamp is a case study on the possible nature of service in an egalitarian society. They show that neither subservience nor exploitation need play a role in a small business such as this. The couple are openly and justifyably proud of their skills and extra efforts are made to share them. The menu changes daily but each day at least two alternatives are usually offered in each course. It is wise to book. Wine is of your choice, that is B-Y-O.
But there is a special note to be made with this report. As usual it is a description of the place as I found it on the night. With previous restaurants I have left it at that and luckily most comments have more or less agreed with mine. In the case of Beauchamp however, opinions differ sharply in one respect.
Two separate accounts have been made to me of small parties that have been made to feel uncomfortable and in one group they felt they had to walk out.. They say that they were not pissed or loud and I believe them. A certain caution then for the volitile nature of the hostess.
If you wish to receive personal service by those who take a pride in their work then it is on the cards that the same almost intensive relationship may result in you getting attacked (verbally). After all a proprietor-cum-chef-cum-waitress will not be a social eunuch - serving you with the fruits of her skill and work - but without any outbursts of agression. Justified or not.
In the alternative - if you can't internalise all that sociological stuff, just remember:
"All French are crazy - so watch it!"
As to the cost and value for money and all that stuff. To students I recognise that it would probably be a rare occasion. At around $8 - $9 you want to be able to relax and get something that you couldn't prepare yourself. All I can say is that the meal at Beauchamp was a treat and if you are not too battle scarred to enjoy a treat, try it.
Peter Reddaway is a Senior Lecturer in Political Science at the London School of Economics.
He is an acknowledged authority on the Soviet Union with a special int?rest in dissenting groups and has edited at least five books on aspects of Russia, including a book on the unofficial human rights Moscow journal. The Cronicle
Whilst on a rather brief hectic lecture tour of New Zealand, he was interviewed for Salient by Leigh Thomson.
How did a organised human rights movement develop in the Soviet Union?
The real turning point was the decision by the Soviet leaders who replaced Mr Krushchev in
That decision went against the general lines of Krushchev policy and led to a response from what became the human rights movement - dissenters, who felt they must stand up and resist this new repressive tendency by protesting publicly in a semi-organised way through the medium of Samizdat, which means self-published documents.
The dissenters asked for the right to freedoms of expression; to form free associations and freedom of religious conscience etc.
Why have the authorities allowed the continued publication of the "Chronicle" (the unofficial Moscow journal of the mainstream human rights movement)?
They have tried hard since it was founded eight years ago to suppress it by trying to track down its editors and network of correspondents in various cities, and its methods of smuggling documents out of forced labour camps and prison psychiatric hospitals. But it is very difficult for the Soviet Police to find out exactly who is editing it because the editors keep on changing.
If they were to effectively suppress it they would be in a dilemma because of the bad publicity a large number of arrests gives the Soviet regime in the outside world.
Is it true that the authorities fear a link-up between the "intelligentsia" and the working class?
I'm sure its true. Though at present the only dissenting groups that have broad working class support are national and religious groups. Of course, it is still a small minority of the whole Soviet population that is involved in the humanitarian movement. The working class at present is not organised.
What are the reasons for the working classes lack of organisation?
The methods of control of Soviet workers are extremely authoritarian. The official trade unions are used to control workers. Those who have tried to organise free trade union activity have been quickly arrested and sentenced.
The working class in Russia is a demoralised class because they have no rights effectively.
One of the big questions about the future of Soviet society is to what extent and when the working class will begin to imitate the tactics and methods of the many dissenting groups already in existence.
Then the lack of organisation the working class is a major obstacle to the chances of progress by the existing dissenting groups?
Yes, Virtually all other groups would have their positions greatly strengthened, even if the working class were only concerned with their own economic affairs.
You have talked about the clash of values between the authorities and the dissendents. Will the dissendents be allowed to express their values in a "freer manner" in the future?
I'm not optimistic about the present regime relaxing censorship laws, as they are basically on the defensive.
