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The power-mad student politicians are at it again. Unsatisfied with complete hegemony over student affairs in the universities, the bureaucratic elite at Marion Street are indulging in a diabolical plot to take over the training colleges as well. Their proposals for a National Union of Students will soon be discussed at an S.G.M. on this campus. A series of motions endorsing the report have been moved by their local lackey Tim Sheppard.
A report on the scheme, which students will no doubt never see if local union boss Cullen has his way, has been published by NZUSA and STANZ (Student Teacher Association of New Zealand). Ring NZUSA (555-630) and ask for a copy. They can hardly refuse.
For those students who would probably not be bothered to read the whole report, here are the guts of the scheme:
Local Students Associations will remain unchanged. Decision making will be conducted at a national level in much the same way as NZUSA operates now. Separate Commissions attended by delegates from each local group will meet to deal with Education, Welfare and Accommodation, International, National and Finance, Travel and Administration.
A voting system has been devised which "protects smaller constituents from being completely swamped and, at the same time, ensures that voting strengths reflect the numbers of students from each campus and the financial contributions". The system allocates some 126 votes — 84 to the 7 universities, and 42 to the 14 colleges.
It is intended to have an executive that is fully representative of all member associations. All constituent Presidents will be members of executive. A standing committee (new from NZUSA) will meet fortnightly, and it is obvious where the real power will reside.
There will continue to be a group of unpaid non-executive officers dealing with various issue areas.
In
The levy will be one dollar per student member (same as NZUSA) and will be paid by affiliated students associations on the basis of student members from the year preceding that in which the levy is paid. Naturally, given NZUSA's committment to equity, each member will only pay one levy. Training college students who are studying at university will only be counted as university members of the National Union of Students if they are full-time at university.
Of course, what is not pointed out, is that although only one dollar of each student's fee will go to the National Union, training college students doing varsity units will still pay two lots of fees. Their NUS membership will come from their training college fee, but what happens to the dollar in their university students association fee?
The merger is planned to have effect from
All in all it sounds on the face of it that not much will change as far as the university students are concerned. Most students dont care or know about NZUSA now, so adding another few thousand members probably wont make things much worse. But even so, students are entitled to ask 'why change?'
The Report speaks of the growing communication between the various tertiary bodies, and suggests that a greater degree of integration on the student affairs level might aid this process. The Report also emphasises the large area of common concern amongst the membership of training colleges and universities. Many students, of course, attend both institutions. Concerns which are shared include education in general, bursaries, welfare, and accommodation
The emphasis in the Report is away from the political sphere in which NZUSA at least is becoming best known. The emphasis on education is all very well, but at the moment it is by no means one of NZUSA's strongest areas - perhaps the student teachers will inject a little more life into this sphere.
Students will soon be asked to vote on whether the scheme should go ahead. I rather doubt if many will be opposed to the scheme and certainly few will be wildly enthusiastic - the best commentary on NZUSA and the prospect of a National Union might be if the meeting couldnt raise a quorum.
The whole scheme is being handed down from the top, and in no way represents a reaction to demands from the local level. The ruling clique of NZUSA shunted Ex-Education Research Officer Lindsay Wright off into STANZ to infiltrate them, and now he is leading them back to the flock with their tails wagging.
There are myriads of things wrong with NZUSA and its ability (or rather inability) to relate to individual students. None of the faults are being cured by this reckless attempt at empire building.
Who makes 500,000 meals a week in Australia, and a few odd thousand in New Zealand?
Who has hundreds of clients in Government Departments, universities, schools, hospitals and various large Australian and N.Z. (and overseas) companies?
Who has dealings with hundreds of companies to buy the food which is served in most university residential colleges, halls of residences, as well as nearly every College of Advanced Education — in Australia and more (VUW included) in New Zealand?
Who employs over 4000 people to make the meals?
Who has ambitious plans for installing freeze-dry food plants and micro-wave ovens to distribute "instant meals" throughout Australia and New Zealand?
Who is the biggest catering company in Australia and New Zealand and therefore who wields the most influence upon the food distribution industry?
Nationwide !!
Three final questions:
International Telephone and Telegraph Corp.
(I.T.T.) U.S.A.
Watch this space for futher developments.
At a meeting on the 17-18th June the NZUSA National Executive discussed the matter of students misusing the ID cards which can now be used to gain a 50% fare reduction on internal air travel.
The students concerned were David Benson-Pope and Tom Manning, the President and Vice-President of the Christchurch secondary Training College Students' Assn, and one of whom is a student at the University of Canterbury.
In a general review of the operation of the scheme to date, various disciplinary measures were discussed by the Executive and NZUSA President Cuthbert was instructed to cancel cards of any persons who are found to have abused the scheme. NZUSA wants the scheme to be successful and it was decided that a tough line would be taken with any student who endangers the scheme for other students.
If the scheme works well and NAC have little trouble in its administration, the 50% concession rate, NZUSA hopes, will be extended to all tertiary students.
However if there are problems, for example students trying by various methods to obtain a 'reserved' seat at the 50% rate, then NAC will terminate the scheme next June. With this in mind, the decision to cancel cards if they are abused, seems a reasonable decision on the part of the National Exec.
The Zoology Department is polluting the campus atmosphere - literally and liberally Brown smoke pouring out of the departmen's chimney is apparently caused by the burning of coal to heat the building.
When the wind is in the right direction the valley between Rankine Brown and Easterfield is suffused with healthy (sic) perfumigating brown gas.
Zoo Department technicians are aware of the problem as sometimes corridors within the building are filled with the smoke. Noted ecologist Prof. Salmon, who happens to be head of the department, is apparently aware of the problem too. In fact he has taken photos of the smoke belching from the chimney. Unfortunately he was not around when we were investigating the smoke — he is still away at the environmental conference in Stockholm.
I wish to express my concern over the implications that will result from the various student protest movements, being carried out so frequently. As a former student of a North American university, in which demonstrations were for matters more personally affecting the students, I have experienced the consequences of these protests. I am seeing the whole picture repeat itself here on this campus. Whether one agrees or not, New Zealand is one of the most free countries in the world; having minimal racial prejudism, unlimited free speech and police to whom you can actually talk. I am certainly not saying that I do not support the issues behind the protest marches. I am also sure, a lot more of the "establishment" hold the same views and concerns, than the students realize.
The key to change is not by alienating the public against students, which is what is happening when obscenities are shouted, paint is thrown, or violence of any kind breaks out. Believe me, unless more mature tactics are used the word "student" will imply a total rejection by any non-student. With this rejection comes frustration and understandable violence, resulting in very relevant matters to protest. Police then find they have unlimited freedom in the treatment of the "objectionables". Perhaps you have to watch your friends vomiting from tear gas or being beaten brutally by a 'friendly' police officer, but I have seen it happen from far less provocation, than what the students are getting away with here. I cannot help feeling that some of the protestors are more concerned with the excitement of the demonstration than the issue behind it, but whatever the reason, I just hope they don't push their luck too far.
In the 13th June edition of Salient a small advertisement appeared, exhorting all concerned and socially aware male leaders to Reject Legalized Murder; Register as a Concientious Objector. A very worthwhile thing to do. Upon reading this I wondered just how many of the people supporting this were also ardent supporters of legalised abortion - in other words legalized murder. Of course, I forgot... It's O.K. to murder a baby. You don't have to see it die. And it can't shoot you back. But for God's sake don't murder any "grown-up babies", don't even try — they may just shoot back.
When are those financially secure leaders of our University, the professors and lecturers, going to declare publicly where they stand on the Springbok Tour, or are they still to be the gutless people we really know them to be. This is my second letter on this topic— are they scared? Will the editor of Salient please offer them a page for a statement? Otherwise leave it blank, with an appropriate comment, such as: "For use by the Professors and lecturers when they have the courage."
I was under the impression, although perhaps I am mistaken, that Trotsky, in his writings (which are supposedly followed by the SAL), was in favour of a form of government where the people elected their own representatives. Presumably this form of government also requires that the people should be prepared to abide by the decisions of the majority. But it seems that the SAL and their friends in the July 14 Mobilisation Committee cannot accept democratic majority decisions. Their attitude, as it has been displayed at the COV meeting on 28 May, and after an SRC on 13 June, seems to be that, if one disagrees with the majority, one should secede.
Thus we have two separate organisations trying to organise a mobilisation (the same mobilisation) against the Indochinese War on July 14th. We have an idiotic duplication of publicity which is serving to unnecessarily deplete the funds of both organisations. We have a situation where, because of the petty in-fighting, most students do not understand what is happening on July 14, who is organising the mobilisation, or what the central demands of the mobilisation are.
I am prepared to admit that the demands of the COV are probably a little too extreme for the general public. The call of 'Victory to the Indo-chinese people' can only increase the alienation of demonstrators from that section of the population who see all marchers as "dirty commies", and who complain of the repressive administration of Soviet Russia and ask us if we want that here. One must remember, however, that these complaints will be made anyway, whatever the central demands of the mobilisation. Those who are prepared to march are unlikely to be deterred to any great extent by a few banners expressing support for the 7-point peace plan of the PRG or calling for victory to the Indochinese people. What will do the mobe more harm in the public eyes than this slight extremism is the disunity amongst the organisers. The action of the July 14 Mobilisation Committee in refusing to accept democratic decisions is sheer stupidity.
One must remember what the issues are What the mobilisation is all about. Is it whether we want an end to imperialism in Indochina by the United States, or is it a matter of whether the July 14 Mobilisation Committee should be able to claim some of the credit for organising a (hopefully) successful mobilisation.
But what is wrong with extremism anyway. Mr Templeton (MP for Awarua, in the Address-in-reply Debate) has said that since earliest times, the emphasis involving political problems had been on the middle course. Presumably, the more extreme you are, the further your way the middle must lie. One cannot expect the government to take a demonstration seriously anyway, and thus the more extreme the approach one adopts, the better the chances of arousing them.
Personally, I feel that this whole situation is farcical. The SAL and others are concentrating on their 'isms' so much that all they are getting across to other people is ego. What has happened to leftism and socialism. Have their proponents forgotten them?
It is regretted that the Wellington Committee on Vietnam should deviate from what seemed like a united effort on a National Scale. However thats now stale. What really bugs us is that certain elements in this university should deny (as at SRC) the Wellington July 14 Mobilisation Committee the use of our facilities.
