Publicly accessible
URL: http://www.nzetc.victoria.ac.nz/collections.html
copyright 2016, by the Victoria University of Wellington Library
All unambiguous end-of-line hyphens have been removed and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line, except in the case of those words that break over a page.
Some keywords in the header are a local Electronic Text Collection scheme to aid in establishing analytical groupings.
In order to make new content available faster this work has been uploaded but does not have comprehensive name authority mark up for sub-works and corresponding authors. We will endeavour to add this mark up as soon as possible.
In last Thursday's Dominion (17 April), there was an Insight article which served as a timely reminder to us of the Wellington City Council's proposals to extend Victoria Street. In a series of closed door meetings, which may even date back as far as ten years, the City Council has been working out an idea of a new arterial route from Wakefield Street through to Webb Street, running more or less parallel to Willis Street. This new roadway will follow more or less the present lines of Farish Street, Herbert Street, Sturdee Street, Cumberland Place, Crosby Terrace and Evelyn Place. It appears to have been designed to link in with both the urban motorway and with the North-West Connector, both projects which, if not abandoned completely, have been substantially amended. And of course, the construction of such roads will involve the destruction and demolition of many present useful buildings, as part of the City Council's apparent policy of turning central Wellington into a high-rise jungle.
The effect of something like the Victoria Street extension project would be much the same, in terms of the pattern of inner city life, as the foothills motorway project. It will encourage the movement of motor vehicles, particularly the cars of commuters, into and through the central city — in this case, specifically the Te Aro flat. But, in some ways, the effect of the Victoria St. extension will be worse than that of the motorway. The effect of a major roadway in an urban area is to form a barrier to pedestrian movement, especially if there is a heavy flow of traffic.
The heavy traffic flows along the waterfront, for example, serve to cut the city off from the harbour, so that the City Council's new maritime park along the waterfront between the Taranaki St. Wharf and Queens Wharf cannot be generally utilised.
Let us look, then, at this aspect of extending Victoria Street. The first thing to suffer would be the Civic Centre, which the City Council is planning to extend and develop at great cost. The necessity for people to cross heavy traffic streams would result in a substantial fall in the usage of that area for leisure purposes. Fewer people would use the public Library, and fewer people would sit on the lawns in the area during their lunch-time hour. But maybe the City Council would prefer people to be confined in their shops and offices. Or perhaps our new liberal, socially-concerned City Council is proposing the Victoria Street extension as a means of discouraging the alchoholics from enjoying the sun in front of the Town Hall — with the idea of cleaning up the city. But, regardless of the purpose, the City Councils plans will only serve to cut the main part of the city from one of the few areas of open space in the area.
Another way of looking at the Victoria Street extension is a means of allowing more and more cars to go nowhere. The foothills motorway was proposed as a means of enabling motorcars to get better access to the Te Aro area, but unfortunately, the planners forgot to ask the question of what should happen to the cars when they get there (see Salient Vol.37, No. 21, P15). Essentially the same problems are posed by the Victoria Street extension — what traffic is to be enabled to move where, and what will it do when it gets there? There will still be no parking space for the traffic that has been enabled to move more rapidly and easily across Te Aro flat. And we must remember that the Victoria Street extension was designed to link in with the North-West connector — with the abandonment (or at least postponement) of plans for this, one wonders how the Wellington City Council envisages all the extra traffic being able to use its short-cut to Karori. It is perhaps worthy of note that the City Council gives more attention to the interests of the people of Karori than it does to the interests of the people in Aro St. and the Te Aro flat.
The basic idea underlying the whole proposal is that more cars want to come into the city, and that they should therefore be encouraged to do so. This was the same outlook that prompted so many people, including the present mayor (who is regarded by so many people as being a forward-thinking liberal), to condemn the Minister of Works for proposing to stop the foothills motor way at Ghuznee street. Such a policy strikes me as being short-sighted. For, as soon as one bottleneck in traffic flows is removed (in the case of the Victoria Street extension, the relevant bottleneck is argued to be Willis St.), some other part of the roading system develops bottleneck symptoms. In other words, the extension of Victoria Street to relieve congestion in Willis Street is only likely to lead to the development of congestion problems elsewhere in the city.
There is another aspect to all this. In general, the move to relieve congestion problems at peak hours by the construction of new roads will encourage motorists to bring their cars into the city, because traffic movement will appear to be easier. In general, bringing more cars into the city solves no problems, but rather postpones the solution of present congestion problems until they have become worse and consequently much more difficult to solve. In many other parts of the world one finds local governments taking steps to discourage cars from entering cities. Motorways are being stopped before completion, and free public passenger transportation systems are being provided, as it is being discovered that the motor-car makes a negative rather than a positive contribution to urban life. Yet the Wellington City Council does not seem to be able to grasp this, and, less than two months ago, was threatening to raise bus fares.
What is going on in Wellington, then, and inside the City Council? To start with, it is notable that many city councillors have business interests in property and land-dealing and land ownership. The City Council's plans for Wellington's development would appear to be of considerable interest to some people. For one thing, the provision of cheap subsidised public transport must involve an increased level of properly rates, and if you own a lot of land, you are hardly likely to vote for an increase in the rates on it. The concrete jungle approach to the central city area, with motor-ways, express streets (such as an extended Victoria St. would be), and high-rise buildings, is made to measure for people owning central city land. This is because high-rise development increases ground rents (land values), forcing poorer inhabitants of near-city areas to outer suburbs, to be replaced by people who can pay more. Such a policy will tend to encourage dealing in land, and when it is remembered that real estate agents work on a commission basis, the advantages of such a policy are obvious. (Two city councillors described themselves as real estate agents before the last elections). Such an approach also necessitates the removal of working class and poorer people as outer sub-urbs as inner city accomodation becomes too expensive. New sub-divisions are the result, and there is a lot of money to be made in subdividing the land.
Some of these matters do not appear to relate directly to the Victoria Street extension. Yet a closer examination reveals many important matters. The dwindling stock of residential accomodation in the Te Aro area will be depleted even further still, especially as some not required for demolition will be taken over by some of the commercial concerns desplaced by the Victoria Street extension. Other space is likely to be commandeered for parking, but plainly, the available accommodation for students and others in the area will be reduced, with students being forced into higher-rent property if they wish to remain near to the university, or else being forced to live at greater distance from the university with consequent greater inconvenience and heavier transport costs. And what a waste it all is, for the extension of Victoria Street will, sooner or later, only require the construction of additional new roads or motorways elsewhere in the city, with consequent further depletion of the inner city housing stock and further dehumanisation of the city.
As of Friday we now have 10 delegates to the May Council of NZUSA whose job it is to represent us there. They will be called on to vote on policy and administration remits and generally act as Victoria spokespeople at national level. For them to operate efficiently and well, they need to know the things that people in this Association are concerned about and what they want their national organisation to do about them. It is therefore important that you use SRC in the next two weeks to air your views. This will give your delegates not only policy motions to act on, but also an idea of how students here feel about various issues.
The agenda for this Wednesday's meeting is, so far, short with consideration of congratulations to the Khmer Rouge, studentship bond conditions and the Beech Forest motions advertised on Friday being the only major items on it. This leaves a lot of room for General Business of which we have had none at all so far this year. This is your chance to bring up anything at all that you think SRC should consider. Use it.
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
One of the things that has always been a problem at previous councils is what reps should do in the absence of any SRC directive on a particular subject. In order to get around this and also get some sort of general statement of SRC opinion within which the Exec. and all SRC delegates can use their discretion but without which they venture at their peril (to coin a phrase), I intend to present to the last SRC before Council a comprehensive list of general statements which, if approved, would become the reps' terms of reference. Below you will find a draft of that list for your information and comment. There is definatety a need for some such list but this one is, of course, not definitive and is subject to ammendment or complete replacement. Please think about it.
In case you haven't noticed those nasty little scars on your legs, or haven't yet woken up scratching your back, Wellington is suffering a flea plague at the moment (only the first of the seven - wait for the earthquake). Salient hasn't been struck too badly yet (tho there may be holes in your copy by the time its finished), even with the presence of Inja Prendergast, a dog who is hereby proclaimed free of fleas and a friend of the people. The rest of the so far uninfected staff, in order of suspicion, are: Colin Feslier; John Henderson; Ross Abernethy; Peter Franks; Bryony Hales; Stephen Prendergast; Tony Robinson; Freeda Patrick; Sue Piper; Audrey Young; Phil Tree; David Tripe; John Ryall; John Roseveare; Stephen Underwood; Anthony Ward; and Ian S. Pilott. Typesetting was carried out in a cloud of flea powder by Janet Murphy, Stephen Prendergast fought his way into the darkroom for the photos, and advertising was collected by Christine Haggart and Stephen Prendergast.
The editor, and leader of the 'away with all fleas and other pests' campaign is Bruce Robinson, who can be abused in writing thru the Salient mail box, or P.O. Box 1347, Wellington. Salient is published by the Victoria University Students Association, and printed by Wanganui Newspapers Ltd, Drews
Watch out for those fleas, now!
is looking for volunteers, willing to work for small periods of time on a regular or occasional basis at their H.Q. in Willis Street.
If you're interested, ring 59 585 and ask for Mrs Healy.
The ten-point plan is an outline which asks, and to some extent answers, the following questions:
Most of these questions are not yet fully answered: the negotiators need, above all, suggestions and general students' feelings on this important election-year issue.
In issue Five of
Salientthere was printed a 10-point plan for a cost of living bursary. This proposal was published for the purpose of discussion by the national offices of theNew Zealand University Students' Association; the Student Teachers' Association of New Zealand; and the New Zealand Technical Institute Students' Association.So far the national offices have had little feed-back from students on what students really think on this issue.
Some of the matters raised in the 10-point plan will require lengthy negotiations with the Government, and so the negotiators will need to have a full understanding of students' needs and feelings before they enter the negotiating room. Controversial questions like; should a student entering university from the lower sixth form receive a full bursary? If not, what about someone who has done two years in the lower sixth? Should someone who is applying for a hardship bursary or a boarding allowance be required to approach their parents and/or their spouses for the money first, or should the state automatically pay for it?