Development of Samizdat on a colossal scale could force the authorities to relax censorship laws, because from a police point of view is more dangerous to have proliferation of Samizdat on a huge scale where it all operates entirely outside the control of the secret police.
What do you think would be the consequences of political activism by groups?
The regime deals with them drastically. There was one group in Leningrad in the mid-
The regime discovered them after 3 years and gave the leaders 13 to 15 years of forced labour each. Such groups do not have a chance.
The tactics of more political dissenters are to try to spread general political ideas through the medium of Samizdat without forming a group. If a group is formed, it is more vulnerable to arrest.
There have been political statements from individuals such as the dissenting Marxist Roy Medvedev who has written a book.
These political activists then can play into the hands of the authorities who can accuse them of being disloyal to the state....
That's right.
Could you outline the form persecution and discrimination of dissenting groups takes in the Soviet Union?
Firstly I will take the religious groups: some are outlawed, like the Catholie Church in the western Ukraine, others are able to worship in churches but are not allowed to publish material; no freedom to import religious literature from abroad, not even Bibles; you cannot be a person of any standing if you are a practising believer; a student with religious convictions will be expelled from his place of study.
If dissenters resist they are likely to be imprisoned - most get from 3-5 years in forced labour camps.
For national minorities the form is similar but sometimes is more severe. They are denied their right as is guaranteed by the Constitution to be a sovereign republic (e.g. Lithusania). Also suppression of their native language (e.g. Ukrainian).
Could you outline how psychiatric internship works?
Basically, if the authorities are faced with a political dissenter who is extremely vocal in his dissent they will bring him before a court and have him certified as being mentally ill and have him taken to a psychiatric hospital
A public trial would involve a vigorous defence by the particular dissenter and his friends present at the trial would create a political demonstration out of the trial which means bad publicity/or the regime
The authorities wish to avoid this happening.
So if a dissenter is ruled insane there is no trial. Just a brief formal court hearing at which the defendent is not allowed to be present - a simplified process.
The authorities try to get him to recant and state his dissent was a result of his mental illness.
It is made clear to him that if he does so he will be let out immediately.
It is a blatant abuse of psychriatry as a means of intimidation because there is no sentence given.
In the past a dissenter could be kept in a psychiatric hospital for up to 25 years but recently the periods have been reduced and now such a dissenter could be released after 12-15 years.
You have said that the response of the Western World to appeals by dissenting group is "pathetic", Why?
Fundamentally, the lack of information available concerning appeals and the lack of publicising them.
Such appeals as are sent to the United Nations are pidgon-hold because the UN has never criticised the Soviet Union's persecution
The UN Commission on Human Rights has been appealed to and did in fact investigate human rights in Chile; though the Soviet delegate vigorously opposed the decision to do so despite the fact that the Soviet government is strongly against the Chilean government, simply because the Soviets were frightened of their being created a precedent that the Commission might do something about humar rights, and that one day might turn their attention to the Soviet Union.
What can the West do to help the causes of dissenting groups within Soviet Russia, and elsewhere for that matter?
Publicise the position of individuals and groups to leaders in the West who are in a position to do something.
The West must also ensure the Soviet authorities are severely criticised for violation of constitutional rights.
It is important to support genuine organisations which try systematically to help minorities such as Amnesty International and writers and Scholars International.
Could I stress that I am also deeply concerned with discrimination and persecution in other parts of the world, especially the increased use of torture in some Latin American countries.
Why are some religious groups closely allied with national minority groups?
Mainly historical reasons. The churches are national churches, closely bound up with national traditions.
For example, in the western Ukraine, the Catholic Church (though outlawed) are identified with the national aims.
In your opinion why are the authorities frightened of the religious and other dissenting groups?
I believe it is the regime's feeling that the official ideology that permeates the Soviet system, is dead, though they still espouse it since they have to do so to maintain any kind of
It seems that people inevitably come into the Union Hall just to eat lunch even when here's a meeting on, but when Elizabeth Wheelahan was speaking on Friday the level of distracting chatter was at an all-time high.
I was disgusted, though hardly surprised, it the outbursts of male ignorance that persisted through Elizabeth's talk.