Secondly the bloody biassed nature of Salient's staff, namely Peter Franks and Rob Campbell putting their views to the fore (though admittedly the SAL was given half a page recently.
Thirdly it was in bad taste that when publishing a national list of mobe centres you should put down in Wellington solely the COV and leave out the Mobe Committee. Most New Zealanders want out but we'll be damned if we will march to support a communist NLF victory more than we will a US victory. So let Salient give Mr Powell a fair go.
I agree with NZUSA's opposition to racism on an international scale but feel uncomfortable about a certain corner of the Association's own backyard. NZUSA and at least one of the constituent associations (VUWSA) offer life assurance services which discriminate against Polynesians. Maoris and Islanders are expected to pay higher premiums than Pakehas in an equivalent or even inferior state of health because these two groups of people have shorter life expectancies.
If life assurance is based on anything other than assessment of health and life prospects on an individual basis, some kind of stereotypy, be it statistically contrived or not, is being brought into play. In this case the stereotypy is one of race and therefore to call assurance companies, NZUSA and VUWSA racist is justifiable.
To have Polynesian ancestry undoubtedly alters the probabilities of certain genes but to equate this, as the assurance companies do, with disease is unwholesome and unacceptable to a majority of students, if not New Zealanders in general. It also neglects the fact that shorter life expectancies are related to lower standards of living and other socio-economic factors.
This letter was referred to N.Z.U.S.A.'s insurance brokers, Price Forbes (N.Z. Ltd) who replied as follows:
Until recently, Life Offices did adopt certain practices which could be regarded as discriminating against non-Europeans. These included automatic medical examinations, restrictions on types of policies available and in some cases, premium leadings.
Since the enactment of the Race Relations Act however, most Life Offices have discontinued such practices and generally speaking each proposal is now judged on its merits. Thus underwriting is in fact "based on the assessment of health and life prospects on an individual basis."
Although this is now the general rule we find that the attitudes of various Insurance Companies towards this and other aspects of insurance does sometimes vary. It is for this reason that the N.Z.U.S.A. scheme is designed in such a way that students can obtain policies from a selection of companies according to their own particular circumstances, rather than being forced to accept the terms and conditions imposed by any one company.
I too am disturbed at the suggestions of possible racial discrimination in the activities of insurance companies. Price-Forbes comments are indeed correct but I feel that they are insufficient.
It would be misleading to suggest that the policy of our insurers always conforms exactly to our own idealistic policy concerning race relations, but I do believe it is the least obnoxious of those currently evident.
I have discussed this matter with many people, students and insurers alike, over the 18 months I have held the position of insurance liaison officer, and I think the time has come for VUWSA and NZUSA to ensure that no vestiges of discrimination remain in this field. As a first step I think the President should be requested to write to the Life Underwriters' Assn, the Life Officers' Assn, and Yorkshire-General Life Assurance Co for official clarification of their policies.
Your decision not to print further articles on sport defeats the objectives of Salient - in whatever manner you formulate them. If Salient is a representative of the news and views of the entire campus then your policy is arbitrary and discriminatory. If on the other hand you view Salient as being a means of prodding the apathetic consciences of the student body then your actions are self-defeating.
The frustrations of having sufficient material of an acceptable standard on issues outside of those on matters of current social concern might make publication very marginal, but a unilateral declaration of exclusion creates its own problems. The student who reads Salient for its sports section will have little incentive to do so, and this moronic, sport-loving, beer-swilling jerk you wish so fervently to motivate to greater things is lost. He remains living a life devoid of any meaning for at least not having the incentive to thumb through the mind expanding articles (and advertisements) on other pages.
Ecology, abortion, homosexuality, Vietnam are issues of importance. You devalue them by not encouraging a wider audience of readers. Gaining satisfaction from the fact that hundreds of Salients do not go unread and no discernible change in circulation occurs is not sufficient. The conversion of just one poor ignorant sport loving soul is argument enough.
On Tuesday the 4th of July, Walter Pollard will be speaking in the Union Hall at 12 midday. He will be heading a panel on the subject of the war in Indochina. Walter Pollard is one of the best informed speakers on the subject and he was the author of the open letter to the Minister of Defence published in the last Salient.
The well of silence is broken. Salient: stands out among other student newspapers for actually caring about little mags. Keep it up for god's sake. Apathy can kill.
My essay on found poetry: I admit the advertising — do think found poetry is more than gimickry — do we always have to take poetry completely seriously — I would feel sad for anyone who only wrote found poetry — I feel sad for those who never do. I agree that forms in themselves are of no importance — vision is always more important — but too often we forget craft — and when we don't we get uptight about it. 'New' forms in poetry is hanging loose — no more, no less.
EDGE reprints: we've only reprinted two people — Jorge Luis Borges and Antonio Cisneros - everyone else is new, fresh, for real, not shop-soiled — those two were to turn everyone on to South Am. — we don't intend to reprint in the future.
By the way, have you read The Elaboration by Bill Manhire. He manages to combine image, mood, and situation in a way which proves John Summers point that we need all three.
Peace and good living,
The "young woman" (fortunately for her aunty NZBC is too well versed in social etiquette to call her a crapped-out little egotist) who called yon P.M. a "Twit" from the parliamentary gallery could not have chosen a word better suited to describe her own person.
Not only did this inane publicity-seeking wench make a fool of herself by trying to get as much public coverage for her childish behaviour as possible - she actually had the cheek to ring the NZBC complaining she didn't get enough attention, and the moral degradation to stick her photo in Dan's Dom.— she also made a fool of students by making it clear she attends Vic Varsity and associates with Ecology Action. It is to be hoped Salient is not stupid enough to give further publicity to this defacto socialist.
Winter Term Lectures. The
At the May Councils of STANZ and NZUSA full discussions were held on the desirability of merging the two organisations into a National Union of Students. It was decided that such a move would be possible only if students throughout New Zealand had a chance to study the issues involved and to vote on practical proposals. All students' Associations have been asked to decide by June 30 this year whether or not the proposals in this paper are acceptable. If they are acceptable to a majority of students then the STANZ and NZUSA Councils will be combined at Christchurch from August 19 to 22 to accept a constitution, draw up a budget, and decide on policies for
The New Zealand University Students' Association (NZUSA) and the Student Teachers Association of New Zealand (STANZ) are both national associations of students in New Zealand. The former, with some 35,000 members, and the latter, with some 8,000 members, both have a federal structure with constituent members. Both have a federal structure with constituent rather than individual membership; both have Council meetings in May and August; both have a $1.00 per student levy; and both maintain' national offices in Wellington.
Essentially, a merger would be an acceptance of the view that all tertiary students, whether training to be teachers, technicians, research scientists, or medical practitioners are students with common interests and common aspirations. By merging these interests we could have a stronger, more dynamic national union, capable of providing consistent administrative facilities and able to coordinate the common aspirations.
The proposed union is neither a surprising nor an un-weildy change, as STANZ has for some time been a puppet of the larger body. The metaphor is particularly apt because STANZ has formerly been a gutless if not altogether lifeless body. Uncle NZUSA is merely putting it all in writing, as usual. Writing will involve one of the more tangible aspects of the union insofar as the letterhead is to be changed to say, 'the NZ National Union of Students Inc' with the small print 'incorporating the STANZ and the NZUSA'. But while the sharks are at it, why do they hesitate to swallow the 'technical institutes'? The mutual report does mention them, admitting that they can no longer be regarded as lesser educational institutions. Has NZUSA approached the students associations at the Technical Institutes to see whether they want to join this National Union of Students? If they do want to now is the time (After all we can't go on changing the letterhead, can we?)
In section 2.3 of the report, after a spiel about increased office convenience, the real issue is hinted at:...constituents would then be part of a larger and therefore more powerful organisation. This is as close as the report gets to acknowledging NZUSA's most prominent function which is as a pressure group, and acknowledging that if it 'combines' with such inoffensive people as Training College students, its credibility will be considerably enhanced.
Training college students had better be warned now that after the merger they will be identified with policy of a strength and about such issues that they have formerly not conceived. Nor should they be fooled by the contrived voting system which claims to protect the smaller members from being completely swamped. They're not 'completely' swamped, but it is a case of think or thwim, for the 'system' no better than a sop to the teachers. Of course their having to justify to the public their new found opinions wont hurt them, but if they quail and try to dissociate themselves from the university student it may be too late.
The report does mention, in Section 2.5, NZUSA's 'alleged lack of respectability'. This is attributed to the mass media's tendency to focus on the social and moral aspects of association policy, rather than on its educational policies.
While on the subject of NZUSA's respectability with the public mention might be made of its respectability with students. Students do have sources of information apart from the mass media. Vet they still tend to think of NZUSA as a coordinating body which makes resonant liberal policy never failing to scandalise its members who hang on purely because of NZUSA's proven consession wangling ability. Despite the undoubted interest of the student press in NZUSA affairs (did not Salient recently feature a story NZUSA In Action?) students remain ignorant of the work the national body claims to do in educational reform and social welfare.
Who would have thought that there was a silent majority at Victoria? Not us. We expected a barrage of complaints from Sports lovers when a few weeks ago (I forget exactly when), we bade goodnight to our already slumbering sports writers. But no, apart from a bellicose league lover who attempted to beleaguer us within the eggshell walls of our very office, we've had no reaction until a letter this week.
Unless some better arguments are forthcoming, we feel the point is proven — that the complement to sport is not thought. The correspondent in our columns this week makes two points, first that if Salient was to represent the 'news and views' on the campus then our policy is 'arbitrary and discriminatory', and second, that if we're trying to politically persuade people then by 'chopping' sport we're losing half our audience before we begin. But If we were to ask our correspondent what he imagined the job of editorship to be, he would be hard pressed to define it in terms which did not in some way refer to arbitration and discrimination. Perhaps he feels that we're extremists. If so he'd better stick to the compromise and comfort of the 'Evening Post.' If he wants a more representative selection of University news the 'Gazette' may be the paper for him. But this student paper intends to discuss the 'student' rather than the association or the university, and it will 'discuss' not 'reflect' or 'represent' If it did the latter it would be no more than a collation to fit an externally prescribed formula.