There are many more questions like this that need to be hammered out at campus level first, before any definite proposals can go forward with the negotiating team. The advertised forum at Victoria University is an attempt to start this campus-level discussion. Copies of an updated version of the bursaries plan will be available at the forum.
Think about the points raised in the pamphlet. Discuss them with your fellow students, write to the president of the national office, write to your local MP and to the Minister of Education. If you don't participate, your views won't be considered.
Some were running, some were marching, others came on foot. But all had the same objective, the same common purpose — to get SRC approval for a function which they, for some reason call a drinking horn. This is a function in which patrons are invited (?) to drink a yard of beer in the shortest possible time. I don't know what a yard of beer is but it sounds menacing. I'll come to that later however. First things first and all that. (By the way, in case you hadn't noticed, this is another SRC report.)
The meeting started in the usual way, with apologies being drowsily accepted, and President Sacksen asking the masses for information as to the date. The fact that the date was clearly emblazoned on the minutes sheet apparently did not deter her from her ignorance. It was then decided that Petra Munckoff and Pip Desmond would go to the Women's convention. Nobody else applied (of course).
The first motion on the agenda was concerned with the confidentiality of students' records, and was moved by Pat Duignan's offsider, Margaret Fahy. At the mention of her name, the meeting went to sleep, so it missed our on one of the most uninspiring speeches I have heard in a long time. She described herself as being 'flaber-gasted' when a motion on the same topic was lost last week (I would have said 'pissed off' but on the other hand Margaret Fahy can't be expected to know every word in the English language), and also described John Roseveare as the kind of person who reads Truth. Terrible Insult.
Take heed, God may strike you any minute now.
Delegates were then elected for the NZUSA May Council to be held in Hamilton over the first couple of days of the May holidays. These were:
The meeting reminded the delegates not to express their own viewpoints where SRC policy conflicts with their own opinions. A nasty thing to do. My policy on NUS, for instance, is exactly opposite to the Association's view. You can't win them all, as they say in the gangster movies.
I have been forced to rewrite this part of the report because it turned out to be libellous. Pity. The motion under discussion at this point was connected with the drinking horn. With the help of a few gentlemen at the back of the hall, it was finally decided that SRC would endorse drinking contests held at capping and that it would force a completely innocent Colin Feslier to drink a yard of beer. Anything like a yard of concrete?
The meeting then disintegrated into a trotbaiting exercise not worth reporting except for the fact that the microphone snuffed out when the trotskyites' latest frontman, Ian Westbrooke touched it. The motion being discussed at that time was one asking SRC for $60 to finance a tour by the black American feminist, Nan Bailey. It was roundly lost. The trots, incidentally, had the presumption and gall to place this $60 in their budget.
After a complete unknown called Sid Holmes had been elected as the insurance officer, and another subtly anti-Amos motion had been pushed through, the meeting lapsed for want of a quorum. All I can do, people, is to urge you once again to come along and make yourself heard. Please?
The first of what I suspect will be many SGM's this year has come and thankfully gone. It was originally ordered for the purpose of recommitting the AGM motion on the exemption of Student Association fees, but by the time it had got before the meeting the agenda had accumulated another four motions, including one of Gyles Beckford's notorious constitutional amendments. The SGM started in the same way as every other student meeting since the year
And now, admirers (and others, Marx bless your illinformed souls), I will start my report. The first motion was held in the middle floor toilets in conditions of complete secrecy. Informed sources tell me it was brown and runny. Aaargh!! Write That Fucking Report Henderson!!! Much better.
And now, admirers
The situation with Studass fees exemptions at present is that the Vice-Chancellor can decide whether or not a person is hard enough up (stop those phallic puns ...) to get his $30.50 back. In practice he gives this power to Dr. Culliford who, I understand, is getting heartily sick of the job. This situation is, in the words of John Roseveare, 'quite farcial'. This association levies the fees, this association spends the fees, this association misappropriates the fees — this association should at least have the power to exempt them. From what I understand from Lisa Sacksen, the University Council would be quite happy to give this power to the Executive. The motion was eventually passed, amidst a lot of farting about and a fair bit of flying shit, with the only bloc voting against it being the labourites. I am sure the allegory I have played on right through this article so far can truly be applied to these people.
The nixt item on the agenda was concerned with Kevin Wrong and his ageless drinking horn. He had the bloody nerve to ask an already overburdened Students Association for another $100 for the drinking horn. Eventually the money was given to the general Capping Fund.
Which brought the meeting to the Knock-Na-Gree Overseas Students Conference in Auckland and the financing of the up-to-three delegates being sent there by VUWSA. An SRC had earlier ruled that $50 would be allocated by the association but some people had thought this sum inadequate and had asked the SGM for $100. They didn't get it. This was basically because a) The delegates would be going there for their own benefit in any case and b) The association has been giving away too much money lately. The motion, therefore, was lost.
Then came another money motion, this time a much more important one, with the SGM being asked for $250 for the Vietnam Medical Aid Appeal. A number of right thinking citizens opposed the motion on what could only be construed as being grounds of pure self-interest, The major opponent, a person renowned for his interest and ignorance in financial matters, said that the SGM had already given enough money away. (This person, incidentally, was one the major exponents of the extra money for capping motion). Mike Curtis, Association Treasurer, said that a straight donation would do nothing to raise student consciousness, so a very sensible amendment was proposed in which the Association would subsidise dollar for dollar any money raised by a campus fund-raising effort. This would be up to a limit of $250.
The meeting then drowsily progressed to the aforementioned Constitutional Amendment. It basically concerned people who joined the Students Association after finishing their degrees and leaving University (or not finishing their degree and leaving University). There is provision at present for automatic eligibility for membership of the association for two years immediately following their departure from the ivory tower. Gyles wanted this changed, because he was worrying about his ISIC cards. His motion was lost.
Then came the most unbelievable series of motions I have ever seen. I think it would be best if I wrote them down like so:
Motion:
That general do appear on the agenda
Amendment:
That 'general' be replaced by 'colonel'.
This would make the motion read:
That colonel do appear on the agenda
Amenoment to the Amendment:
That colonel be replaced by 'Colonel Feslier'
Amendment to the Amendment to the Amendment:
That 'Colonel' be spelt as in a nut i.e. Kernel
Amendment To The Amendment To The Amendment To The Amendment:
That 'Kernel' be replaced with 'the rational kernel of Feslier removed from his metaphysical Catholic shell'
Procedural Motion:
That the speaker be no longer heard
Carried Another Procedural Motion:
That the chairman's ruling be disagreed with
Lost
The motion was eventually lost and the meeting ended on a rather higher note than it deserved. Ah well, such is student politics.
One thing John forgot to mention in his report was the reaction of John Mowbry, who was speaking to the drinking horn debate, when John rudely and maliciously interrupted him. His reply (may it be recorded for posterity) was: - Get some shoes, you scruffy bugger'
One thing Tony forgot to mention in his defamatory (albeit true) attack on my reporting is that he is not the editor and therefore the aforementioned attack does not officially exist. Please do not read it.
Students may be able to credit courses in Economic History, Asian Studies and Women in Society to their History majors if ideas suggested by the Chairman of the History Department, Dr. Beaglehole, ever see the light of day.
Dr. Beaglehole suggested these ideas to about 60 History students who were meeting to discuss course changes, assesment and workloads, to elect representatives to the Departmental committee, and to form a History Society.
He said that he personally felt the clear departmental distinction between Economic History and History was not warranted and he was surprised that more students did not do a combination of the two department's courses. They both looked at history, but from different perspectives. He agreed with a comment that the course on Women and Society or a particular Asian Studies course could come into the same category as 'long as it was historical in its approach'.
While students were encouraged by these remarks, there was a great deal of apprehension about other changes taking place in the department. The departmental decision to drop stage one Modern History course from the end of
Students pointed out that the Modern History course was one of the most popular in the department (125 students are currently doing it compared with 7 doing the stage one Asian History course), and it was a sad indictment on the department that it was not able to produce one lecturer in Modern History.
Dr. Beaglehole explained that the department could not hire any more staff (because of lack of funds) and it could not sack those presently employed. So, the alternative seemed to be that you run those courses that your staff members are interested in. Unfortunately, the students, as usual, get the tough end of the stick.
Students also look as though they may have a few battles ahead if the History Department changes its Stage 2 and 3 courses to 6 credits. On the surface this seems to be a sensible move because it allows students to pursue a subject in more depth and the inequalities in workloads with 4 credit courses disappear.
However, Dr. Beaglehole's comments seem to suggest the change will be used as an excuse to increase the workload for each course ('we can't go to the faculty and tell them that we have decided to leave it as it is. This would create tricky problems') without looking to see if it isn't high enough already. Secondly the change will probably mean that in future students will have to do 30 credits (5 courses) at Stage 2 and 3 for a History major rather than the 24 credits (6 courses) as in the past.
Students hoping to escape the turmoil by moving into Honours in
The meeting did not decide on any concerted action in the department but merely allowed key issues to be raised. Several students expressed concern about heavy workloads in 4 credit courses because of the expected background reading and many others wanted a say in the type of assessment under which they were to be given a course mark.
The appointment of six student representatives from the meeting was a sign of student determination to act on the issues raised, and the support given by Dr' Beaglehole was a promising sign for future staff-student relations. However, there are still many apparent problems in the department. History students who have specific gripes should use their elected representatives of raise the matter at meetings of the newly-founded History Society.
Elected Representatives:
In the interests of abolishing dictatorship the editor has handed the writing of this editorial over to me — Germaine Frisbee. You haven't been hearing much about what's been happening in Salient since Bruce took over so I thought I'd relate the atrocities that have occured...
...Salient had been a quite disordered kingdom inhabited by a peaceful but sleepy people. The inhabitants were indeed a strange race who knew of no sunlight in their lives. The ones who were writers sat at their desks and wrote great screeds of copy until the paper was all full up. Then the ones who were artists proceeded to cut up the copy and arrange it in pretty patterns. Then the one called the editor and a few trusted cohorts ran out of Salient land to the quicksilver Dominion bus to Wanganui. A few days later back would come a newspaper. Nobody ever new what happened on the Wanganui bus...
...when Bruce took over little changed. In fact so little changed that the cobwebs grew until they covered everything which made driving conditions bad....