Sexism is alive and well and rampant on campus. Confine your oral activities to mastication rather than masturbation, gents.
I was also extremely pissed off that some people - obviously not too concerned about feminism or socialism - managed to dominate discussion to the frustration of those who'd come specifically to hear the speaker.
Incidentally I would suggest that in future the dart-throwers follow their projectiles off the balcony.
I would like to commend Salient on the fine standard of reporting in your article in Issue 7 "Dope Demon to be loosed".
I feel that it is about time that we started to take a closer look at the nasty measures being undertaken by those upholders of the public morality - being the Police Force and the University Zoology Department. More articles of this nature are required.
Keep up the good work.
The new arrangements for office manager of the Students Association, as partially revealed in Salient No. 5, show clearly that Mrs Goodall was right in her belief that she was dumped from the position in the cause of what is known as a 'rationalisation' of the Stud. Ass. office.
The peremptory manner in which her dismissal was conveyed to her made it obvious that the Exec, members were not basing their decision on any matter of Mrs Goodall's conduct or actions since such things could easily have been ironed out in discussion with her - had they existed.
This means that those Exec, members who frantically tried, and are no doubt still trying to explain how Mrs Goodall brought her resignation upon herself, are hypocrites who without a moment's hesitation resorted to smearing her in various ways, in place of trying to uphold their view that she was of no use to the Association. For this was their view.
In her letter to Salient Diane Hooper has well-summed up the contribution Mrs Goodall made to the Association and its students.
Certainly, Mrs G. did not get along with all students. Because of what she was she did not find it easy to accomodate herself to the priggish, ambitious types who most visibly represent the tendency present in all student politics and student politicians.
This element, rather than any individual person, has had its say - with tragic consequences.
I sincerely believe that what shocked and depressed Mrs G. as much as anything was the utter inability of her accusers to even realise let alone reciprocate, the warmth and affection which she felt for the students with whom she had had contact.
At first the idea of a survey of cheap eating-houses around Wellington seemed a valid on for a student newspaper, but the major achievement of the "Get Stuffed" column in Salient so far would be the vivid illustration of the objectionable social attitudes of Mr Lithgow, in particular and possibly many students in general.
His treatment of the 'Great Wall Cafe' (Salient 5) almost made us gag on our chop sueys. We do of course realise that one's taste- buds and appetites are highly subjective matters. In our experience, however, the servings at the Great Wall are quite adequate for all but the most gluttonous appetite. Again, we have had no cause for complaint at the quality of our meals, these having been uniformly well-prepared.
We note that Mr Lithgow's comments about his sweet and sour pork (ie 'a basic fish and chip batter') and duplicated in his review of the 'Sweet and Sour' restaurant. Would it be presumptuous of us to suggest that over-indulgence in the aforementioned fish and chips may have mutilated his taste-buds?
What irritates us most about Mr Lithgow's survey, however, is the arrogance and condescension of his remarks on the decor and servide of The Great Wall Cafe (eg 'soiled menu matches the shop'.... 'surroundings are dreary, decor dirty'.... 'service indifferent'). And how about this, 'No effort is exerted to serve at your table but it can be forced if you refuse to notice the food sitting on the counter'.
Poor Mr Lithgow! Maybe he would be happier in a society like South Africa, where a black could shine his shoes as part of the service.
Some of us, however, do not mind the effort of collecting our food and returning the empty dishes. Some of us do not object to surroundings which, if dreary, are certainly not dirty, as long as we can obtain a cheap, satisfying meal there.
And so some of us will contiue to visit the Great Wall Cafe while Mr Lithgow and others of his ilk continue to patronise restaurants more suited to their bourgeois sensibilities.
With the recent controversy over MSA's religious stand, Andrew Ng and Pest and Company have formed a 'holy' alliance to exorcise all the demons amongst its midst. Unfortunately, this soap bubble opera proved embarrassingly unsuited to Wellington wind.