Regarding the second point. We are well aware that some people read Salient for a specific section and no more. Well, we are sparing them the effort of hunting through the pages in search of that small paragraph which includes their name or team. It wont be there anymore. The people who read Salient mainly for the sports page but swear to us that they 'read the rest as well even if it is a load of shit' we can't be bothered with either. At best they're trying to be broad minded liberals but more likely their glance at the pages of real ideas and issues is but an indulgence of conscience. They are giving token attention to the political pages which print perhaps the only creative thought going on in this university. After all, adherence to a university is one of the most conservative pursuits left in this society.
The point our correspondent makes is just as insidious as the creeping liberalism in this country. He admits that sports fans need to be bribed into thinking further and he wants us to bribe them, by giving them their own page where they may retreat from the 'political and cultural' pages, just as in their sport they escape from the basic issues of life.
Well we're just not going to offer bribes. We don't care if the Salients go unread or are left on the piles. We even invite sports fans to make such an inept protest. At least its a protest. What is more probable is that, being the
The move by strong right-wing members of the National Government to launch an election anti-protest bandwagon is starting to backfire.
The near-fascist ramblings about a "dirty, noisy, scruffy, vicious minority" has caused an uncomfortable feedback from some levels of the party concerned that the MP's over-reaction has gone too far.
The party's Wellington divisional conference threw out strongly-worded law and order remits and chose a more liberal line. This conference is closest to the party administrators who play a major part in the formation of the election manifesto.
Even the Prime Minister's son, through his National party ginger group, has complained about over reaction.
Some electorates have told their local MP that they are concerned at the reaction from the potential young voter.
They are working on the notion that most young voters are not tied to any one party and want to try hard to woo every one of them.
The floating older voters could aldo be put off by the hard line, the electorates have reported.
The justice department is presently studying the laws relating to crimes of violence and laws that can be applied to demonstrators.
But the police are happy with the present situation and were put in an awkward spot when their minister joined the "get tough" parade.
Police officials at the demonstration outside parliament-which politicians have since painted as a large noisy disruptive affair found nothing to get excited about.
They were probably disappointed after the elaborate arrangements made for it-estimated to be the biggest security clamp down at any opening of a New Zealand parliament.
About 300 uniformed and plainclothes police were on duty. There were policemen outside, policemen every few yards inside and even policemen trying to look like construction workers on the beehive site.
Police went through every room before hand so that they could act quickly if there was any bomb hoax. The demonstration was filmed from a window in parliament overlooking the main steps.
But the police over reacted themselves in their preparations and the police vans went away empty.
The move in seizing a chair from one of the demonstrators had appeared to observers to be a sign of frustrated police brought along to stop a nonexistent disturbance. Even some policemen said they had not understood why it was done.
But the action of politicians was even more unbelievable to those who waw the demo.
A hard core in Cabinet has bee pressing for some action against demonstrators a move seen as a good way to divert voters' attention from the economy will still be in the front of the minds of those hardest hit by the time election day comes.
Those who have spoken against demonstrators include Muldoon, McCready and Allen.
There certainly has been a willing audience for their complaints but a lack of moderation in their comments has failed to go down well with important sections of voters.
The same happened with moves last year to clamp down on the "drug menace" as National MP's painted it. Strong measures against "druggies" were mooted in a blaze of emotionalism, then moderated after strong public opposition which surprised the Government.
Labour MP's have been worried that demonstrators could work agains them. They recall the former Prime Minister's election speech in the Auckland Town Hall during the last election campaign which was disrupted by demonstrations. They link that with the drop expected in Labour support in parts of auckland while acknowledging that that was not the only reason.
As soon as opposition leader Kirk entered the House on opening day he condemmed the demonstrators outside. He wanted to get in first in case the National party linked the Labour party with the anti-Government protests.
A Labour spokesman also stole the headlines in describing the Auckland UTA offices bomb throwing as a deplorable act "ahead of the acting prime minister's statement also condemming the incident.
But Labour has been showing a levelheadedness towards the issue compared with a flare of emotionalism from Government speakers.
Pompous Jack, they are calling him. Even his colleagues. The new Justice minister is battling hard even to equal the record set by his predeceo ecessor Dangerous Dan Riddiford — Jack has been elevated from the high position of Speaker of the House of Representatives to that of Justice Minister. And he is letting people know it. At cabinet meetings, his high handed approach and his insistence about still laying down the rules instead of engaging in reasoned debate, is causing him to be rather unpopular among some sections of Government.
Quotes for the Week:
"The educational institute estimates that something like 45,000 children are being educated in room said to be inadequate. It is therefore clear that over 400,000 children are being well housed..." The Minister of Education, Mr Pickering.
"It would be most unfortunate if in the political life of New Zealand, there appeared the equvilant of the political bikie-one who recklessly attacks the man and not his policies uncaring of what personal damage he does..." Labour MP for Grey Lynn, Eddie Isbey. addressing a rotary club.
"This is a time when we want an increasing New Zealand involvement and wood use is one thing in which New Zealanders certainly excel.." Labour spokesman on forestry. Mat Rata, discussing the possibility of tenders being called for world wide long term beech forest cutting rights; "You call that a demonstration?" a CIA agent, one of many in parliamentary corridors watching a small demo during Connelly's visit on Friday.
On May 10, Dr George Duncan, law lectures at Adelaide universiyt, was allegedly murdered on the banks of the river Torrons in Adelaide.
It seems highly likely that his death (the press first called it a "murder" but it's just a death now... I high lights the way our society treats mnority groups which threaten, by there very existeance the self image of that society.
The place of the murder is a well-known "beat", or meeting, gathering and pick up place for homosexuals in Adelaine The reason for the presence of Dr Duncan and Mr James the bloke with him who informed police of (the circumstances of the killing) on the banks of the river that night is unimportant and irrelevant. The point is that whoever pushed them into the river probably thought they were homosexuals, and thus fair game for their insults and assaults.
There are several major points that are suspicious about the whole thing:
Fo quote the Advertiser "Sumor police inspectors brought into the inquiry were told that two members of the vice squad had been in the vicinity when they visited a lavatory near the City bridge because one of them had fell sick, They had been driving home from a party, held after a Vietnam protest march, in which the sick man inhaled fumes from a bomb,' Really?
SA police commissioner McKinna's statement that "police are in the absulutely the exact conduct of every police department employee on that night.
The likely course of events at the present time is that the police will continue investigations and find, as McKinna has already found, that no police were to blame, And witnesses to the contrary will be hard to find because of the risk of being found to be homosexuals.
With McKinna making statements as ill-considered as those above, there would seem to be no alternative but to take the investigation out of the hands of the police After all, one would hardly expert a jury of relatives in had a may guilty!
I don't know what then perhaps a (royal) commission. Secrecy
Several people have since contacted an Australian Student newspaper (National U) cleaning to have witnessed the slaying and the assult on his companion, Roger James.
They are afraid to present this information publicly for fear of their lives. Already the key witness to Dr. Dun-can's death has mysteriously disappeared.
The witness claim to have seen car (later identified as an unmarked police car) parked opposite the public convenieness. There was one man in the car. He got out of the car and spoke to server-al other men who were in the vicinity.
Our witnesses recognized these other men as being members of the Vice Squad.
A few minutes later the wilness saw Duncan and James struggling by the roadside with the members of the Vice Squad. In the course of the struggle the police dragged Duncan and james, not towards their car, but back down to the water's edge. Minutes later the driver of the unmarked car rushed back to the vehicle.
The mysterious and rapid disappearance of james, even with his broken ankle despite the fact that he gave no indication of his intention to
We may also guess that Jame's disappearance was facilitated by the fact that he is on a two-year good behavior bond for a drug oftence.
If the police are to be left in charge of this case, the the public and the government may well be condoning the use of blackmail and intimidation of homesexuals and others in order to prevent the bringing to justice of the perpestrators of a vicious senseless and wilful crime.
Above: Tame Iti, who was recently arrested for tres-pass in Parliament grounds when he set up a tent to serve as an embassy for the Maori people. Tame's charge was dismissed in court last Friday. The speaker Mr Allen denied lames application to set up his whare, but as he gave no orders for Tame's arrest the police exceeded their duty. They went beyond the pale after the arrest too. In the police station Tame arranged for a friend to contact a lawyer, but he was not allowed to make any calls himself, not even to the people with whom he was staying. Nor would the police grant him bail. They said that there was no one suitable to put up bail. This after numerous people, including an M.P., had offered to stand bail. The police claimed to have been in touch with the Maori Welfare Department whom they said would not trust Tame.
Subsequent investigation has confirmed that the police made no effort at all to contact the Maori Welfare Department.
Tame is free now, and he will not make the same mistake again. His mistake was to demonstrate on his own. Had there been more demonstrators at Parliament or in prison, the police would have not got away with their tactics. Tame has learned...... he will return to par liament and this time he will not be alone.
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Ann Hope is a member of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (N.I.C.R.A.) and an executive member of the Belfast and District Trades Council. She is also a full-time trade union official. Ann was in Wellington at the beginning of last week as part of a tour of New Zealand to tell people what is really going on in Northern Ireland.
Salient has already published a lengthy article exposing the bias in the New Zealand dailies' coverage of events in Northern Ireland over the last three years. The interview with Ann Hope printed here is not intended to be an explanation of the activities of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland. But we think that Ann Hope conveyed the feeling and the passion behind the struggle for justice and democracy in Northern Ireland far better than any analysis we could produce.
If readers want a good explanation of the Irish people's 800 year struggle against British imperialism, we recommend Liam De Paor's book, Divided Ulster, a fairly short Penguin paperback which costs only 85c. Bernadette Devlin's book. The Price of My Soul, is also worth reading. For up to date events in Northern Ireland the British weeklies The Sunday Times and the New Statesman are good reading.
The Wellington Branch of the New Zealand Association for the Support of Democracy in Northern Ireland held a reception for Ann Hope when she arrived in Wellington here at Varsity. One lady from the local Irish community objected to Ann and told us she was just a trouble-maker. Ironically, when Ann spoke at Varsity and when / interviewed her, it became apparent that she was quite moderate in her politics Nevertheless she emphasised all the time that the violence of the I.R.A. could not be understood without understanding the violence of the British army and the violence of a system of housing, voting and job discrimination. The thing that impressed me most from her speech here and the interview was the fact that the struggle for democracy and justice in Northern Ireland has carried on for so long because the ordinary people are behind it — it is their struggle, not the organisational achievement of any revolutionary elite.