...and then after many months there came a time when the ones who were writers could not write enough to fill up the newspaper and Bruce had to write something because he was in charge....
...which is where I enter writing this Editorial...lazy chauvinist bastard.........
In recent years Capping Week has diminished considerably in both the scope of its activities and the involvement of students. This, in the opinion of the Capping Controllers, is not a desirable state of affairs. Capping '75 is thus intended to reverse this situation and bring back (for a week or so) some life to campus.
Many students, especially first years, will be unaware of Capping Week and its associated activities. Previously Capping consisted of drinking piss. busting up pubs, drinking piss. breaking windows, drinking piss, terrorising the locals and drinking more piss. Those days are gone and, although this year's Capping festivities includes opportunities for drinking piss, the busting of pubs and windows is discouraged. There is something for everyone in Capping and it you want anything out of it you must get involved.
All week: The Bar will be open from 4—7pm every afternoon in the Cafe and the Takeaway Bar will be open at the same time.
Stunts can be the most satisfying part of Capping which is why we're having them (ahah) and they're going to be good (ahah). In past years successful stunts have included the proposed resiting of Wellington airport in Glenmore Street and an ensuing petition and demonstration, and the sponsorship of public transport by providing free train and bus tickets. One veteran has been threatening for years to chain the cable cars together; will this be the year? A prize of $20 is up for grabs for the best stunt.
Note: (Stunts must be approved by the Capping Controller, and this is done by filling in a form setting out particulars of the stunt, and handing it in to the Studass Office).
This requires students to bring unusual items to the Quad between
New Zealand Breweries has generously agreed to sponsor the drinking horn which will consist of jug, 8-oz. and interfaculty events. The fastest 8-oz. drinker will get a free ball ticket. Big Ben Pies are sponsoring the Pie Eating Competition which will involve the consumption of 3 pies in the shortest time. Free beer is provided to help the pies down. 1st prize -1 Ball Ticket.
Wednesday is more or less day of rest at the moment. To make it even more so we have a suitable film at 2pm. 'The Golden Voyage of Sinbad' — is an almost perfect movie, full of easy-to-follow dialogue and tons of wild visual thrills and Gimmicks, freaky sound effects, and a plot so simple it could be followed by amentally handicapped gorilla. Unreservedly recommended for people thinking and taking a nostalgic trip back into the movie magic of childhood.
Forum On Population 12-2 pm Union Hall Speakers include -
An action packed double feature from the Pinewood Studios in England, 'Cruel Sea' — a naval drama based on Nicholas Monserrat's powerful novel and, 'Dam Busters'— considered to be the greatest British war film ever made.
Capping Hop - 8pm-2am in the Cafe
If you went to the Orientation Hop, then don't miss its follow-up. If you didn't come then Don't miss out this time. Admission is $2 a head, which gives you 5 cans or 7 nips 50c for non-drinkers — toasted sandwiches also available (cheap).
Tapestry and Dragon appear in what should be one of the best rock concerts on campus for some time.
For the paltry sum of $15 double, the Capping Committee had in its infinite wisdom, seen fit to provide sumptuous meal, with wine, a boundless supply of alcohol and (as if this were not enough) - music by Quincy Conserve and Tapestry.
This must be the best value for money for the Ball Season. Tickets available from the Students' Association office.. See You There.
A good illustration was seen this week of the benefits of having a lawyer to plead one's case.
Two men were charged with assulting their de facto wives. The first, a Polynesian, had no counsel, pleaded guilty, said nothing in his own defence and was summarily dealt with and fined $200. The second, a pakeha incidentally, had a lawyer who was able to say how apologetic the defendant had been afterwards and how on the night in question he had been very tired from working lots of overtime so that he could make money so that they could get married, buy a section and 'settle down'. He was subsequently convicted and ordered to come up for sentence in six months, comparatively let off.
This illustrates how the system works for you if you play the game according to the rules, as on the facts there was nothing to distinguish these two cases, both were fairly serious assults.
• • •
On the other side of the coin, however, I saw a case where legal representation appeared to prejudice the defendant's case.
Earlier a man had been charged with being idle and disorderly, said he didn't want legal representation, pleaded guilty and being such a petty offence was discharged under Section 42. Later, two girls were similarly charged with being I and D, saw the duty solicitor, who asked for a week's remand without plea for legal aid and a probation report. Having no money or
This wasn't really the fault of having a lawyer, more a fault of the bail system which discriminates against people with no money or without friends with money. This probably influences people who plead guilty to get things over and done with. Perhaps the first guy, who had previous convictions knew the the story and could see the irony of having a lawyer who would provide him with 'justice'.
• • •
Another part of the problem is the stupid Idle and Disorderly law itself. Historically, it's a remnant of post-mediaeval times after the popluation was depleted by the Black Plague causing labour shortages and urban drift with an associated breakdown of the feudal system and a lessening hold of the ruling classes over the peasants.
Today the law is supposed to have a protective type of function, to rescue people from the wayward side of life, but in reality, it is often used by the police as a holding charge to rake in suspects, and often it works to bring people with no money into the court machinery, thus labelling them devient. Mind you, its not all people with no money that get charged, only people like the unemployed builder's labourer who hasn't been able to find a job for nine months and has just come down from Auckland to Wellington with no-where to stay like the one before Mr. Bradford S.M. this week. I'm sure that a university student wouldn't get charged, no matter how low their finances were, so that this type of law discriminates both socially as well as economically.
• • •
It seems perhaps, that students are indeed a somewhat privileged class.
A second-year arts student who crashed his car on Salamanca Rd., injuring himself and his passenger more severely after drinking was fined $30 on a charge of dangerous driving. Mr. Hobbs S.M. said he was imposing a somewhat lower fine than usual because of the defendant's financial position, which was fair enough. However, half an hour later a Polynesian from Porirua was fined $75 for the same offence except no-one was injured. Admittedly this man had a full-time job from which he averaged $63 a week, but he also had a wife and three children plus another illegitimate child which he paid $10 a week maintenance for, so financial obligations would be quite high. Furthermore the student had at the time of the accident been working as a steward on the inter-island ferry so he can't have been that destitute, he at least bad a suit which is more than the Polynesian had and I would suggest that the courts gave him a much better deal.
• • •
It seems that once you get jumped on it's very hard to get back up again. A man who had just got out of jail after eighteen months was celebrating his release in a public bar and was arrested for obscene language while in an advanced state of intoxication. Being so drunk he couldn't rember the occasion and didn't know how to plead. This afforded Mr. Hobbs S.M. a classic opportunity for some plea bargaining.
Mr. Hobbs: Would it make any difference to the way you pleaded if I was to convict and discharge you?
Defendant: I suppose so.
Mr. Hobbs: How do you plead then?
Defendant: Guilty!
Mr. Hobbs: Convicted and discharged.
Court Reports have been a regular feature of Salient for some considerable time now. However, it needs more than one devoted person to ensure the regular appearance of a 'From the Courts' each week. So Salient will be holding a meeting of all those interested in aiding the production of our 'From the Courts' column on Tuesday, April 29 at 7.00 pm in the Board Room (which is on the Middle Floor of the Union Building next to the President's Office).
At the meeting our first priority will be working out a roster system or something similar to ensure regular reports. Also the question of what we report (which courts and which cases), and why we report will be discussed. And of course Salient publishes far more on the legal system in NZ than just Court Reports, so perhaps we will discuss those things too.
Another meeting of that august body of Professors who organise our lives was held last Thursday morning. And once again student reps. fought valiantly to uphold the rights of the student majority.
A word of comfort, first of all, to all those Soc. 101 students who found themselves at a Psychology lecture in the first week of term because the Soc. stream they had chosen had been cancelled without their knowing. (Rumour has it that some people are still there). From now on the Registry will notify students who have pre-enrolled if a course that is advertised in the Calender is cancelled — hopefully by letter, but at least by ads. in major newspapers and large notices around the university. Indeed, they will do it as soon as possible and by all reasonable means', says the Board. Not being impossible and unreasonable ourselves, we consider this a fairly magnanimous proposal.
Some more good news (if I may use a borrowed phrase): an Ad Hoc Committee set up at the last Board meeting to look into the problem of the University's acute building needs has recommended that a permanent committee be set up to look into the problem of the University's acute building needs. It is perhaps worth noting here that Professors never decide anything on the spur of the moment. All issues of importance are referred to various committees and then thankfully forgotten about until lengthy reports filter back over the next few years. Getting back to this new committee, however. It actually has two objectives: a) to improve relationships between the university and the community (to appease
The lecture and exam timetable controversy continues. Further mind-shattering figures were revealed in the latest report of a investigating committee which give some idea of the immensity of the timetabling task. Did you know, for example, that 1440 courses every week have to be fined into 38 hourly slots when only 67 classrooms are available at any one time?.........hmmmmm. But it's all right and everything's under control because we now have a committee dealing with the problem. The aim is a complete review of timetabling principles and procedure by
And now a word about Bursaries. The situation is confusing since Prof. Board supports student efforts to increase bursaries but has not come out in favour of a standard tertiary bursary. The Bursaries Committee which reported at the meeting, concerned itself with patching-up the present system e.g. enabling part-time students to gain Fees Bursaries more easily, dropping the distinction between the A and B Bursary, and extending the bursary to cover up to ten rather than nine units. While these changes are good in themselves, they become slightly overshadowed by the standard ternary bursary for all students which we are pressing for.
That's about all for this month. The rest of the ninety-seven page agenda was waded through with varying degrees of difficulty and interest (usually more and less, in that order). Finally, just as the clock struck twelve, everyone heaved an enormous sigh of relief, picked up their papers and descended from the Conference Room to rejoin the rest of struggling humanity.
(to be continued)...