Facts and truth can withstand and fear no criticisms. If our 'beloved' MSA executive committee has been organising activities in the interest of its members, it will naturally wish to know their response to such activities. It must sincerely and conscientiously review the rationality of their comments and criticisms, not to ridicule or hurl barrage of obscenities at members when they would not conform to its activities and propagandas. Why should any organisation be afraid to discuss the contents of its activities with its members?
Let's start with the "simple sketch.... with hilarious dialogue and acting". Was it as innocent as we are urged to believe? It was admitted to have a theme. What does it say? Does it reflect the socio-economic reality of peoples' lives? Does it tell us the root cause of the social problem? Why does it distort the basic issue to mislead us? For those who had not seen or heard of the sketch put up on MSA orientation night - it is about a NZ farmer's son who took his share of inheritance to seek the pleasure of life in music drugs, drinks, and women. Finally with all his money spent he went back to his parents begging for forgiveness, and accordingly was forgiven.
How does WMSA, who claimed to represent the Malaysian students in Wgtn, justify this sketch to reflect the real image of Malaysia to N.Z. friends and fellow Malaysian students?
What is the political-economic reality in Malaysia at the moment. People dying of starvation; squatters brutalised and evicted; students jailed and their unions banned; hundreds of political prisoners rotting in jails without trial; widespread unemployment; soaring inflation; corruption and power struggle among the comprador-bureaucrats; suppression and terror an everyday affair; democracy becomes a mockery while fascism reigns; etc, etc. This is the real state of our country today!
Should we turn our heads and plug our ears to the cries of the people? What are our responsibilities to society and the oppressed masses? Are we to indulge in our egoistic goals and cares just for Self? What activities does MSA indulge in? Dance, dine and wine, Merdeka Ball, MSA Disco, etc. What sort of propaganda does MSA parrot? Tourist films lauding Malaysia's 'progress'; pretty Malaysian damsels in the latest fashion; mystic mosques and temples; religious and disciplined peoples; starving peasants 'smiling'; pot-bellied little children preferred working in the fields to schooling!
We can conclude from these activities that the MSA Executive committees have in the past and at present, deliberately covered up all the socio-economic realities of Malaysia while fervently propagating bourgeois entertainment and pro-government jargons. Hence, when criticised it became paranoiac, frothing obscentities and resortong to other lowhanded tactics. Fellow Malaysians, we must stand up for Truth and Justice!
Without taking recourse to self-denegration by lowering myself to point out some of the more obvious factual errors cropping up in Andrew Kear's paean to malconstruction and simple-minded bigotry (the one that you mistakenly allowed to cast a shadow over a recent letters page) I would like to take this opportunity to expand upon some of the points I made in issue 4.
Firstly, I stand by what I said about Gary Henderson's political views. I am, I could well say, rather pleased that he has finally managed to pick some up, but I am sorely dissappointed that a man with hair as red as his could have been bought off by the forces of capitalism without a struggle.
This sad occurence has destroyed any faith that I may have originally had in any residual amount of intelligence resident in his slowly vegetating head. One only has to look at the Piggy Party's TV propoganda to see just how logical and subtle the forces of the right are in the propogation of their particular point of view, so it logically follows that Gary must have had a rather substantial persuader from aforesaid capitalists.
I would be interested to know just when he is finishing his degree, how long he has been a member of Christian Union and why he is using the name Andrew Kear, is incapable of writing an open and honest letter. Maybe it is because they are foreign virtues to him?
Could you please find out and publish why last Fridays Rock Concert was cancelled so suddenly.
Whose fault was it and why?
There didn't seem to be too much activity about during the week, (ie not much advertising and I suspect it was because of someone's laziness and I wouldn't like them to get away without everyone knowing about it.
Also, was the band to be playing paid a booking fee or maybe it was the band's fault the thing was cancelled.
Could someone find out for us (me) - and other students.
Salient has investigated the mysterious rock concert advertised for Friday and has been unable to discover what happened to it. We suggest that it may have had something to do with April 1st or someone kidnapped is as a Capping stunt -Ed.