With the emphasis we get on violence in Northern Ireland, it is all too easy to overlook other responses to the British and Ulster Unionist oppression. Our papers seldom mention the educational and organising activities of the Civil Rights Association, the hundreds of peaceful marches and strikes and the organising and political activity of the labour movement in both the North and South. They never talk about the massive programmes of civil disobedience through rent strikes and the withholding of gas and electricity payments as well as taxes Perhaps these aspects of the conflict aren't newsworthy; or perhaps the commercial media in New Zealand could be helping to perpetrate the myth fostered by Britain and the Ulster ruling class that the conflict is merely religious in nature. The basis of the conflict is not religious, it is economic. The struggle in Northern Ireland is for justice and democracy, for the basic civil rights we often take for granted here. / began the interview by asking Ann whether she was hoping for too much, in view of the history and present day practice of British imperialism in Northern Ireland, when she had said that massive economic aid was needed from Britain. / asked her if she could expect the British to do anything to help advance the civil rights movement.
Its not so much the civil rights movement, its the whole situation in Northern Ireland. Its costing them money to keep the British troops there - money for compensation, and they're trying to find a way out of it. I think some of them are beginning to realise about the economic conditions in Northern Ireland, about the lack of industry; and they realise that they're not going to get peace unless something is done about the unemployment and the bad housing as well. So at the moment they're trying to appear very generous and liberal and they're trying to woo the people away from civil disobedience and away from support for the I.R.A. They're trying to split the whole democratic movement in two, and one of the ways they do it is to give a little. So while they're prepared to give a little, we're going to get as much out of them as we can. Nobody ever gets anything out of anybody except by negotiation and putting pressure on them and this is what we're doing.
How much popular support have the two wings of the I.R.A. got?
Its not a case of popular support, they've come out of the situation. The IRA are of the people. The majority of them are the sons and the husbands and the brothers of the people living in the ghetto areas. While an awful lot of them may not completely agree with the bombing campaign, they did need the IRA to defend them from attack, and they still think they need the IRA to defend them from attack. So they're not going to give them over to the British soldiers or stop protecting them in this situation. This is the support they have — the support of the people in a defensive measure. They haven't got the support of the people when they're going out bombing and being aggressive.
"The IRA are of the people. Its not a case of the people supporting the IRA. Most of the IRA are the sons and the husbands and the brothers of the people living in the ghetto areas".
From what I've read of even the Provisional' policies, it doesn't seem that they're totally negative. Do you think that because they're a popular force and a local force, the IRA are actually trying to achieve something political or are they just a blind reaction to British oppression?
Most of the Provisional members have just an emotional reaction to British oppression. The people who are supporting them aren't supporting either wing's political policies, no matter what they are. They're supporting them as a defensive measure. They're not delving into what they're putting forward as a political programme; they don't care. Its not a case of politics — party politics as such, when it comes to support for the IRA. It will only be if we get some peace, and people are putting forth their political views that we'll see how much support they've got for those views.
In her book Bernadette Devlin seemed to say that the most important thing was to smash the Unionist Government. Are the Unionists tied up with the British establishment or are they the real obstacle?
Well it was the Conservative and Unionist Party and they were aligned one to the other. The Unionist Party in Northern Ireland was the old aristocracy, the landed aristocracy, and an awful lot of them were hard-headed businessmen. And they had the backing of the Orange Order, this sectarian secret organisation. It wasn't so much the Unionist Party, it was the power they wielded and the fact that they were a discriminatory body. Catholics didn't join the Unionist Party. Although they've had a few members over the years they generally were the upper class variety; they didn't like any of the unwashed working class variety, they wouldn't have been allowed to join. It was this hold over the people, this monopoly that we were determined to break.
At the reception for you here on Saturday night there was a bit of argument from one lady. We were talking to her and she said that the people in Belfast, where she'd just come back from, wanted peace and didn't give a damn what government they were under — they just wanted peace. Is that accurate?
No that's not accurate at all. They want peace o.k. but they don't want peace at any price, they realise that peace at any price is far too dear — you just can't have it. They want peace with justice, and after all the ordinary people are still maintaining the civil disobedience campaign until they get their demands. No matter what we said or didn't say, if the people wanted to pay their rent, they'd pay their rent or pay their rates; we wouldn't be able to do anything about it. But they're not, the people are determined to struggle on. Even those who went to visit Mr White law (British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland since the imposition of direct rule from Westminster in March — ed.) told him that, while they wanted peace in Northern Ireland it was conditional. It was conditional on the ending of the violence of the British army, conditional on getting an end to the repressive legislation and ending internment. The people know what they want.
"No matter what we said or didn't say, if the people wanted to pay their rent, they'd pay their rent. But they're not, the people are determined to struggle on".
You said that the Protestants, especially the Protestant working class were the main problem for White law at the moment. How hard is it, especially as you're in the trade union movement, to show people that there are more advantages in working together rather than dividing up on religious lines?
Its practically impossible, because they don't think logically. You can't appeal to them and give them a reasonable argument and think they'll accept it. They're just a frightened people and fear's making them react the way they are. What do you do in that situation? How do you get across to people that what they have been told for fifty years isn't true; that they're no better off than the Catholic working class, that there's no danger of them being discriminated against in a more just society. They just don't believe you.
Are the trade unions organised on non-sectarian lines?
Yes, completely. Not only on non-sectarian lines, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions serves the whole country, north and south — its a unified trade union movement.
You talked about the Loyalist Workers Association.
This has sprung up — they're trying to win away the allegiance of workers from the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. And to what? They have no alternative really to give workers because the trade union movement is the recognised negotiating body. If these people are fooled into giving their allegiance to the Loyalist Association of Workers, the employers aren't going to meet them, management isn't going to meet them. Whose going to negotiate for them, whose going to get them better wages and conditions? Nobody, and they're going to cut off their noses to spite their faces in the long run. They're going to be much worse off and I think they'll realise this themselves.
One thing that struck me particularly from your comments reported in the 'Dominion' this morning. You were talking about torture and gave one case. "A man was pinned to a table with nails through his ears and British soldiers held two others over electric fires and stamped on them". Could we talk about this a bit because its important to get this sort of thing across to people? The British army, or the S.A.S.. seem to be doing exactly the same thing we read about the South African special police doing.
When the present South African Prime Minister, Vorster was . . . what was Vorster before he became Prime Minister?
Minister of Justice — such a title! He stated that he would give up all the legislation in South Africa if he could only get his hands on the Special Powers Act. There's no doubt that this torture is going on, even White law is now saying its going on — medical evidence is substantiating it. Recently, before I came away, there was a World in Action team over from Britain, and I was going round people who had just been released and who had been tortured with one of their reporters. He was telling me that the cases of people who had been drugged were quite similar. They'd been interviewing people who didn't have a chance to corraborate with each other before hand. They give them a cup of tea or something before they get to the internment camps or barracks and after they get there the walls are coming in on them. This sort of thing, in an attempt to get information out of people who normally don't have information anyway.
"They give them a cup of tea or something before they get to the internment camps and after they get there, the walls are coming in on them."
One encouraging thing you were saying yesterday is that the courts are refusing to accept confessions obviously based on torture. Do you have confidence in the courts as a way of fighting the government?
Not completely because there has been so much bad judgement given from the courts. Sometimes the judges hands were tied or the magistrates hands were tied — it was the bad legislation. Take the cases of the Public Order Act, under which people found in what they call riotous situations or disorderly behaviour situations, were given a mandatory six month sentence. You see the police or the army would bring the charges, and people would appear in court. People who were rioting in Cathotic areas were charged under the Public Order Act and given a six month mandatory sentence. Those who were rioting in the Protestant areas were charged under the Special Powers Act and either fined or let off. This was the way they used the law against people. Sometimes it wasn't up to the judiciary, not that we have an impartial judiciary anyway, but sometimes even their hands were tied with the legislation.
Surely the results of the Scarman and Widgery tribunals, which were to contradictory, mutt have destroyed your confidence in the judiciary?
People went to the tribunals in good faith and gave evidence and all they got was a lot of lies in return. You know they've said that tribunals in Northern Ireland aren't so much a way of finding out the truth as a means of the British Government to cover up the truth. Quickly, right after Derry (the shooting of 13 people by the. British army in Derry during a peaceful demonstration on January 30 — ed.) they announced the Widgery Tribunal and once they had announced it of course it made the whole subject sub judice, and it couldn't be discussed on radio or television or anything. By the time they got around to holding the tribunal or commission they had all their evidence neatly compiled. People just don't have any confidence in British justice as it stands.
"...a couple of hundred boys were down at the barricades stoning soldiers; but none of these people were shot at..."
You were in the march in Derry weren't you?
That's right.
Could you tell us the things that happened to you?
It was like any other march to start with. There were about 25,000 people there and they came down from the Creggan and the Bogside and the different starting points to the city centre to go to the Guildhall Square for the meeting. Of course they had the centre of the town blocked off. So what we did was to swing our marchers back into the Bogside to Free Derry corner to hold our meeting there, and the majority of the marchers came with us. A few, a couple of hundred boys, were down at the barricades stoning soldiers; but none of these people were shot at the barricades stoning soldiers. It was the people who were attending what was by this time a perfectly legal meeting, who were killed. The paratroopers just started shooting all round them, and we just had to fall on our hands and knees and crawl out as best we could.
It seems quite amazing that you can still hold peaceful civil rights demonstrations. There must be a terrific sense of discipline among the people themselves.
Yes, they give allegiance to their ideals and they don't need anybody to keep them marching peacefully. They don't need the British army to steward their parades. They want peace and they want justice, and after all they've been marching in parades for nearly four years now, its nothing new to them. They know all the tactics that are going to be used against them and they know that non-violence is a good weapon and they're using it back. Its a disciplined political action.
What actual weapons are the British army using against you?
They're very well equipped. They've got these SLR self-loading rifles. When the bullet hits part of your body it does some damage to your nervous system. They're equipped with rubber bullets, these are about nine inches long, pieces of solid rubber one foot five inches in circumference. They can do a lot of damage when they hit you especially when they're fired at point blank range. Then some of the soldiers cut lumps out of the bullets and stick in bits of glass or pennies to make them more effective. They're using CS—gas, firing cannisters into built-up areas; they have a bad effect on people with chest or lung complaints. They have the Saracen armoured cars and the Saladin tanks and the ferret cars, Stirling sub machine guns — I mean you name it, they have it. Its all being used against us; in fact its like a testing ground. We've got the advanced technology of death free gratis and for nothing being used in Northern Ireland.