On the surface Malaysia is a land of plenty, but deep down there is widespread poverty and hardship. The root of these is the presentation of the colonial economic structure in Malaysia whereby the economy is foreign controlled. Even the Malaysian P.M. Tun Razak admitted:
'In Straits Times,
It is agreed that Malaysia's economy rests on the tripod of rubber, tin and palm oil but 75% in agriculture and 72% in mining are foreign owned. It is this shocking situation, together with the Malaysian government's policies of providing attractive incentives to foreign capitalists (cheap labour, tax holidays from 2 to 8 years, etc.), that led to the enormous outflow of wealth and leaving the country a pauper. From 'A farmer, selling rubber at less than 40 cents a kilo, making about $28 a month. Yet he is paying more for rice than he is being paid for rubber, and his family eats twice as much rice as he can produce rubber.................... they were forced, by privation to eat wild yams proved to be poisonous'. (Auckland Star. 'A wang, the owner of a rubber small-holding in a village in Baling, northern Malaysia ......A wang's earnings averaged M$ 1.20 a day............ Most of A wang's money is spent on rice. Baling is located in a region which does not get rice at the subsidised price of between 45 and 47 cents a catty (l.3lbs.)'To live at a minimum level of comfort, the smallholder would need $3 a day. To live just above the subsistence level, A wang needs $1.50 daily. He is one of the 545,000 smallholders all over Peninsular Malaysia...........
'Awang had heard of some tenant farmers families in smallholdings who were forced to eat yams and other low-quality foods instead of rice. He had heard too of three four deaths of people who had eaten jungle yams ...' (Far Eastern Economic Review
By Said Zahari who Has been jailed without trial by Lee Kuan Yew since 1963.
The explosion came in
Although newspapers and other mass media conveniently blacked out news of the protests, the news did reach the several universities. This almost spontaneously sparked off mass student demonstrations throughout the country.
The demonstrations erupted again the next day and continued for about a week. All of these were demonstrations of sympathy and support for the unden-
In desperation to suppress the dissentment, the Malaysian Government used various methods such as threats of withdrawing scholarships and reducing university funds. The 'kill' came from the Home Affairs Minister's 'Once and for all cleanup'. Most of the student leaders and four lecturers were detained under the notorious Internal Security Act. Even an American lecturer in the University of Malaya's law faculty was deported for his support to the students.
The students' protests received support from a large number of the academic staff. 'The University's Academic Staff Association said if believed the issue of poverty raised by students in recent demonstrations was reasonable'. (Straits Times,
'The National Institute of Technology Academic Staff Association, the Universiti Sains Malaysia Academic and Administrative Staff Association and the U. of Malaya Academic Staff Association issued a statement demanding:
(Straits Times.
The true background to the spontaneous explosion of student dissentments is as a Malay leader puts it:
'We know about the problems of the small farmer and how little money he earns and how little food he eats. We know because we are his children'.
It is the poverty and hardships of their families and friends that urged the students to stand up.
Notes:
Climaxing the foreign economic invasion by the British, American and Japanese, the nationalist movements in South-East Asia have gathered momentum in recent years. Student movements in Thailand, the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore were incessantly activated against their 'anti-national' government. People from all walks of life — peasants, workers, students, intellectuals, religious groups, etc. — have begun to realise the corruptive nature of their governments and have gained in the fight for political liberty and social justice.
Foreign exploitation has resulted in the impoverished livelihood of the people in the region. The governments of these countries, corporated with the foreigners, resort to ruthless suppression whenever there is people's outburst. In Malaysia, the hunger march of the Baling peasants in November last year is no exception. The Federal Reserves Units (riot-police) dispersed what intended to be a peaceful demonstration with tear gas and flying batons. The high-handedness of the government angered the students of the tertiary institutions. In support of the hungry-stricken peasants, the students marched in the streets of Kuala Lumpur and other cities. Over one thousand students were arrested, followed by the suspension of the Student Union of Malaya University in the successive 10 days' struggle.
A Government White Paper, explaining the University of Malaya protest, claimed communist manipulators under the cover of the Chinese Language Society (UMCLS). It is, as the Far Eastern Economic Review put it 'a tattered cloth for the blanket explanation for what happened at the universities'.
The White Paper consists of essentially three parts:
60% of this part of the White Paper is devoted to substantiate the accusation that the Minister of Internal Affairs, Tan Sri Ghazali termed 'to spearhead the promotion of subversive activities'. It also claimed that printing blocks, imitation rifles, boots, receipt books, propaganda music, cassettes, banners, New Year cards, etc. were recovered from the UMCLS premises by a police raid. This claim is far short of justification when one considers the fact that all the 'captured' items are previously approved by the Government and accordingly, obtainable from bookshops in the streets. The imitation rifles, boots and banners are in fact props for the cultural shows — presumably power comes from the barrel of a pop gun. This part constitutes 20% of the White Paper and contains perhaps the biggest loop holes in the document. How, for instance, a small society, comprising mostly of Chinese students, led thousands of students into the streets? In the list of those 1200 detained, less than 30 were Chinese. The overwhelming majority were Malays, including a few of Royal blood. For example, Saudari Sabiha Samad, whose mother is the cousin of Tun Razak's wife was detained for her courageous activities. 'It (the White Paper) did not touch on the demonstrations by the students of the Kebangsaan University (National University). Unlike the multi-racial University of Malaya, Kebangsaan is almost entirely Malay. Many of the girls there dress in the traditional, conservative Muslim style. Between 70%—80% of its students are peasants' offspring'. The remaining 20% of the Paper relating to the UMCLS and the CPM is equally incredible. For if the Government is foolhardy enough to detain a person, whom it claims to have associated with the communists, under the Internal Security Act — an act which has aroused strong emotional feelings from the democratic people — and if the tale of the captured documents is true, why doesn't the government put the detained chairman of UMCLS of trial? Perhaps the documents are too fragile to withstand the scrutiny of the courts.
Accusing the UMCLS for exploiting cultural means for Communist Party of Malaysia (CPM).Accusing UMCLS for exploiting the Tasek Utara issue and inciting the student unrest through the University of Malaya Student Union.(Far Eastern Economic Review, The Government claims to have captured documents relating to UMCLS from the bodies of 2 guerilla fighters.
Perhaps the Malaysian government, understanding the nature of the dissent is more deliberate in its actions than would appear. Initially the Government blamed the Communists and Chinese-race inspiration behind the
The blame soon fell onto foreign students, especially Australians, New Zealanders and British. This was even more ridiculous.
Finally the blame shifted to the communists and the Chinese Language Society. The accusation not only lacked evidence, but expresses a sisister motive of the Government to divide the different races.
Prolonged hardships and growing poverty have disillusioned the people with the honey lip-service and empty promises of the Govt. It is the awakening of the patriotic students, religious groups, liberals, reformists, intellectuals and peasant workers that has mobilised into this united front. This is the motivating force behind the nationalist movement. Using the UMCLS as a scapegoat is a conspiracy of the Razak regime to divert the attention of the people and stir up emotional conflicts between the races. But reality has shown that the Govt. White Paper will never succeed in squashing the heroic natured nationalist ideology of the united Malay sian people!
Iain Buchanan had been teaching in the University of Singapore for many years. In his book, he implicitly analysed the essence of the island's economy. On the aspect of social stratification, Buchanan had a unique interpretation of the root cause of poverty in Singapore. And by examining the political development in Singapore, he strongly criticised the P.A.P. Government's repressive measures, often disguised in the form of 'democratic socialism'.
The following account is an attempt to introduce the essential points made in the book. For a better understanding of Singapore's socio-economic and political structure, especially the highhandedness of the P.A.P. Government, readers are advised to refer to the book.
Singapore's economy is that of a colonial metropolis, dependent for its survival upon handling raw materials from a large primary-producing hinterland and manufactured goods from more industrialised countries. In this respect, it plays a vital entrepot role for Malaysia and Indonesia on one end and Japan, Western Europe, the United States, and Great Britian on the other. Imports from Malaysia and Indonesia — mainly rubber, minerals, timber and palm-oil — account for about 40% of Singapore's total import trade, while imports from Japan, Western Europe, the United States and Great Britian— almost entirely manufactured goods and components for assembly — comprise 31 % of all imports.
Firstly, while Singapore is still the entrepot centre of the Malay world emphasis on Britain and West Malaysia as entrepot partners has declined, while that on East Malaysia, Indonesia and the United States and Japan has increased.
Secondly, while Singapore is still a processing centre for 'traditional' primary materials gathered from the surrounding region — rubber, palm oil, and timber — the Republic is assuming a new role as one of S.E. Asia's main oil refining centres — if not the most important oil-refining state in the region.
Thirdly, once the centre of British agency-house activities in the area, Singapore has now become the regional headquarters for large American and Japanese combines and the strategic operations base for the 'new wave' of Western and Japanese investment in S.E. Asian mineral exploitation concentrated in and around Indonesia.
Fourthly, in the field of manufacturing, foreign investment has given to Singapore three relatively new roles: as an assembly centre for industrial goods imported for the regional market, as a servicing and repair centre for long distance and regional shipping and air transport; and as a low-cost production unit in a vast international business system.
Finally, Singaore is being rapidly developed as a transit-point in the international tourist network.
The Republic's relationship with its Malaysian and Indonesian hinterland remains a colonial one, but the structure of colonial influence is changing: from a British and Dutch domain the Malay world is being transformed into an American and Japanese one.
The most significant feature of Singapore's economy is its disproportionately large tertiary sector. Tertiary activities (excluding those in public utilities) occupy about 70% of the active labour force and, as Table 2 shows, this proportion had changed little since
Some 60% of Singapore's population live on per capita incomes of less than $600 per annum, or less than one-third the national average, and between 20% and 25% of the population are ('in poverty' — meaning they cannot meet the minimum material and physiological needs of daily life. Significantly, the proportion of Singapore's population living in poverty has changed little since
Given the prevalence of poverty, an and a serious problem of unemployment, (and under-employment) the need for sustained economic development is imperative. Insofar as the tertiary basis of the economy is a major impediment to the productive mobilization resources, economic development must necessarily imply diversification.
For Singapore, diversification within the tertiary sector, as is presently occurring through an extravagant expenditure on tourism, cannot guarantee greater economic security, and there is only limited scope for expansion in the primary sector. Diversification means industrialisation, and it was recognised in the state's first Development Plan for
During the
In the short-term, Singapore's dependence will not fundamentally damage its prosperity; in the medium-term (say five to ten years), a strategic Western withdrawal south from Indochina into the Malay world will guarantee Singapore's existence as what one senior American military man has described as 'an excellent back-up facility' for the U.S. military presence in Asia, with continuing sustenance from the scramble for the region's mineral recources; in the long-term (ten to twenty years) anything could happen — at the most most serious, Singapore's precarious dependence, and with it the present politico-economic structure, would collapse in the midst of Malay revolution.