The recent revelations of CIA spying on the Socialist Action league, and the Victoria University Socialist Club (the forerunner of the Young Socialist!) should have embarrassed to hell those who consider themselves left-wingers who ever repeated slanders that we are 'financed by the CIA'. Not so however for our president Gyles Beckford. On the march to protest Rockefeller's visit, we were discussing the fact that the Young Socialists now have their own magazine. Young Socialist', as well as distributing the fortnightly 'Socialist Action'. When this was contrasted with the recent demise of 'The Paper', Gyles became quite upset and started to mutter about "money from the CIA".
This type of absurd slander fits in more with the red-smear campaigns that were prevalent in the Cold War than with rational political discussion. Paranoia and enmity between left-wingers is just what the CIA and the SIS like to see: they even go out of their way to foster it. The CIA called its programme to create dissension of this type Operation Chaos, the very programme that involved their spying in New Zealand, on the VUW Socialist Club, Socialist Action and on Salient itself.
When will Gy les learn to leave smear campaigns to Truth, and to direct his energies at Rockefeller and Muldoon and their cohorts - who authorise and cover up for the secret police activities of the CIA and SIS.
Although your criticisms are valid (if the facts are true). I would remind you that the Young Socialists and Socialist Action League have had a long record of creating "enmity between leftwingers ". You may not have a very long memory, but I'm sure those in the anti-war and antiapartheid movements have -Ed.
I think its about time someone put pen to paper and did a moan about the pathetic parking restrictions around the perimeter of this institution. Its bloody ridiculous that vehicle owners are confind to two hour limits in Salamanca Road, Kelburn Parade, and Glasgow Street among others; and it would take a hypocrite to suggest that all students with vehicles should park in the Waiteata Road car park - a region which eaten for about sixty or so vehicles.
Most students are on campus for most of the day, excluding part timers, and just don't have time to shoot off to their car and shift it every two hours. Yet, we get those little finks, on their little bikes and wearing their little plastic helmets, crawling around with their white chalk and little black books dishing out pieces of paper to whoever they see fit
To 'who they see fit' comprises of poverty-striken, hard-done students who, because of political abstinence, aren't even earning money, but are expected to pay fines.
I can't afford an axe, so how about some authoritarian moving into more, positive action. We, as students, are not here to keep the cops in a job nor are we here to feed the state with capital.
Over the past issues of Salient, another Malaysian storm has brewed in a teacup. It spilled, and what a bloody mess it was. Allegations and counter-allegations, name-calling, cursing swearing, 4-letter words, promises, intimidation, bribery and what have you - typical lurid Malaysian squabbles. Yes and no it is developing into a significant issue.
As the smog of confusion slowly decends upon the Malaysian population in Wellington, the MSA heavies whose policies instigated the storm, remained appalingly uncommitted. Where is Leo Ann Puat our MSA President, and all the MSA
John Chin where are ya? Ain't ya gonna write another donkey-evolution theory, please? I love to read they goodam jokes, man
In reply to Carl Telford's criticism of the WONAAC submission in Salient (Issue No.7):
Telford misrepresented the submission by saying it claimed: "because of the incidence of illegal abortion, the solution is to legalise abortion." What the submission says is that unless unwanted pregnancy is recognised as legal grounds for an abortion, illegal abortion will continue, since for most women seeking abortion, there are no additional reasons such as risk to health, etc. Of the countries listed by Telford (where in spite of "legalisation", illegal abortion continues to exist), none allow abortion on request, that is, they do not consider having an unwanted pregnancy sufficient grounds. In some of the countries (Japan, Eastern Europe), the liberal laws air based on population considerations, and a woman's chances of legal abortion may be related to the number of children she has so far produced, if any. In Sweden, women must put their case before an abortion committee, which decides who get an abortion and who does not.
As long as women are unsure that their own reasons for wanting an abortion will meet with approval and consent by the authorities, some will still turn to the backstreet abortionist in the hope of certain relief.