Has there been any weakening of the strength of the civil rights moment because the IRA has come in?
No, not really. You mean people have been giving their allegiance to the violent campaign rather than the nonviolent campaign. Not really, our platform is non-party political and we put forward a set of demands which are basically justice and democracy and there's no argument with these demands from any section of the community. It doesn't mean people are not giving political allegiance to other groups and organisations, but there's no argument with our demands and they're supporting our demands as well.
What's the IRA's view of the Civil Rights Association?
They've never worked actively agains't us. Because if we get civil rights for the community its as much in their interests as anybody else's. Then they will at last have the freedom to put forward their political aims and objectives. They've never had that freedom.
Could you tell us the way people are running their own affairs in the 'no-go' area in Derry?
They have street committees to look after things on the street and they have local communities to look after the running of things in the area, such as the allocation of relief monies to families who have men interned. They help with transport to the different internment camps, they look after children, they run functions and social evenings and gatherings inside the 'no-go' areas. Its just people coming together as best they can to exist in the situation. There's no public transport after a certain hour at night and there's no entertainment anyway — maybe the cinemas and dance halls are open but nobody goes to them. There's no social life, so they're having to provide a social life. They're trying to keep things running as normally as possible in a difficult situation. This is their main job and this is what they're doing.
"Whenever things were going better for you all they had to do was to set out the old sectarian call and use the threat of violence and that quietened you for another wee while."
For some peculiar reason they feel it necessary to cover up their taces. I don't know why, they may think that they're intimidating people, but if we haven't been intimidated by the British army, people who feel it necessary to cover up their faces aren't going to intimidate us. They're the ones who have threatened to set up the 'no-go' areas., who are threatening death and destruction all over Northern Ireland. We have had shots of them on television, setting up the areas behind their own barricades, drilling and training and so on. This is what we're being shown at the moment. Of course if this had happened in the Catholic areas the army would have been in hell for leather and beaten you, but they don't seem to be bothering. We're not advocating that the army go in and beat anybody, we've had enough of it, but again its this one-sidedness of the situation.
How likely is it that these extremist groups will get a very large following among Protestant people who are prepared to go to the extreme?
They'll get the following all right, they've got it at the moment simply because the Protestant people have lost all sense of direction and don't know what's happening. The proroguing of Stormont was a great shock to them. It depends on what sort of a stand Mr White law's going to take and how firm he's going to be in putting down this sort of thing. The Catholic population have always been intimidated by extreme Unionists. Whenever things were going better for you all they had to do was to set out the old sectarian call and use the threat of violence and that quietened you for another wee while. Mr White law's going to have to deal with it — he and the British army. Its their problem. As I've already said about the 120,000 gun licenses, he's going to have to take the guns off them. He's going to have to revoke the licenses and just take the guns off them. There's no other way forward.
It seems a bit silly to talk about long-term solutions but is reunification something you're working to as a very long-term solution?
Well it isn't part of N.I.C.R.A.'s policy. That's not to say that a lot of people don't believe in reunification or that we don't say that reunification is eventually going to come It is sometime, probably a lot later than sooner but it is eventually going to come. It won't be the last solution as regards problems in Ireland; but as regards the sectarianism and the present sort of problems that exist, that'll be the solution to them. But its a very long way ahead.
Do you think its possible for Protestant people to realise that if Ireland is reunited in the long run, it won't mean that Catholics are going to get their own back on them?
This is probably part of their fear at the moment, but they just have to look at the Protestant minority in the twentysix counties. Its a very small minority but at the same time they've never been discriminated against because they're Protestants, and they've never been denied positions of public prominence because they're Protestants. Quite recently an awful lot of them in the south signed a letter and sent it to all the northern people stating that their religion was no barrier to them in obtaining positions.
How strong is the Catholic church in having a hold over people?
I think this is a myth really. It doesn't have that much of a hold over people. On a religious basis, on religious doctrine people give their allegiance to the Catholic church. Politically I think its minimal, especially in the north at the minute. That's not to say that people won't listen if they get a sane policy coming from their leaders in the Catholic Church, but they're not dominated or controlled or run by them. They're making the decisions for themselves.
Has the hierarchy of the Catholic Church generally been an obstacle to the civil rights movement?
Not so much the civil rights movement, but there's always been the division in Ireland between the hierarchy and even the movements for independence. They were continuously excommunicated or condemned when they used violence, this is just part of the nature of things. Once upon a time under the penal laws in Ireland it was a criminal offence to be a Catholic priest and Catholic priests were on the run. We've always said that since Catholic priests came off the run, it was a mortal sin for anyone else to go onto it. As far as civil rights go, the civil rights were not just for Catholic rights, but the discrimination was against the Catholic population. The church are very much against the stand taken by the IRA and they are very much against the violence, but if they spoke out a bit more against the violence that came from Stormont or the violence that comes from the British army, maybe people would listen to them a wee bit more.
Do they not do this because they're in a fairly privileged position as it is, and the church doesn't have to fight for anything to its own advantage?
Well why they don't do it your guess is as good as mine. They probably haven't spoken out more over the years because in Northern Ireland they felt themselves in a secure position as far as the church went. There was no obstacle to them building Catholic schools or running churches — there was freedom to practise religion, and I suppose as far as they were concerned this was the only freedom they were worried about. Its not all the priests — many of them have been very active in the civil rights movement and the political parties as well; as individuals not as priests.
"People can give allegiance to civil rights without having to follow a definite political line."
On the other side the Protestant churches, have they got a greater hold over people?
No, nobody's listening to any priest at the minute no matter what side they come from. The Protestant churches have a part to play as well, but they have been terribly silent on the whole matter. Very rarely do they come out and say anything.
Does your organisation, the Civil Rights Association get its main support from Derry and Belfast?
No, its a six county organisation. Its divided into local branches and the branches form regional branches. Fourteen of the executive are elected at the Annual General Meeting, using a system of proportional representation actually, and the other eight members are regional representatives, to make sure that every part of the country gets a vote on the executive. Of course the members make the policy, we only administer it. The members make the policy at AGMs and at various regional meetings and things like this.
From 1967-8 when the civil rights campaign really started has the civil rights movement fallen off in support at any time or has it steadily built in support?
Oh it fluctuates. Its not a case of the support not being there. There are times when we need a call for action and we get the action. It depends on how bad the violence is or what has actually hap, pened. But as far as actual membership has gone, its steadily grown. Affiliation has steadily grown, especially with the civil disobedience campaign. It depends on the situation for the sort of support we get on the streets. Maybe the best way to do it is not to count heads; but if you want to look at the demonstrations and marches that have gone on especially since internment, the marches that have had the most support, the demonstrations that have turned out thousands and thousands have been the ones we've called. Mainly because people can give their allegiance to civil rights without having to politically involve themselves or follow a definite political line. It is a mass movement.
Is it possible that this mass movement could become more political?
I don't think so. I mean our demands are political, they're not party political, they're political demands. All mass movements have a limited life and eventually if we do get a democratic system in Northern Ireland, our role will be less and less important. Then the political parties will probably take over and start putting out their own definite political line. We don't see ourselves as being in existence for ever and ever.
Is the Alliance Party the sort of party, with the Social Democratic Labour Party, that would attract a lot of the mass support?
Yes, you'll get a lot of liberal Protestants who realise that the Unionist Party's not coming back who'll give their support to the Alliance Party. The majority of Catholics will still give their support to the Social Democratic and Labour Party, so these are going to be the two main political forces in the future. I may be wrong, but I think that when things settle down, this is what will happen."
Just a small point related to that. The few representatives you've got in Westminster seem to be completely isolated. Is it really any good them being there?
Well why not. When they're there their voice is being heard even if its just scratching Maudling's face to get attention. They're not their own, there's the Labour Party there, and they're aligned with the Labour Party on very many issues. They're three more votes against bad legislation in Britain that affects people. Of course they're essential, I mean representation every where's essential. Its more that we want not less.
"The government is not representing the people's views. We've no representation. In fact its gone from one man, one vote, to one man no vote."
Is Ian Paisley's idea of integration with Britain acceptable to you in any possible way or is it really not what you want?
No its not. Our programme is for more democracy in Northern Ireland, integration means less because you've got less representation. Proroguing of Stormont was undemocratic, even though we were glad to see the Unionist Party broken; but this was not what we visualised, we wanted a more democratic Stormont. We wanted a parliament where all the people could make their voices heard, where they could get things done. Westminster in the future isn't going to be that particular about providing employment for Northern Ireland, local government will. They'll bring the employment in, they'll be interested in people. And in a more democratic Stormont the Protestant people would have been attracted more to wards an Irish oriented way of life than a British-oriented way of life. It would have been a step towards a lot more freedom in Northern Ireland and it may have eased reunification when it came But we've got no representation now at all. We've got White law as Secretary of State and we have four other Tory Government Ministers taking over ministerial positions in Northern Ireland. They've now got this commission to advise them. Its only an advisory commission, they don't have to take their advice and they probably won't. Its probably just a sop. They've got to make up their own minds. White law is a very astute politician and he dosn't need a commission to tell him what's going on. Its undemocratic. Who appointed the commission — he did. People didn't have a say in it. They're not representing the people's views and surely this is what matters. We've no representation. In fact its gone from one man, one vote to one man, no vote.
Our paper has tried to pick out biases in the press here and as far as I can see the one-sided story we get here is pretty much the same as people get in Britain. How bad is this suppression of the truth?
Alot of it is suppression, a lot of it they don't want to get out. A lot of it is just downright ignorance because the pressmen don't go out and around Belfast to find out what's going on. They sit up in their hotels and ring up the British army headquarters and ask the army information officer — he gives them a story and they print it. Of course what they want to hear about is the violence and the bombing and the shootings. They're not interested in non-violence or constructive action. They want what's going to sell their newspaper and at the same time they don't want to do anything to upset the British Government. We're getting a mixture of those two attitudes.
I was reading an article in 'Ramparts', an American paper, today and they were placing great emphasis on the popular support for the Provisionals. After listening to you that seems to be a bit misdirected, so possibly the Left as well as the Right is reading the things it wants into the situation?