This upper 10% of the taxpaying population are those earning assessed incomes of over $15,000 per year. Most of these people earn assessed incomes of over $200,000. These figures contrast strongly with estimates of incomes earned by the majority of Singaporeans. According to the Prime Minister, 60% of Singapore's workers earn monthly incomes of below $200. It is possible broadly to distinguish five social classes in Singapore's society: a fractional upper class, an upper middle class, intermediate middle class, a lower middle class and a working class.
The upper class — it is predominantly European and Chinese, with most of its members business and professional men, bankers and financiers.
Elitist in outlook, with a tendence towards in-breeding, the upper class has acquired many traits of its British counterpart, without the traditions: it lives extravagantly, entertains lavishly, accumulates — and all too often hoards — capital; its members are race-horse owners, exclusive club-goers, frequent travellers, and presidents of a host of charities and such city institutions as Rotary and Lions. It is a strongly commercial upper class and, beyond commerce and finance, plays only an indirect innovating role in the economy. In its pattern of investment, a traditional tertiary bias persists. This 'power elite' derives much of its influence from the West's economic and political stake in Singapore. Its interests coincide with those of the West, and so do its values. Thus, it is not only a vital 'agent' of Western expansion in the area — it is also, despite its domestic insularity, an important filter for the processes of westernisation as they affect other groups in society.
The upper middle class — in this group come the bulk of Singapore's professional men as well as many university teachers, upper echelon civil servants, executives and managers. Upper middle class families comprise about 1.5% to 2% of the population, and earn some 10% to 12% of total personal incomes. In terms of personal income, we can define the upper middle class as comprising people who earn between $25,000 and $50,000 per annum.
The younger generation of the upper middle class are almost ostentatiously 'progressive'. Theirs is a highly stylised 'progressiveness', often harshly materialistic, but above all emulative. The structure of local political power and influence, together with readily available material resources, make the upper middle class very much a status-seeking class. At this level of society, the bulk of an extensive accumulation of capital is invested in relatively unproductive channels: in conspicuous consumption, in real estate, and in stocks and shares. In short, there is relatively little innovation, and a high rate of unproductive — and often speculative — investment.
The intermediate middle class — it accounts
5% of the population. Within
The intermediate middle class is some extent a class of frustrated
Lower middle class families
Lower middle class workers thus
In general, the lower middle-class is a politically conservative group. It cannot afford the luxury of liberalism, or the stigma of socialism. Although by no means prosperous, it manages to survive at a level of economic and social stability which distinguishes it from the working class. Its circumstances are restricted, even static, but they are relatively secure and predictable: in so far as social and economic mobility is determined to a large extent by things such as children's education, long service in employment, and regular salaries, there is a vested interest in maintaining a stable base. The lower middle class is defensive: it has everything of lose by active political dissent, and nothing to lose by implicit support of the ruling regime. Indeed, political patronage is often regarded as a means of upward mobility — with the result that a good many P.A.P. cadres and party workers come from the lower middle class. Conversely, it is to this class that the government looks for support below the upper middle class.
The working class — the largest socio-economic grouping in Singapore is that which we can broadly define as the working class, embracing about 75% of the total population. Occupational status is uniformly low: workers are mainly skilled and unskilled labourers, craftsmen, hawkers, shop assistants, service workers, drivers, and own-account proprietors of petty trading and manufacturing concerns; amongst these people, employment is usually irregular, often daily-rated, and low-paid. For main wage-earners, incomes range between $50 and $400 a month (or $600 to $4,800 per annum). Living standards are therefore low, in terms of conditions of housing, the degree of overcrowding, nutritional levels, material possessions and educational opportunities. Within the working class, socio-economic and political discontent is stronger than in any other class, and oppostition to the ruling group is most prevalent. Inevitably, the heavy concentration of impoverished and near-impoverished people in a city such as Singapore encourages the growth of a strong and militant left-wing movement: amongst the poor in Singapore, revolutionary sentiment is a deep-seated and widespread reality, despite repression of all open-front left-wing organisations. Amongst poor Chinese there is strong cultural and political antagonism towards Western values — for such values are, basically, those of an elite which has neither the desire nor the ability to empathise with the mass of the local population.
A minority of working class households, perhaps 20%, belong to the upper working class. Employment remains characteristically dependent, particularly when it is unskilled and earnings are irregular. A change of job, or a growing dependency burden, may bring households close to poverty. On the other hand — with great effort, sacrifice and sustained education — children may move onto the lower rungs of the middle class. But the failure rate is high amongst such children, simply because their domestic situation in incompatible with proper education.
The frustration of these 'partly-educated' children is of critical importance in working class life — for through education are acquired aspirations which reality cannot fulfill, and the sense of dispossession is thereby sharpened. Thus, the barrier of 'class' is more tangible, and education — however abortive it may be in terms of simple economic betterment — plays a vital rule in creating within the working class a group of people able to articulate class sentiments and act as a catalyst for political action.
Amongst the lower working class, poverty or near poverty prevails. The tenuous opportunities apparent to the marginally better off members of society are non-existent, aspirations are lower, and the sense of this dispossession is complete, This is the world of the early drop-out, the economically derelict, and the chronically under-employed; a world in which hope seems pointless, in which people feel they have nothing to gain — and nothing to lose. Here are some half a million people drifting on the margins of poverty — and another half a million people existing completely and chronically in poverty.
From the above analysis, we can conclude that there is a marked disparity in Singapore between a mass of economically depressed workers and their families on the one hand and a small prosperous elite on the other.
A moderately left-wing government, dominated by the Labour Front, assumed office in
In
The political conflict which characterised the
It was hardly suprising, therefore, that the federal Union between Malaya and Singapore was shattered in
One of the least publicised of the CIA's activities is its support for the heroin business in Southeast Asia. In carrying out its task of 'fighting communism' the CIA has supported allies whose interest in the fight is only partial —their prime concerns have been merely to survive (as in the case of Meo tribes men in Laos, for example) or to make enormous profits from the sale of heroin on an international scale (in the case of the Kuomintang). By assisting these groups the CIA has, ironically, implicated itself in the very criminal activity that the United States government and its agencies have pledged themselves to combatting. In terms of the numbers of people, national governments, and money involved, the CIA's support for the heroin business must be one of its most extensive operations, and almost certainly one of its most compromising.
Alfred McCoy has written: 'American diplomats and secret agents have been involved in the narcotics traffic at three levels (1) coincidental complicity by allying with groups actively engaged in the drug traffic; (2) abetting the traffic by covering up for known traffickers and condoning their involvement.(3) and active engagement in the transport of opium and heroin.' (1)
During the late
During the
Penetration of Southeast Asia by the Western narcotics trade was nothing new by this time. Western adventurers had been coming to Asia for hundreds of years. With their superior military technology they 'had used their warships to open up China and Southeast Asia for their opium merchants and slowly proceeded to conquer the Asian land mass, dividing it up into colonics. Sanctimonious empire builders subjected millions of natives to the curse of opium addiction, generating enormous revenues for colonial development, and providing profits for European stockholders. Thus, the Mafia was following in the wake of a long tradition of Western drug trafficking in Asia — but with one important difference. It was not interested in selling Asian opium to the Asians; it was trying to buy Asian heroin for the Americans.'
It is at this point that the CIA enters the picture. During the mid-fifties the CIA, under the command of Colonel Edward Lansdale, began to operate in Vietnam, trying to strengthen the premiership of Ngo Dinh Diem against the violent subversion of the French intelligence organisations and their 'clients' — the army, gangsters, and religious sects —
After numerous and violent clashes the United States, Diem and the CIA emerged as victors. The techniques of counter-insurgency which had been used by the French — the use of opium-growing hill tribesmen as mercenaries, the financing of operations and communities with money from the opium trade, and co-operation with corrupt political cliques — now became available to the CIA. They were soon in use.
'Since opium is not grown inside South Vietnam all her drugs have to be imported — from the Golden Triangle region in the north. Stretching across 150,000 square miles of northeastern Burma, northern Thailand, and northern Laos, the mountainous Golden Triangle is the source of all the opium and heroin sold in South Vietnam'. Since this is a region in which the CIA has strong commitments — supporting anti-communist governments, armies and ethnic minorities, and spying on the People's Republic of China, for example — the Agency has been unable to avoid assuming some role in the politics of heroin. Thus, in exchange for assistance with spying, sabotage, and para-military operations the CIA has armed, financed and trained the remnants of Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang army which took refuge in northern Burma after defeat in
'After the establishment of the People's Republic of China in
The KMT itself has rather neatly justified its involvement in the business in the following statement of economic pragmatism, by General Tuan in
In Laos the CIA decided to use small groups of Americans to organise anti-communist forces capable of collecting intelligence and fighting North Vietnamese and Pathet Lao troops. As General Lansdale put it, 'I always felt that a small group of Americans organizing the local population was the way to counter Communist wars of national liberation.' In
From Burma, Laos and northern Thailand, drugs move south from a number of collection points, notably Vientiane in Laos, to either Bangkok or Saigon. The Saigon route has been serviced by aircraft flown by Corsican pilots for small charter airlines (known collectively as 'Air Opium') and more recently by the South Vietnamese airforce. Under the command, primarily of Air Vice-Marshall Ky (Currently engaged in a power struggle with Thieu, an old rival) airforce planes flew back from missions to Laos carrying consignments of heroin, the product of local laboratories. In York Times reported that the director of Vietnamese customs said, 'he believed that planes of the South Vietnamese Air Force were the principal carriers' of heroin coming into South Vietnam. A more objective observation, perhaps, was made by US customs advisers who have stated that the airforce regularly unloads large quantities of smuggled narcotics at Tan Son Nhut Air Base.
Ky is not alone in the trafficking of heroin in South Vietnam, in fact he is in very good company. President Thieu while studiously avoiding involving himself personally in political corruption, manipulated his interests in the heroin business through his power broker General Dang Van Quang, the presedential intelligence adviser. While the President has iniated cosmetic anti-corruption campaigns for the benefit of the West, he has himself been an important figure in the highly profitable drug scene.