Telford used quotes to back up his assertion that legalising abortion does not get rid of illegal abortion. The first merely said that increased illegal abortion accompanied increased legal abortion in East Germany. That tells us nothing about the ratio of legal to illegal abortion following liberalisation. The second quote simply verified what I explained above: that "liberalisation" will not invariably replace illegal abortions with legal ones.
Given the clandestine nature of illegal abortion, it is very difficult to determine the effect of legalisation on illegal abortion. It is significant that in New York State, where the law was changed in
Regarding the safety of abortion, WONAAC left it to others to elaborate on this point, since our case does not rest on it. As we said, there are dangers, but they in no way compare with the dangers of backstreet abortion, to which upholders of restrictive abortion laws would drive women. But to substantiate the claim that early abortion is safer than childbirth: in the first two years after liberalisation of the New York law, the maternal mortality rate for abortions performed before the 12th week was 1.9per 100,000. In New Zealand in
Telford's "evidence" to the contrary included two references from the infamous 'Wynn Report' to the Lane Committee. The Wynn's highly selective "study", financed by a Foundation set up by the British SPUC, has been questioned by many, and it failed to convince the Lane Committee. The risks of abortion quoted by the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists apply with equal if not greater force during childbirth, and yet the good doctors do not propose to limit that (perhaps because of their vested interests).
What about the dangers of appendectomy, tonsillectomy, or brain surgery? People die from these, even with the best of medical care, yet no-one is proposing to ban them. Instead, improvements in technique are sought. The same should apply to the shockingly neglected area of abortion, and birth prevention in general.
Telford's claim that the rights of the "unborn child" have been established in law for centuries is not true. Abortion laws are a recent development.(2) England's first criminal abortion statute came in 180S, and even that made a distinction at the stage of "quickening". Throughout the nineteenth century, and more strict. As late as
Carl Telford equates "human life" with "human being", saying the destruction of the first equals the destruction of the second. Would he then prohibit contraception, since by his logic, the destruction of the life of a human ovum or sperm means "killing a human being"! WONAAC considers that a foetus is a potential human being, a potential person. A woman is an actual human being, and we believe in her democratic right to decide when and if she will reproduce.
This seems to be the issue that Telford is most muddled on. The "real problem", in his view, is that women can't have the children they conceive because of economic or social circumstances it is true that if women are really to have the right to choose, substantial resources will need to be put at their disposal to enable them to have children without hardship. (And incidentally, a pregnant woman, under strict abortion laws, cannot be said to have even the "right" to choose to continue the pregnancy - she is obliged to.)
But to assume that all or most women seeking abortion would really rather have a child is chauvinistic nonsense. Large numbers of women choose abortion because they have decided that either they want no children, they don't want them yet, or they don't want more than they already have. They do not want their lives to be dominated by unexpected pregnancies and unwanted children. They do want to shape and live a life of their own choosing.
They are rejecting the sexist idea that "anatomy is destiny", a view held by such notable anti-abortionists as Adolf Hitler.
While I accept your right to report meetings of NZUSA National Executive as you see fit I feel I must correct your assertion that a motion of no confidence was passed against me at Canterbury university, for my voting at the Asian Students' Association Conference last November.
While supporters of the Israeli state (rather than supporters of NZUSA policy) have moved such motions on some campuses in New Zealand, none have been parsed. No such motion was even moved at Canterbury, let alone succeeded.
I open Salient this week, and what do I see? A supplement extolling the virtues of abortion.
I opened my freeby magazine on Enrolment day (you know - the one we allget that is supposed to make students think that they get things free ill the time) and out slithers a HART propaganda sheet.
Regardless of what one's views are on both of those issues, there are more legitimate methods of making your views read. Why secret them in a magazine that you know will be read by all? Dirty pool is the name of the game.
I would have had no objections, O.E.B.B.A. (One-Eyed Bigoted Bag? for Abortion) if your shitsheet had read like the usual friendly handout, but abortion is a woman's right' glaring me in the sheer arrogance.
The 'Poem to Pui" by 'concerned', (Salient issue No. 6) is obviously to blacken Pui's image and set a trap for Robert Pui by stirring and forcing him back to his home country.