Quite possibly. Lots of people tend to look upon things as they want to see them, not as they actually are. Lots of people are looking on the violence in Northern Ireland as coming from all the people. Lots of people have been talking about revolutionary situations in Northern Ireland — this couldn't be further from the truth. People have to defend their very lives against aggression, they're not in revolutionary situations. They're trying to make sure they stay alive. I think other people are just fooling them selves when they're talking about socialist revolutions or any other sort of revolutions in Northern Ireland — its not the issue.
I've noticed that some Irish people talk very warmly about the British Labour Government and very scathingly about the British Tory Government. It seems fair enough to speak scathingly about the Tory Government but was the Labour Government all that much help to the civil rights movement?
Yes and no. They're more sympathetic to the idea of civil rights and they wouldn't follow the same policy of repression, they were trying to do something. They may have fallen short in a lot of ways, but it wasn't the same opposition. The people thought that with the British Labour Government they may have got some redress but unfortunately they weren't in power long enough for this to happen. The Tory Government of course is the ally of the Unionist Party, they're one in the same party. They weren't going to act in the interests of the people, they were going to act in the interests of the Tory and Unionist Party.
Has there been much public sympathy in Britain for the civil rights movement or have people been fairly apathetic?
There's been a lot of sympathy and support from the trade union and Labour movements but then we've been sending speakers round these areas. A lot of people just look upon it as Catholic and Protestant fighting each other and their soldiers are there keeping us apart. Their soldiers happen also to be their relatives, and so they don't view the situation very favourably when some of them are getting killed. There's a lot of apathy as well of
Because of the one-sided picture we get here, we hear very little about the extremist Protestant organisations that use violence. Could you tell us about them?
There are several. We've got this so-called Vanguard Movement which is run by Bill Craig who is an ex-Minister of Home Affairs. We have the Loyalist Association of Workers which we've already touched on and we have the Ulster Defence Association. This Ulster Defence Association is a pretty recent one and they've taken to patrolling the Protestant areas at night — setting up barricades and checking cars coming into the area. They had a very large demonstration through the streets of Belfast recently; about ten thousand of them marching in military style.
"If they would all write letters to the papers about the situation in Northern Ireland — to get around the paper wall of propaganda that's been built up."
What things can we do here in New Zealand to help you, if anything?
We've already been asking people, in the Irish community, to keep hammering away. If they all write letters to the papers about the situation in Northern Ireland; a deluge of them will make the papers print them in the end — to get around the paper wall of propaganda that's been built up. We're asking people to support the demonstrations that the civil rights support groups here hold, to pass resolutions at their trade union branches and to forward them on to people in Northern Ireland, to put pressure on their own government and the British Government to legislate for a Bill of Rights — this sort of thing. This support is very necessary.
You mentioned a bill of rights, has anything specific been drawn up?
Yes, already an attempt's been made to introduce it both in the House of Commons and the House of Lords. The introduction of it was only rejected by about forty-one votes the last time, so its going to have a second introduction. When you think it took the Race Relations bill several times to be introduced before it was eventually made law; we're not downhearted because it wasn't taken up the first time. But its a lengthy process, its a long process. This is why if we get the pressure we'll probably get it introduced right away and make certain things legal or illegal. Its just asking for the same sort of standards that exist in Britain and the wiping out of all that repressive legislation — making it illegal to discriminate and that sort of thing. That's essential to provide the basis for better government.
Economically Northern Ireland is in a hell of a position. Do you think that if you get the civil rights you want you can improve the economic position?
Well they're going to have to go side by side, one with the other, because as we keep saying your civil rights and your justice are no good to you if you still have to emigrate to look for work, or you haven't got a job or you've got a bad house.
"The foundation of every state is the education of its youth" — Diogenes(412-323BC)
Dacca University and Bangladesh have remained inseparable in the thinking of people in a somewhat peculiar way. No parallel could be found of similar development in India, Pakistan, Britain or in New Zealand. No one in Bangladesh can think of the country separately from Dacca University, as no one can conceive of Dacca University without some reference to Bangladesh. For instance, Mr. Nurud Din Ahmad, an alumnus of Dacca University, ex-member of the Pakistan Police wrote to me sometime ago in his usual unemotional language:
"As you may be aware, as a result of nine months of inhuman atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army this beautiful country suffered collossal loss, so vast that no country in the history of mankind has been called upon to face such gigantic problems relating to rehabilitation of suffering humanity and reconstructing the totally shattered economy. This University also suffered terrible losses ... it will be difficult for the University to fill up the vacancies caused by the shaheed (martyred) teachers."
Mr Nurud Din Ahmad places the University's problems in the context of those of the country, necessarily makes understatement somewhat, of the losses suffered by the University.
Dr Muzaffer Ahmed Choudhuri, Vice-Chancellor on the other hand, points out the baffling problems which he as head of the Institution is called upon to shoulder.
"The University of Dacca is confronted with a vast variety of problems of unexampled complexity. I shall give you some instances:
- 19 of my colleagues, 1 medical officer and 26 other employees of the University were killed. We are called upon to look after their families. We shall do it, come whatever may.
- Nearly 60per cent of the students of this University joined the liberation struggle. A good number of them were killed in the process. The hated Pakistan Army in most cases killed their parents and other relatives. Their houses and properties were burnt down. In essence most of them have been rendered destitute. They have nothing to fall back upon. The main problems with them are:
- The question of feeding; and
- The question of supplying them with books.
- Then there is the question of repairing the damage done to the various buildings of the University.
All these would cost us around R40 million (1 NZ$ would make 8.506 Taka i.e. Bangladesh rupee).
Looking after the families of the deceased members of the University staff is not a usual practice anywhere, but for Dacca University this is not new. In the past the burden used to be shared jointly by the University and by members of the staff, and they were never called upon to look after 46 families all at the same time. Normally there used to be one case in so many years. Looking after meant, providing for education of dependents, maintenance for the family until the children became earners of bread themselves and were thought fit to take care of the widow, who used to be provided with a permanent shelter. The responsibility has now extended by-yond all proportions to include, for the first time in history, a large section of the population, particularly those students who lost their father or guardian to them and provide for their maintenance and education. (The social Security of the traditional rural society has been rudely shaken during the last four decades, and no institutional 'social security' has yet taken its place in Bangladesh. It is also true that even now, as last year, the villages offered shelter in grave emergency and helped cities to be deserted very quickly, thus minimising loss of life and converting every village home into a centre of resistance to the common enemy. It was possible because almost everybody had a rural base in addition to his city life but this link is also fast disappearing.)
Although medical service and medicines were always free at the state run hospitals and clinics - Dacca University has, from its inception, half a century ago, always maintained a special medical service for students and for staff and their families, which has been totally free, except for the teachers and other higher paid staff who were required to pay only the cost price of the medicine. (Unlike New Zealand, Bangladesh has no national health service; not yet).
It would be a mistake, however, to regard this inseparable link between Dacca University and Bangladesh only as a recent phenomenon or as due to the shared experience of last year's tragedy. One may see this link as a historical one, dating back to the inception of the Dacca University Act.
When founded it was being looked upon as a belated consolation given to East Bengal for the loss of its identity as a separate province (which included Assam) and with capital at Dacca. Viewed in this light the origin of Dacca University may be traced back to the partition of Bengal in
In
By the twenties of this century the first results of the
New pressure began to build for more Muslim Halls in Dacca University and Fazlul Haq Muslims Hall was the answer of the pre-
The social legislations of the late twenties and early thirties had improved the lot of the Bengal peasant (80% Muslim) by giving him right to his land and by relieving him of the enormous debts in which he was born, in which he lived and with which he died. (Mainly the services rendered by Nawab Ali Choudhuri, A.K. Fazlul Huq and Khwaja Nazizm ud Dim). The Act of
Dacca University became an important centre of Pakistan movement, although most of the leadership was then based in Calcutta, then capital of the Province. (Shaikh Mujib was at Islamia College before
The vision of Pakistan for which Dacca University academics and Bangladeshis had prepared the country was to have two regions - in which both regions, were supposed to have, as Fazlul Haq's resolution no. 3 of Bangasam was reduced to 2/3rd of Bengal only and the most underdeveloped part at that. Pakistan also began developing its unitary character, at the cost of the eastern wing.
There was no time for debate in
Between
While its direct educational responsibilities decreased with the growth of new universities it gradually assumed new role of national leadership.
By February
Without blaming anyone the academics re-opened the issue and regional autonomy became a much discussed topic in the Dacca University campus by
Not without reason did Yahya Khan make Dacca University his first target of military assault in the midnight of
If the academics gave the idea, the students carried the idea into execution. This explains his vengeance against the students as well. The flag under which the liberation forces fought the Pakistanis last year was hastily devised by a student in one of the Halls of Dacca University and was universally accepted as the national symbol. (Only the map part of the flag has now been omitted for the sake of convenience.)
It is doubtful if the country would have reacted in the manner it did if there were no attacks on Dacca University. (Previous to 25 March there were more killings in Chittagong and in Rangpur, but there was hardly any extra-ordinary reaction to that.) Yahya's severe steps in Dacca were merely precautionary to prevent any disagreeable situation arising out of attack on Dacca University.
If there is any doubt about the significance of the attack on Dacca University, one may perhaps refer to the first stamps issued by Bangladesh Government in
That Mr Abu Sayed Choudhuri is now the first President of Bangladesh is not because he has been a senior Judge of the High Court, but because of his 2 year association with Dacca University as its Vice-Chancellor (he was educated at Calcutta and appointed Vice-Chancellor by Yahya Khan's government.) Vice-Chancellor Choudhuri had overshadowed his other self as Senior Judge of the High Court.
History has linked Dacca University with Bangladesh in an inseparable manner. As in the past Dacca University assisted by all the other universities which it has helped develop, will be required to guide the future destiny of Bangladesh, which in its present showing is not rosy. Their most urgent problem now is physical survival.
On March 3rd, the General Secretary of World University Service began a seven day visit to Bangladesh. During this time he was involved in discussions with Government officials, university administrators, and student leaders on the topic of Educational Rehabilitation. What follows is an edited version of his report which led to the formulation of the five-point plan for educational rehabilitation in Bangladesh. This plan is the basis of the current appeal.