The preceeding gives only a cursory outline of what is in fact a very complex military and economic situation. McCoy describes a web of corruption, deceit and intrigue which is almost unbelievably complicated when compared to the platitudes and generalisations commonly heard about the countries and governments of Southeast Asia. This web, in which the CIA is intimately involved, has a number of features which are common to other CIA operations such as those described by Philip Agee (an ex-CIA agent) in his book. Inside the Company: CIA Diary'. As is now customary with the CIA, they leave a bitter taste in the mouth.
Because of the embarrssment caused to the US Government by recent disclosures of CIA malpractice. President Ford and Congress have announced the setting-up of various Congressional committees and the 'Blue Ribbon Commission' to investigate the Agency and perhaps recommend legislative curbs on its powers. These promise to be no more that whitewash bodies, as a number of New York Times Weekly Review articles indicate.
'After the disclosure last week that the CIA had spied extensively on antiwar groups and other American dissedents there were quick expressions of outrage on Capitol Hill... The reaction was not suprising. It was, in fact, predictable.
'Every time there has been an intelligence scandal over the last two decades, the response of Congress has been similar. But the expressions of outrage have produced no concrete action ...'
'More than 200 separate measures designed to make the CIA more responsive to Congress have been introduced in the last quarter century. None has been enacted'. New York Times Weekly Review,
Seymour Hersh, in the January 5 edition of the same paper asked whether one strong investigation would be preferable to four separate investigations which could lead to 'a hodge-podge of hearings, many in secret'.
A more recent New York Times Weekly Review article discusses a serious question which the committees are now asking themselves: Will the White House try to limit access to some of the evidence?
'The question arises because of President Ford's refusal to make any commitment on three specific requests conveyed to him by Senator Frank Church of the Senate Elect Committee on Intelligence'.
In response to a request for a written directive to the agencies (CIA, FBI etc.) to co-operate with the committee the President refused; when asked to give the committee a report on the CIA's domestic activities which he received in January from the agency's director the President refused unless the committee formally voted to obtain the report; and when asked for assistance in obtaining the evidence gathered by the Presidential panel, headed by Vice President Rockefeller, the President made no further commitment.
'According to the Senator, Mr. Ford did not rule out the possibility that he might invoke 'executive privilege' and order the witholding of some material and witnesses. He may have been influenced by a warning he is said to have received orally from Mr. Colby (the director) — that the investigations could bring out highly embarrassing matters, including CIA assassination plots against foreign leaders.'
Notes:
McCoy, Alfred W., The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia', New York, Subsequent quotations are all from this book.
Another two firms in Singapore, Associated Motor Industires and Texas Instruments have retrenched a total of about 190 workers. For Texas Instruments, this is their third retrenchment since List year and like AMI have attributed the move 'to the current economic conditions'.
Kuala Lumpur — the Selangor Graduates Association published a report in
At the time of the survey, the unemployment graduates were mainly from the faculties of arts, economics and science, with the majority coming from the arts and economics faculties. A higher level of unemployment among honours degree graduates in all the three years was also reported.
HMNZS Waikato, the latest Royal New Zealand Navy frigate to be assigned to the New Zealand Force South-East Asia in Singapore, will arrive here on Thursday, (
Singapore electronics workers entrenched last year may be back at their jobs within the next three to four months because the industry's business is beginning to 'pick up' again.
Most of the 16,900 workers affected by the recession were electronics workers, especially women. But with fresh orders, 'the situation has improved. One big electronics firm has already recalled more than 100 workers.
An eight-man delegation from the Singapore National Shippers' Council will leave for Peking on April 8 on a week-long visit. While in Peking, the delegation, led by the Council president, Mr, Tan Eng Joo, will discuss with officials of Zhonzhu (China National Chartering Corporation) and Cosco (China Ocean Shipping Company) on how to further improve the services of Chinese vessels for Singapore/Malaysia shippers.
Tun Abdul Razak stresses today that there is a need for cheaper agricultural machinery so that more farmers would be able to benefit by their use. Because of the high cost of agricultural machinery, and their spare parts, he said, only the successful and well-off farmers were able to afford them. Backward and poor farmers were left behind. Tun Razak said that the use of agricultural machinery was one of the ways in which poverty among farmers could be eradicated.
Note: This is a confession of Tun Razak— the rich gets the better share! One would see how poverty could be eradicated through machinery when the social structure remains unchanged.
Kajang — the Selangor State Government has given about 7,000 squatters in Ulu Langat district two months to move out of state land. If they do not leave by June 1, action will be taken against them, State Secretary Datuk Alwi said today. The illegal houses have mushroomed since the
Kuala Lumpur — Police seized about a dozen home-made rocket launchers and rockets after last night's bomb explosion at the RMAF base here. According to police, the launching pads were locally made with iron pipes and equipped with adjusting screws and could be used to fire 3.5 mm rockets.
Singapore's per capita income last year was $5,703 — twice as high as that of five years ago — putting the Republic 'well high' among the developing countries.
Describing the per capita income growth as 'very impressive; an economist said the real increase 'was actually no more than 50% because' of inflation and other distribution factors. He was pessimistic that the Republic would be able to sustain the same growth rate in the next five years.
A senior economics lecturer from the University of Singapore said, "The per capita income distribution is not ideal as the trend is not always towards equity. There is still a wide gap between the rich and the poor here'.
Kuala Lumpur — the Soviet Union is willing to provide expertise for projects in the third Malaysian Plan. Its Ambassador here, Mr. V.N. Bendrishev said the assistance could be in the form of experts to set up bauxite and other factories. 'We are not interested in profits, but we can give you technical assistance for which you don't have to pay in cash', he said. 'For example, we can offer you technical assistance to set up bauxite factories or other factories, and you can pay us in capital goods produced from these factories', he added.
Kuala Lumpur — all 5,000 Division Four and IMG workers of the National Electricity Board (NEB) started boycotting overtime from today to back their claims for higher salaries and allowances. The general secretary of the NEB Employees Union said the boycott would continue until the union's claims have been met. He added that the union would not hesitate to take industrial action if their claim were not resolved quickly.
Kuala Lumpur — Tun Abdul Razak announced that UMNO is to build a $100 million complex in Jalan Tun Ismail, which is to be situated on a 3.6 hectacre (nine-acre) site, and will comprise an international trade centre, trade offices, a hotel, a conference hall and the UMNO new headquarters. Tun Razak said that Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Hussein Onn has been appointed chairman of the building committee.
Events: Friday 24 en masse viewing of Easy Rider — meet at Princess Theatre at 7 pm.
May 3 run to races at Manfield — meet at Cenotaph at 9.00
May 10 another run to race meeting at Bay Park, Tauranga.
Club Captain Warren Tatham
ph. 47283
Club President Graham Mieklcjohn
ph. TWA 5664
Motocross
Sunday April 27 at Porirua, south side of junction with Whitford Brown and Warspite Aves. A chance to test your trail or motocross machine against similar competition. ACU Licences must be held and are obtainable from the club. If over twenty you can enter on the day, but otherwise there is a necessity for parents to sign the application form, entry fee is $1, which will all go to the cash prizes. Practice starts at 10.30pm. If you didn't make it to the club meeting on Tuesday ring Tony at 697-450.
A concert of traditional and contemporary folk is to be presented in the Memorial Theatre at 7.30 pm on Thursday 24 April featuring the following local and national performers:
Paul MetsersEdrick BanksTilden McKeanDiane HooperMarianne SittersJadeWindy city strugglers.
Admission 50c to members and 80c nonmembers.
CAFCINZ
Public Meeting
Slides of places visited on Resistance Ride, and talk by Owen Wilkes, long time campaigner against foreign control.
These clubs for
Those people who haven't joined in playing with the club and who wish to do so should contact the respective Vice Presidents:
For Chess: J. Rumsey Ph. 696-787For Bridge: R. Brownrigg Old Kirk 208CFor Other Games: G.C. Munn Ph. 758073
No doubt you are wondering What other games. To date interest has been shown in a variety including:
Diplomacy, Ultimate ...
A Chess ladder has been started. To be on it just hand your name in to Teddy's office — Middle floor of Old Kirk, or, worry someone in the Information Science/honours Room. If you are interested in playing a game (mentioned a'fore or not), (whether you play or not), then contact the respective Vice President.
Speakers from South Pacific Action Network will introduce their organisation as a basis for discussion. Smoking Room, Wednesday, April 30.
Its on again!
French Club
To be held at Knock-Na—Gree Campsite, Auckland, from May 11 to May 16. The conference is open to all and any student interested in the politics, art and culture of countries from which students come to N.Z. Studass has set aside $50 to sponsor up to three delegates from Victoria. If you want to apply for sponsorship, give name and contact number to the Studass Office before Monday 28.
International Affairs Committee.
Would the person who borrowed the wetsuit from me before Easter and picked it up from Kesington St. please get in touch with me at the Studass Office.
Smoking Room and Lounge, Tuesday April 29, 8.00 pm till Midnight.
Fairport Convention are by now themselves something of a convention on the music scene. Through innumerable personnel changes and problems the group and their music has survived — Trevor Lucas joked during the concert that they we protected by an Ancient Monuments Act. But far from merely surviving, Fairport have continued to develop in a highly productive fashion, eleven completed actions being no little feat.
This current tour marks Fairport Convention's 3rd (or is it 4th) visit to these shores, and many of us share warm memories of their earlier calls — a mild evening on a Ngaruawahia hillside watching an entranced crowd of 20,000 dancing in the dusk — and an equally ecstatic Town Hall crowd a few months later. Fairport have since undergone 2 personnel changes; Sandy Denny rejoining the fold in
Wellington is their first NZ gig, a Christchurch show being postponed through a later arrival of gear), but its disappointing to see so many empty Town-Hall seats. The support act was very much an unknown quantity, I don't even know if I've got their name right, Adair and the Young Brothers (?). Anyway, these two Californian brothers and a most attractive lady gave us 30 mins. of unaccompanied accapella singing, something rarely heard here. For their first ever stage performance they did amazingly well, their obvious nervousness and fervent sincerity endearing them to the crowd. Highlights were versions of 'Singing the Blues' and Neil Young's 'After the Goldrush', their own songs tending to be of the 'love, flowers, dancing in the fields' genre.