The ultimate result of the home journey will be to Jail. The Malaysian Government could arrest him either immediately or some time after his arrival.
If the latter is chosen, it is to avoid provoking international protests particularly from NZ and Australia. The Government could also add 'made-up' charges to Pui for his arrest as in the case of Khoo and many victims. Is that 'Democracy'?
Can we continue to remain silent forever while well aware of the truth about home affairs and that the Government is imposing oppressive, fascist and non-democratic measures upon the people?
No, of course Not!! So we have to speak up for the oppressed people in such an unjust society! A very good example is Robert Pui.
Every Malaysian and Singaporean student jolly well knows that should anybody stand out openly to speak about the truths and fight for the oppressed, he would ultimately be arrested when he goes back to his country. Despite this, Robert decided to sacrifice himself and choose this alternative to speak out.
His other personal sacrifices includes
Hence, we should acknowledge that Robert Pui has the guts to speak out. The real cowards are those like 'concerned' who do nothing but scoff at others.
For a person who really loves his own country and people, I'm sure he would very much wish to serve his country and people and fight for the oppressed directly in his country. It would be unrealistic for for Robert to return now to do what he wishes under the present fascist Government.
Nevertheless, he could still fight for the oppressed indirectly in New Zealand through:
Haven't we seen that the international pressure on Razak Government and the pressure upon Jack de Silva were definitely having an effect? Also the effect of international pressure on the release of Khoo, Tan Wah Piow and Juliet Chin?
Similarly. Henry Isaacs is another example who tells us the unjust doings of the fascist government in South Africa. Haven't we learnt a lot from his too? Can we take the attitudes of the 'concerned' to mock at him and brand him a 'coward'? Are we to demand he rots in Ian Smith's Jails to express his love for his people and country?
After having attended and observed last weeks SRC concerning the NUIS motion for reinstatement into ASA we feel that Mr Adrian Shine has done nothing but cast a gloomy shadow on this regrettable situation.
Although never failing to arouse the adrenalin we feel that of late he has lost much of his debating charm, that Hot even tinted glasses can make up for.
We too sympathised with Mr Shine's emotional outbursts but feel that such infantile uncontrolled releases of passion hold no place in these halls of Academia.
Please Mr Shine for the sake of harmony and understanding our advice to you is cither 'shape up or ship out'
Upholders of moral decency.
Could some 'enlightened' person on the Exec, please justify this alarming example of elitism?
"Executive Motion
83 /76 'That only executive members and Union staff be permitted into the Association office except by specific permission from officer Manager'
If you are in the office without authorisation you will be asked to leave.
Let me assure 'Concerned' that I have always known that the 'seat of our struggles is in Malaysia and that I have every intention of going home. He should perhaps talk to me and find out what my plans are in this respect, before he writes another poem.
There is a rumour being circulated by some 'concerned' Malaysians in their idle talks, that I have planned my last ditch stand here. This nonsense is being used by subversive elements to create disillusionment and disunity among those who support what we are attempting to do here.
It goes as follows: 'Robert Pui has no intention of going home and therefore he can afford to shoot off his mouth here' etc, etc. A different version tells of my parents fleeing to the USA (of all places) and that I would be joining them! That was one time when humans could travel as fast as rumours! They informed me that they are still in Malaysia, when I asked when they had moved to the US.
However, the purpose of such stories is clearly intended to weaken the resolve of many of us to fight against government oppression. We should ignore these and carry on with the important objective of deepening political consciousness among Malaysians.
The other argument raised by 'Concerned' is that when we are overseas we should shut up and not articulate about what is happening in Malaysia. I interprete his poem as such. Jack da Silva said the same thing in
If 'Concerned' is so concerned he should also do something about the situation. The main struggle is at home, but is also important to carry on the struggle on an international level.
I compose a rough poem here for the Malaysian who should be questioning themselves rather than bitching about the motives of others:
Student Politicians
And Bureaucrats
Are Revolting
Revolted.
Salient applauds you for your revolutionary thoughts. I suggest you team up with "Disgusted"! -Ed.