The joy and enthusiasm following the independence of Bangladesh is now coupled with a sense of realism and solidarity so vital in facing the enormous problems confronting the new nation. The tragic consequences of the armed supression has left its mark on every family in Bangladesh. Apart from the 10 million who sought refuge in India, nearly twice that number were uprooted within Bangladesh.
The problems facing the Government of Bangladesh, especially those associated with rehabilitation are enormous, complex, and urgent. The Government has decided that the following rehabilitation schemes should be implemented immediately.
The return and welfare of refugees
The securing and distribution of food
The restoration of communication and transport.
The restoration of public health and engineering.
The rehabilitation of education.
In such programmes emphasis will be given to rural reconstruction where most of the damage occured.
Educational Institutes and the intelligentsia were the prime targets of the Pakistani army the Razakas and the Badar Bahini. Amongst intellectuals, teachers and lecturers were prime targets At Dacca University, for instance, 19 lecturers were shot. In rural areas, damage to life and property was considerably worse, but as yet no figures are available. If a village was suspected of assisting freedom fighters, or housing the parents of freedom fighters, it was totally or partially destroyed, and the residents harassed or killed. A typical example is the fate of the Shajahanpur Railway School on the outskirts of Dacca. This school of 26 teachers and 900 students was completely destroyed because it was suspected of being a hideout.
At Dacca University, in addition to the 19 lecturers killed, 27 other university employees were shot, and, as a consequence of a rampage through the Halls of Residence by the Pakistani army, 125 students were killed. These students were shot in cold blood, then carried by fellow students to the open ground in front of the Hall and buried in quickly dug graves. The students who carried their colleagues were in turn shot.
About 60% or 6,000 of the students who were at Dacca joined the freedom fighters, and many of these lost their lives in the fighting. When the University opened in February of this year about 65% of students had returned.
In addition to life and property, extensive damage and destruction was done to educational equipment and library books. At the Agricultural University at Mymersingh, for instance, a seven year research project in the poultry section which was bringing in a new breed of poultry was brought to nought by killing the poultry. At the same place all furniture, books and clothing were thrown into the courtyard and burned. Similarly, of two shipments of scientific and educational equipment recently ordered by Jahangirnager University one was destroyed, the other diverted to Karachi. Again all the slide-rules and instrument boxes at Dacca University were totally destroyed. That University is also reported as having lost 25,000 books.
As a consequence of the army crack-down, many students and teachers were forced to flee, leaving behind all their possessions. When they later returned they found their houses ransacked, and everything valuable destroyed. In several cases life long savings of the teachers were destroyed A similar fate befell the property of students left behind in Halls of Residence. Thus, these students who have now returned have little more than the clothes that they stand up in.
During the fighting a number of the students contracted diseases such as smallpox and scabies The necessary shots for cure and immunisation are not available locally. There is, therefore, great need to supply medicaments and medical supplies to stabilize the health of the student community.
Of the many schemes which need implementing probably the most important is financial support to university students. It is estimated that at present only about 10% can take care of their expenses. The rest will require full or partial support. It is estimated that each student will require at least $NZ20 per month to cover his basic needs, and at least a further $50 for clothes, stationery and minimum personal requirements. For students at colleges and schools it is estimated that an ad hoc grant of $30 for each college student and $15 for each school pupil for personal requirements. At present the Government of Bangladesh is supporting college students and school pupils at $4 and $2 per month respectively. The magnitude of the problem can be judged from the fact that there were before the war 30,000 primary schools with 6 million pupils, 6,000 secondary schools with 1.35 million pupils, 300 colleges with 235,000 students and 6 universities with 20,000 students. So far W.U.S. has provided $10,000 (contributed by Australia's W.U.S.) to assist students. In anticipation of receiving money from other sources the Universities have approved money to provide immediate ad hoc grants for some students. Money will be channelled into student health services.
The second item is the re-equipment of schools and colleges with apparatus, teaching aids and library books. Many sets of multiple copies of books (up to 300) are required. The main problem in acquiring such objects is shortage of foreign exchange. It is possible that many books will be given directly. Already the U.K. committee of W.U.S. have sent $5,000 worth of physics laboratory equipment. UNESCO have also indicated that they would be pleased to assist is text book purchase.
It is also worth noting that the Bangladesh University students themselves have been keen to assist in the re-establishing of the colleges and primary schools.
The target of the present W.U.S. Appeal is to raise $200,000 for Bangladesh on a world wide basis. This money will be directed in the following manner:-
We believe that these objectives are realistic, and the assistance is absolutely vital. We are assured of full co-operation of university authorities, Government administration and student leaders. It is now over to us to support this new country in its early days as it struggles for survival.
Early 13th century: Hindu Sena dynasty overthrown by Pathan invaders under Muhammad-ibn-Bakhtiyar. Muslim rule begins in Bengal.
December: Awami League win 98% of Last Pakistan's seats, and an absolute majority in the National Assembly. Bhutto's People's Party wins 60% of West Pakistan's seats running on vague programme of "Islamic socialism". Pro-Moscow branch of National Awami Party under Khan Abdul Wali Kahn Kahn wins majorities in the western states of West Pakistan, and demands economic autonomy.
Bangladesh government-in-exile formed in Calcutta under Tzjuddin Ahmed.
Experience:
If their workloads are too great, students cannot give sufficient time to participation in the first two functions therefore:
Policy: I will initiate a detailed review of the Credit system to insure that it provides flexibility rather than increases workloads (as it happens when each course is treated like a whole unit).
Policy: I will give full support to the
If the University is to be an effective agent of social change the staff (and a greater number of students) must be mobilised.
Policy: To hold discussions with the Staff Club and take action to encourage staff to mix more with students and to join with students in working for social change.
At present activity to implement SRC policy on Vietnam, the Tour and Military Service is at a satisfactory high level
Policy:To vigorously support HART and OHMS and any action which I consider productive, aimed at implementing SRC policy.
In general as your Man Vice-President during the next six months I will ease the administrative load of the President and support students working to improve the Students Association contribution to the three functions outlined at the beginning.
Sports Officer on present Executive; Student Representative on Professorial Board; Member Publications Board; Representative on University Sports Council; Delegate to NZUSC; Finance and Representation Organizer NZUSC Deputy Club Captain VUWASC; NZU Waterpolo Representative; (2) Victoria University "Blues" Awards.
It is my intention to conscientiously support the following programme and policies:
Vuwsa: Student's Representative Council, if it is to be regarded seriously must become more effective. In particular I advocate an
University Union: Only judicious and efficient use of Union facilities will counteract the present situation of low Maintenance budgets and rising food prices.
Accommodation: Accommodation is essentially government's responsibility.
Imperative that living and working conditions of students be of sufficient standard to enable them to make the most of their opportunity and ability for higher education.
Association funds which are at present invested in the Short Term Money Market to be deployed more usefully into funds which directly benefit students - such as loans for the new student flats complex in Talavera Tce. This item must remain as first priority for any executive in the immediate future.
National And International Affairs: No contact with South Africa so long as the present racial policies of that country's government exist.
University: Health and Welfare services to be improved, particularly in the field of Creche facilities.
I believe the above proposals convey a realistic and responsible approach to the problems which students are currently faced with on this campus.
The position of Man's Vice-President is a post very much ill-defined on the Executive. However, it will call of me to give support to the President, and share in some of the menial tasks in his work.
I am a second year Arts student. Not cast in any mould of allegiance to politics - student or external. I hold a policy though, which will be implemented only by the wish of the student voters.
On Campus
I advocate open structured tutorials for pursuing research work run by the students. This would be more effective in fostering interest in the course of study. Work for the course; rather than the lectures talking at you.
Accommodation is severely acute. Shall press for further action on accommodation.
Creche should be offered Government finance, as part of University Welfare. Must be closer to the University.
Off Campus
French Tests opposition should be endorsed. Students should act on suggestions to man vessels sailing into the test area as visible means of protest.
Anti-war Mobilisation should be supported earnestly. To keep in focus the protest of opposing war, - whoever it be fought by. Goal; Withdrawal of all foreign forces from Indo-China.
The Springbok tour should never eventuate. With S.A.'s present Apartheid policies, this issue can never be fought too vigourously. We must differentiate between our like of rugby as a sport; and our means to object to racial repression (ie. Apartheid).
As a Conscientous Objector I stand against Compulsory Military Service and support 'OHMS' in abolishing the act. Having been-balloted, I have yet to be called to the Tribunal to justify my objection.
The University should never be an Ivory Tower. It should serve as a centre to a wider community.
I offer the above, and myself, to the vote.
I am a 4th year BCA student majoring in Business Administration. Over the past years I have held the following positions:
July
Editor 'Berita MSSA'.
Accordingly, I have set squarely on the peripheral of students activities. And have come to feel that the greatest problem which students have to face is our apathy - resulting from our disunity. We must accept the fact that we are hopelessly disunited. A minority which is splintered into many sections must necessarily be ineffective. At the same time we want a more humane and equal society, we want a campus that really works. A campus where we can pursue our individual goals, where everybody has a decent hope to do so, and the chance for an education to give him a fuller life. Yet we stand uninvolved. This is why I am sounding the call for unity for total involvement and co-operation.
This is my main objective in seeking the position for vice-president. For I feel the said can only be acheived by a closer co-operation with all sectors of community and I intend to do my utmost to ensure that at least one voice is heard and we do get a square deal. Campus being a multi-racial society we cannot operate or exist by ourselves, particularly when we are a minority, we must be able to get people spending as much intelligent thought and sweat on the development of 'higher-values' - such as men's character and ability to live with his brother man, instead of developing his worth, his power and his scientific knowledge that our presently 'education-meal-ticket-system does.
To be effective, therefore, we cannot stand on the sidelines and cry we are neutral for we are a part of the whole. The fuller the commitment, the greater will be our strength. Sitting on the fence is the surest way to political cultural and social oblivion, if not extinction.
Perhaps just another voice against the mighty wall!
fiona mcalpine is too busy producing the play of daniel to write election manifestoes, but she sends her horoscope for readers to study, and points out that the sun in virgo in the third house will make her an efficient officer and member of exec, and cancer rising and venus in libra show an artistic disposition, she is immodest enough to suggest that this is the ideal combination for a cultural affairs officer.