At interval, and then with a minimum of fuss on stroll Fairport Convention to a deservedly warm ovation. They open with 'Walk a While', displaying the harmonics to which Sandy Denny's return gives such vitality. Sandy features on the next song, then wanders to the wings as the boys in the band show their prowess on a rollicking instrumental.
The crowd is hooked already, the band knows it. Trevor Lucas then announces that they'll be playing lots from their forthcoming album; lets hope the friendly folks it Festival can rush-release it. One such track follows, 'Restless' featuring Sandy and Trevor. A nice one.
The next numbers feature solos from Jerry Donahue (electric guitar) Dave Pegg (bass), and Dave Swarbrick (fiddle), all of them showing their virtuosity in a wide range of styles. And that is a hallmark of Fairport Convention, their rich variations in pace, styles and textures of sound. I could easily stand a whole concert of Jerry's immaculate guitar, Swarb's frenetic fiddle, or Sandy's vocals alone. Together, the mixture is exhilarating.
By the time Hexhamshire Lass' comes around the more energetic are dancing to one side. Sandy's clear powerful voice is spotlighted on two songs from her solo albums, 'Late November", and 'I am a Traveller', and all too soon its time for Fairport's last number. The whole crowd is soon on its feet clapping away, for its one of their renowned jigs/reels. A suitably enraptured mass demands more, and to my delight Fairport change the pace completely with my personal favourite, Sandy Denny's 'Who Known Where The Time Goes'. Superb.
A gratified crowd dutifully wends its way homeward.
Without inducing the sheer emotional intoxication inspired by Eric Clapton, Fairport Convention have given us all a truly enjoyable evening.
Denis Glover, T.O.B. (The Old Boozer), Sam Hunt, F.E. (Flamboyant Exhibitionist), Alan Brunton, R.U. (Relative Unknown) and Hone Tuwhare, M.E. (Maori Eloquent), played to a packed house on campus last Friday night. T.V. came to snatch the excitement of the Occasion, and the crowds came to swim in a sophistocated sea of Kultcha. The show was everything extensive advertising had cracked it up to be ... swank, sonorous. and serious. Those who came were treated to a classy night out, and were, needless to say, seduced by the shameless trivia.
A normal critic would perhaps take into account the significance of the size of the crowd, the atmosphere of Importance of Event, the status of the poets. Their review would reel with such words as 'superior', 'sublime', 'stoic', 'stimulate', etc. We are usually bored by the stilted superficiality of these reviews, just as many of those present on Friday night were, in truth, insatiated Philistines who could not tell you, if asked, when they last read a Denis Glover poem. But The Show was all.
First on, T.O.B. The Old Boozer, comes huffing and puffing up to the platform. A crane is needed to hoist him onto the stage, for old T.O.B. these days is like A. A. Milne's tubby teddy who cannot see or reach his toes. Denis begins to read in a voice that is barely audible from the back row, destroying any belief one may have had in his verse with that pretensious Gloverian tone that reeks of poked pinkies. T.O.B. is too plump and tired to get off the stage when his last Sings Harry has been dutifully muttered, and remains on the platform groggedly addicted to the limelight for the rest of the evening.
Next on is F.E. Flamboyant Exhibitionist, who leaps onto the platform with the showy zest that T.O.B. sadly couldn't muster. F.E. is not really a very good poet, the whole audience intellectualises silently. (Hunt's occasional rhyming of a word here and there does not turn simple prose into brilliant poetry). But F.E. is excitingly showy and zesty, as has been said before, and many wouldn't have come to the show if Sam hadn't. F.E.'s phallic arrogance and sexy sham excites even the males in the audience. Few can resist his strenuous stimulation.
Alan Brunton our Relative Unknown, creeps onto the platform following F.E.'s magnificent gymnastical exit-stage-left. Everyone relaxes and sleeps during this part of the show with the exception of a few hasty and embarrassed clapping motions in between the verses that are just to remind R.U. that the audience has not totally dropped out ... R.U. thanks the crowd for their good intentions, but instead of leaving rather foolishly carries on! This red-headed brilliant ex-adolescent prodigy did not excite 3% of those present and that's the truth. The 2% who were excited consisted of the two female friends who accompanied R.U. to the show.
Hone Tuwhare, Maori Eloquent, picked up the tatty pieces that his three pakeha friends had left all over the stage, and rendered a little sincerity to the mess. If there is such a thing as spontaneous laughter rather than intellectual smiles at a poetry reading, M.E. evoked it. The trendies in the crowd, excited at M.E.'s Maoriness, turned to their neighbours and whispered that they too had a best friend who was Maori. Hone Tuwhare came the closest of the four to present both wit and argument at this show. His easy honesty struck the nerve ends of my estranged conscience, and for a while it seemed that the whole excursive event had been worthwhile.
The four poets do a quadruple ditty at the end for a nightcap. Amazingly, R.U. elicits some laughter with some shocking verbal porn and immediately everyone turns back on to this poet. T.O.B. reads one of his futile Sings Harry poems in a rather futile monotone and F.E. causes two teenagers to gigle at his fatuousness. Hone Tuwhare, M.E. again strikes the nerve ends of my estranged conscience and the show closes.
On the way out, Wellington Kultcha Vultures socialise, intellectualise and criticise a most suitable conclusion to a most trivial evening of duffusion and elusion.
If those Wellingtonians interested in poetry do not believe that we live in a time of media triviality and cultural decadence then they certainly have become victims of that triviality and decadence. Perhaps one of the most universal, beliefs that poetry should both please and instruct came from Aristotle and was reiterated by Sidney many centuries ago. We have not come very far. Our cultural development epitomises our technological development, that is, very clever but also very unthinking and irresponsible. This to me is a contracted definition of the type of decadence we live in. Some poems by a couple of those four New Zealanders strike notes so deep in the reader that they cannot fail to instruct. But most of those poets, subjected to a need to pour on the showmanship by the very nature of poetry reading as entertainment fell short of any significant message. It is indicative of the failure of poetry both as entertainment and instruction that the most capable poet in writing, Denis Glover, appeared so abominably incapable when forced to be verbal. Conversely, the most appalling poet on paper, Sam Hunt, gives an illusion of brilliance and competence when verbal.
Poetry today is an anachronism. Until our society orders itself around moral and political goals and aims, the beauty of the written word will remain just a frill on the dress of the educated elite.
Letters are indeed drifting into Salient — but nowhere near enough. As long as your writing is legible, your prose (or poetry) contains no libel, and you send it to the right address your letter will get into Salient. Its a marvellous offer and all you need to do is to sit down and find something to gripe about or something to sing praise of and write a letter about it and address it to:
Salient, PO Box 1347 Wellington or ...
Drop it into the Letterbox Just Inside the Door to Salient or ...
Give it to One of the Staff or the Editor.
I appreciate Mr. Milicich's letter regarding my article in Salient as it demonstrates some obvious confusion as to the point I was trying to make. I concede that the way in which the article was written could add to the confusion; however I feel that this in no way detracts from the point I was trying to make and wish to take this opportunity to clarify this.
The point is, that because traffic offences are more 'socially acceptable', the people who commit them cover a wider range of society than those who commit less 'socially acceptable' offences and that this is manifest in the dress and manner in which some, but by no means all, defendents react to the court-room situation and the way they are treated compared with more 'serious' offenders. This observation illustrates how the law reinforces social custom (or vicevena), so that the attitude taken by the court would naturally be different for the taking of depositions for a murder trial, I wouldn't dispute that.
Thus I had no intention of saying that there was a clearly marked deliniation between social classes in one court-room from another, merely that there was a tendency in this direction because of the offence involved. It seems somewhat naive to believe that this was the case, the same as it is naive to believe that the column in Salient is an overall view of what happens in courts. That is not to say that it is a biased view, merely a minority view based on real events which don't get expression in other forms of media.
Nor did I say that only traffic cases are heard in Courtroom 2, but it is important to note that the majority of these cases, both defended and undefended, are heard in Courtroom 2 on certain days and it is called the Traffic Court. This, as well as the fact that the traffic laws are enforced by a separate body in N.Z., the Ministry of Transport, helps to reinforce in people's minds the assumption that traffic offences aren't as 'serious' as a 'real crime', so that there are people commiting these offences who wouldn't normally appear in court.
I hope I've clarified your confusion, Mr. Milicich.
The Taborns, writing from Germany ('The one-eyed academy', Salient, March 26), are to be commended on their clear-sighted, honest assessment of the escapist nonsense pursued by wierdly motivated arts academics at this university. Indeed, they make some very good points. For example (and speaking personally of course) I have always found it pays to discourage criticism of fundamentals, and, as they so rightly say, the schedule is everything. Written exams? True, a poor measure of a student's ability, no match for the down-to-earth oral examination.
They have good advice too. It does help if you pop the question, 'What's the point of it all?' quite early on in the proceedings, preferably in a large tutorial and preferably before you've actually read anything on the subject: nothing like keeping us all on our toes. Chomsky is an excellent example there. The man is clearly mad, so why not try your tutor out on him right at the start? Ask him (or her if it's a ms.) 'Don't you agree that Chomsky's mad?' And don't put up with any long-winded evasions either.
Finally, may I say how impressed I am (personally) by the Taborns' stout effort all through last year to keep as quiet as they could, consistent with maintaining at least a modicum of integrity. This is just what we academics like, and it really is the best way to get those few scraps of official-looking cartridge-paper at the end of it all, to say nothing of references later on. Moral courage after all is for the next man, next year's batch. Still, there's always Salient, and, who knows, there may be some way of publicising the contents of such courses, some way, surely, of getting the comments of those who even now are being dragged through them?
Good to see we're nice people in the English Department. That's just how we remember the Taborns from last year.
At last Friday's SRC I was roundly abused and criticised for political inconsistancy and dangerous lack of adherence to any one 'line'. I sympathise with Ms Fahy's undoubted annoyance at my opposition to the SRC expressing support for the Repeal of the Official Secrets Act Group (ROSA) at a previous SRC and I would like to do her the kindness of being offended by her rather long and turgid remarks as to my political anarchy. I regret to inform her, however, that I have to admit to feeling myself complimented by both what she had to say and the amount of time she felt bound to spend saying it.
Those of you who read the material I circulated at election time last year may remember that I said that many might consider me apolitical. I'm afraid that I was, and still am, quite disgustingly proud of that. It is an infinitely better stance to take than one of slavish alleigance to any group which purports to oppose some injustice. I do not think SRC should support groups about which it knows little or nothing. That is why I spoke against a motion expressing such support and that is what I said to it. I am not in favour of the retention of the Official Secrets Act and voted for the motion which opposed the Act. I was not, and am not, in favour of my association blindly affiliating itself with any group that agrees with me on that.
SRC does not exist for the promulgation of some transcendant 'line'. It is the vehicle by which students, any students can express their views however much these may offend Ms Fahy's obviously sensitive political sensibilities.
I suspect that it was not so much my 'inconsistency' that Ms Fahy objected so vehemently to anyway; not my refusal to adhere to any political line. No, her outburst strongly suggested that, in her eyes, I was guilty of a much greater sin in failing to adhere strictly to her political line or be consistent in my agreement with her views on anything and everything. (Tut tut!). If this is being 'dangerous' then I sincerely hope that dangerous I will stay. I would also suggest that Ms Fahy's apparent views represent a far greater danger than mine ever could.
Residents required for the house. Must be interested in food co-operative and local community work.
226 Adelaide Road.
Ph: 894-041 Office and 892-190 House.
Will probably be shifting to new premises at 144 Willis Street.
Assistance in re-shelving and the shifting of stock would be much appreciated. Office/work space for political/social/cultural organizations will be available at the new premises.
Anybody willing to spend an hour or so looking after the shop please ring Clare at 559-576.
There is nothing more infuriating than the literal-minded stupidity of people like your Graeme Clark ('And What It Is....... P1 8 Salient April 15). A not very firm grasp of quasi-marxist principles gives him sufficient confidence to comment upon anything from contemporary aesthetics to architectural design to the paintings of M.T. Wollaston. On all of these subjects he demonstrates total ignorance; nevertheless, this does not prevent his judgements taking on the accents of the last word... I would like to point out to Mr. Clark that it is highly unlikely that Wollaston in his painting Maupua is expecting us to decipher the paint in such a way as to arrive at the literal contours of a particular location; to point out further that if he can only see depressing splodges, it is probably something to do with the inside of his own bead; and to say that a search for 'meaning' in the sense that he employs the word is unlikely to prove as fruitless as my search for intelligent comment, in any sense whatever, through his article.
His most outrageous statement is This painting promotes a belief in educated elites — only they can understand and therefore appreciate it'. To which I can only reply, it is sheer barbarism which wishes to destroy everything it cannot understand. Mr. Clark's article and the anonymous review of Marat/ Sade are two pieces of atrocious journalism, the kind of writing and comment which do no cause — not even that which they ostensibly support — any good whatsoever.
With so much hue and cry about bringing out orphans to New Zealand, perhaps we should look at another alternative to the Vietnam problem. May I suggest doing something that unites everyone to one cause and is a great sign of sharing together to help others less fortunate than ourselves (even without our bursaries). Remember the year of 'Hoe into Hunger' and its subsequent fasts and starve-ins? Remember the huge help given by students to Biafra and Pakistan?
Its now time to unite forces once more and help people that we've been directly involved with. Some of those children could be part Kiwi.
Starve-ins are on again. 'Fasting for Friday' and saving the money we don't use for food to feed the starving properly by actually growing food in their own villages and towns. Let the grounds of Vietnam grow again. So how about it? Starve on Fridays and help our fellow man.
In the midst of all the crap which surrounds us at Vic it suddenly occurred to me in the middle of Dr. Harper's Math 206 lecture that it needn't be like this.
Presumably lecturers have a genuine interest in their subject and presumably really want to convey this interest as well as the 'facts'. The trouble is that its taken me a year to realise that.
To be a university lecturer you need no teacher-training — just knowledge of your subject. If you're not qualified as a teacher you're not good enough to teach in primary or secondary institutions but you can 'teach' at university and get paid twice as much. All the good will in the world (and some don't even have that) doesn't make a good lecturer. The sooner some training is made compulsory the better — failing that a classifying system fo all lecturers in the orientation handbook, would at least fore-warn students about bad lecturers. Lecturers are here to teach us, not to be so wrapt up in their own little world that they aren't even aware of students' understanding level.
I feet disgusted and betrayed by this year's Salient. To think that you are using our hard earned (bursary) money on such egotistical drivel!
What form of editorship is it that allows the skiting useless repartee so blatant on Page 3 of last week's issue? It is just this sort of vain self-interest which has led to all corrupt governments of the world.
If you think that the 'Henderson — how many times is my name in the paper' style of reporting is likely to get students 'active' and 'involved' in the worn out jokes known as SRC, NZUSA and so forth, you're quite
Whats more, there's no point in countering this claim with 'I'ts your paper, come in and help; for I have no desire to work within a power/egotism structure that is even choking its own ideals.
Although I had no respect for the arrogant, unrealistic political aspirations of last year's Salient, at least I admired its spirit, care, and genuine humour. Your brand of pathetic left-wing bleating against the establishment poses no more challenge than a piece of cold luncheon sausage.
Why not reduce the number of pages if you don't have the time to turn out a passably attractive — i.e. well layed out, issue? Over the 20 pages I find less than four of genuine news anyway.
More suggestions would be useless under the present leadership so, with my strained sense of obligation, I will continue to read my paper.
The various International Evenings held since the beginning of this term have been organised jointly by an ad hoc committee of the Welfare Services and the Student Assoc. This fact is well publicised. The aim of organising these evenings is to foster international friendship and understanding amongst all the students at Victoria, hopefully. Many interested students from Fiji, Samoa, Malaysia and New Zealand have been spending a lot of their time organising these evenings, and being involved myself in this respect, I find that your 'Crappy Film' criticism is very unconstructive and insulting.
I agree with the critic's view about the film itself but totally reject his opinion about the motives of the organisers, The writer has been negligent in not delving further into the background of the story before he wrote it. If he had checked with one of the ever present organisers, he would have found out three things which would influence his opinion:
Looking at the whole issue from another point of view, why should a 'Crappy Film' not be shown if only for the sake of entertaining mass criticisms from the audience later on? This is the more democratic way of running things rather than being blind to the fact that not everyone holds the same opinion. If the film is bad it will be criticised but to lay blame on the organisers for promoting 'imperialism' in this instance is clearly unfair. Let us also remember that some of us (not all), are thinking people with a strong sense of social justice like the critic. These people would presumably carry the debate on the merits of the film further among their friends.
Nz's only communist weekly newspaper the People's Voice used to have the bold legend printed on top of one of its columns — 'If you were there the PV was there'.
Hard times have befallen the revolutionary press and the People's Voice just don't get around much anymore, as the old song goes.
As far as the student demonstrations on bursaries on March 26 were concerned the PV definately wasn't there, as was shown in its issue of April 9.
Buried away on the bottom of page 8 of this particular PV was a 'story' about the demonstrations. It was sent from Christchurch — the only centre that didn't hold a march. Well old 'P' the People's Voice mightn't have been exactly in the vanguard of the action but at least he had his facts straight — more or less.
Beneath comrade P's story was a Footnote 'reporting' action in other places. The following figures may be of interest.
2,000 Dunedin students marched in Dunedin. Well it was actually around 1,500 but we can forgive a small amount of optimism on the PV's part. It was there in spirit at least.
In Auckland, so this revolutionary paper tells us, 1,000 students marched to the Central Post Office. Was the PV there? If it was it didn't count the 1,500 other students who took part.
'Over 1,000 Waikato students marched through the streets of Hamilton', continued the report. In this case the PV was there with a vengence. All other reports estimated this march at only 200 yet the ranks of this small force were swelled by fivefold by the 800 students who strode into the pages of the People's Voice.
Some of these extra students may have come from Palmerston North where the PV turned a demonstration of 1,500 students into a mere 500.
And what about Wellington? In the capital the PV was hardly there at all. 'Over 600' students demonstrated outside Parliament, said its report. This was a classic use of the understatement, as many Salient readers will be aware. Somewhere along the way the PV lost sight of some 2,400 students or fourfifths of those who marched.
Salient estimated that 10,000 students took part in protests around the country on March 26. The People's Voice missed sight of a good 4,000 of these people. It was little better than half there.
If the PV wasn't quite up with the play then Socialist Action was there with a vengence. Its report of the student marches in its April 11 issue had the figures pretty right but fell down on the facts.
If you were to go by the Socialist Action account then you'd be convinced that the Young Socialists were right up in front leading the whole thing.
In Auckland, the report boasted, local student and YS heavy Mike Treen was interviewed on national television news — and what could be wrong with that? In Christchurch, Salient readers will recall, the story was somewhat different.
There was no march in Christchurch and Socialist Action correctly reports that this was due to the rather backward attitude of the 'conservative student leadership'. But didn't these bureaucrats face any opposition? Of course they did. And who initiated this opposition — none other than our old friends the Young Socialists.
The fact that there are only about five of these hardened cadres on the Canterbury campus was overlooked by Socialist Action, as was the fact that a number of other students pushed just as forcefully for a demonstration.
These little oversimplifications of the truth shouldn't worry us too much. Let's read on.
Unfortunately our intrepid Young Socialists didn't get their way at Canterbury and there was no march. But at the protest meeting held instead, 'YS member Arne Ericson asked for a show of hands on whether the student executive should organise a demonstration. Over half of those present responded positively'.
'Between 1,000 and 1,500 students 'took part in this meeting, so Socialist Action reports. So does one conclude that 500 to 750 students were in favour of a march?
Not according to those who were actually at the meeting. Comrade Ericson harangued the masses somewhat late in the piece, after various speakers had raved on for about an hour. The crowd had thinned down a bit but of those who remained 'over hall of those present' did not respond positively to Ericson's call. Perhaps a hundred did but these students constituted a rather small minority. Socialist Action stretched the truth about as far as those 800 non-existent students who found their way into the Hamilton march through the pages of the Peoples Voice.
The student demonstrations on the bursaries issue were a big success. Students do not need the People's Voice and Sacialist Action to tell lies in order to make the demonstrations sound even better that they were.
Discover Quakers at 8 Moncrieff Street every Sunday at 11 am.