Byron is a 3rd year BCA-BA student who has taken an active interest in both Cultural and Sporting Student Affairs.
At present he holds the following positions:
Byron states:
"If elected:
"I have no political affiliations and am standing purely from the viewpoint of interest in Cultural Affairs."
In the four years I've been around this campus the community spirit has never seemed so low as at present. Unfortunately it coincides with an election year in which the grand ole party is determined to make political meat out of us on the issues of law and order (of Macready's contrived experience on the Auckland campus) and governmental spending on education (of Muldoon). In addition the world we're growing into urgently demands our commitment on the environmental issues (and for me Indo-China is one of these)
My vote on executive will go towards a strong unified campus voice in the NZ community.
This campus is rapidly losing its soul under the combined onslaught of the increasing roll (with its ridiculous overcrowding problems), the matchbox building designs proposed, the new exam system, the lack of strong leadership by exec., Muldoon's concept of the role of the varsity and the insidious stiffening of public opinion under his influence whilst we at Vic do not positively and publicly oppose his narrow merchantilist ideas.
My actions as Cultural Affairs Officer will be directed to promoting a sense of unity and community on the campus through the avenues which the position provides - to encouraging people to think beyond their own little career-goals to the wider issues which if left to themselves will engulf us all - to convincing people that these developments won't be reversible later - to ACT NOW.
I believe that the obligation of all the arts today is to intensify, to alter, perceptual awareness and consciousness of the world in which we live. (John Cage, Joe Byrd, and many others) So I propose the implementation of a concept of theatre new to Vic activities - a concept which has little to do with a theatre building or amateur dramatics - but involves People in unselfish participation in loosely-structured multi-faceted Live Events in the Union Hall in the winter and in the Bot. Gardens in the summer.
My concern would be to help the Creche and projects like that on and off the campus: The Big House is the sort of enterprise which builds the spirit I seek.
I've been on the campus long enough to know my way around, to have gained the experience necessary for this job. The enthusiasm I have anyway.
Pierre is an Arts student who is at present:
Encourages and promote the cultural ideas of students with the intention of creating a "university community" appealing in a multi-media sense. Special emphasis would be directed at the aesthetic and creative arts. Encouragement would be directed at
The Cultural Affairs Officer also plays a role in political policy and administrative decisions of the executive.
Policy in this field would include:
At present NZUAC have plans to invite the Australian Dance theatre, a cartoonist and political speaker. I fully support this participation at present not only includes those given, but also contact with a group in the USA in order to bring some activity here.
I believe there is too much dead wood in the Student Association. Action is vital. I would continue to organize such activities such as a Cultural Clubs Day which I have already initiated.
The sleeping Student Association needs to be awoken.
Que fait xáos? xáos? existe
La plus belle decouverte de
Lo! thy dread empire, xáos? restor'd,
Light dies before thy uncreating word.
Thy hand, great Anarch! lets the curtain fall;
And universal darkness buries All.
I am standing for this position for several reasons - the main ones being an interest in a) the particular position
I am not a greatly political person, neither radical nor conservative, but basically a realist. A second year student with no pre-determined course of study and life style, I am part of no present elite in varsity and do not intend to become part of any of them am anti-apartheid, anti-american and communism, pro-ecology action, anti-war, against much of our present social life style in NZ. These are my views and not simply going along with other students.
In these elections vote for somebody whoever the hell it is.
Publications are very often taken for
I am against violence in protest
Don is a third year B.A. student majoring in Anthropology. His sporting background includes:-
Don is also secretary of the Student Anti-war Committee and a member of H.A.R.T. He was a founder of the Food Co-op and is still a committee member. Don would attempt to do the following as sports officer:-
Don realises that on this campus politics are in sport for keeps, as the Sports Officer is a fully operative member of the executive and is required to make political decisions. Accommodation problems and the open entry to university connected to the Muldoonist degree factory thinking are felt by Don to be executive concerns. He is also a member of OHMS, an organisation dealing with the most immediate political concern at Vic. for many students.
He believes that S.R.C. should be convened more often to facilitate student participation in attempts to solve these problems and cites the PBEC reaction as showing how the executive can become divorced from student opinion.
His main concern on executive would be to improve the sporting facilities on campus and to make University sport rather more of a student activity than it is at present.
The reasons why I am standing for Sports Officer can be divided into two groups:
Primarily I am actively interested in sports in the university and am an active member of the Tramping Club also a not so active member of Billiards Club. Sport, is an activity which involves a large number of the "silent majority" and those who radicles might consider the "apathetics" who do not elsewhere have their interests represented.
If elected I would promote all existing and new sports activities to the limit of the sports council budget and try to increase that budget.
The situation of non-VUWSA members using club facilities has been reasonably resolved but should be supervised carefully with a note of subsidy rates per club members being taken and considered when grants are prepared.
I agree with substantial contributions to National body affiliations but I do not agree with clubs having excessive social accounts without some consideration being given to this when club grants are approved.
My last promise is to make life hell for clubs who don't advertise their activities so as many students as possible know of whats happening and can join in.
The other reasons for standing for sports officer regard the position on Exec. Generally examples of mismanagement and bungling are getting common.
An issue I do want to push at Exec is a matter on the establishment of a Book Shop — to save me and other students from the Rip off merchants we are now forced to deal with to buy new books.
For the record: Vietnam for the Vietnamese only.
Racist Sport is political as surely as racism is. All regular means of political protest is definitely on.
Ecology — Right on — Keep those beer cans rolling. Action is necessary
Creche — Most students dont know how great kids are. I want to see more pressure for creche on campus. But I can't agree with our President who reckons its not our problem. As a group of members of VUWSA they have a good case for a grant.
If you like the above — vote John Bums. If you don't come to forum and throw some shit.
Sports Officer: Trevor Mallard 2nd Year BA in Economics.
In
As a cricket player I realize the great attractions of subsidised piss-ups, but students will not accept subsidising non-student hangovers. Too many non-students are still reaping the effects of student grants. The finances and the people using them of all sport clubs should be looked at very care fully. Non-students are still paying student rates to sports clubs as well as the great numbers of both students and non-students who do not pay subscriptions, this means that there are huge defecits in clubs accounts which are met by Studass grants, the point is that these grants are subsidizing the endless "wines and cheeses" and after match functions which sporting students seem to live for.
Sports clubs are run on large Studass grants. It is only sensible that they shoud serve the wishes of the students. Apartheid and subsidised piss are left-wing communist subersive measures to undermine the student control of student sport. If these are allowed to remain then the whole foundations of student sport will be threatened. Don't let the rot in, join the SS and vote Mallard now.
Whilst I am standing for the position of Sports Officer, it must be appreciated by students, that the position like all Executive appointments is one of discussing all matters coming before Executive and therefore must be regarded as Political rather than a pure responsibility portfolio.
As Sports Officer my main concern would be to deal with what I consider the following problem areas:
My previous experience includes being Capping Controller
Extracts from an interview with Rex Halliday, one of the composers producing 'Electric Mutant Explorations' which opens in the Memorial Theatre tonight.
Us: Well, your show's called Electric Mutant Explorations. What does all this mean?
Rex: Electric Mutant explorations is called that because, for a start, electric mutant implies us. we're electric mutants in as far as within the environment that we've created with our electronic technology we necessarily become new 'creatures'. Good old Mcluhanite theory. Our electric technology as an extension of ourself and particularly as an extension of our consciousness forces a redefinition of what we are. This is something which has come out in as far as I've been working with the tape and with the musicians and with electronic distortion. With the distortion you get with a tape-recorder recording ordinary sounds, which don't sound natural; the distortion you get of a conversation recorded; it gives you a new dimension and it forces a re-assesment of yourself and adds a new dimension to it. Explorations refers to the fact that in working with this I found that I've had to wipe all my pre-conceptions about music, even the pre-conception given me by people like Cage and Stockhausen. Because it's outside me and it's outside what I'm doing, and it really is an exploration right from first principles. Right from zero.
Us: Can you briefly describe the format of the show. How is it put together? How long it it? Who takes part?
Rex: Well; in the show itself there's a tape that will be played of various sounds both live sounds, sounds of pieces of music, electronic sound. There are 7 musicians, consisting of 3 vocalists, a pianist, an electric trumpet, & an electric geetar and a putney synthesizer which is the same sort of thing as Arthur Brown uses and Curved Air and Emerson, Lake & Palmer and so on. The show lasts for about an hour.
Us: Is it music?
Rex: That depends on your definition of music. Music for me is experience in sounds and as far as I'm concerned it's not so much a matter of what's music as what is interesting music.
Us: How do you differentiate between music and noise?
Rex: Merely on how the person who is listening to it takes it. Even the sounds of a city can be music if you 're prepared to listen to it as such. Music exists around us all the time. Music's created in the ears of the beholder.
Us: Mm. Apart from this creative task is there anything that the audience will be doing in your show, or will they just be an audience. Is ther any participation, e.g. noise participation from them perhaps?
Rex: Well that I'm not sure about there's no set noise participation in the score, because of the limitations imposed in the theatre if the audience want to start doing all sorts of things, like throwing tomatoes or coming on stage and doing all sorts of stuff or what nave you, they're welcome!
Us: What are the visuals and how are they related to your music?
Rex: The visuals include a number of machines, and they are made by a group of people and all sorts of materials will be flown in, and screens and things like this.
Us: Is it going to be more than a light show?
Rex: Yeh! It is a sort of kinetic stage set if you like. But this will be played on by the light and be defined by the light.
Us: Well here's a question for the real people Mr Halliday, how would the man in the street or Joe Student, benefit from experiencing your performance?
Rex: Every way! That depends on the man in the street and Joe Student. If they're prepared just to listen to what happens, lust experience it... the people and the sounds... what they see and what they hear and what they experience of themselves during the thing, then I think they could learn a hell of a lot......
Us: What do you think of the state of the average students consciousness?
Rex: I think with most students - our generation- a hell of a lot of potential has developed, to move into something new, but unfortunately its not drawn out pretty much, and I think the state of most students consciousnesses is pretty crappy, including my own possibly.....including my own. There's a helluva lot for all of us to learn more about our conscioussness and we've got to learn it fast cos if we don't.........
Us: Do you think your show will help us to learn more about our conscioussness?
Rex: Certainly.... and if anyone is prepared it learn from it, yeh they will. Although that's the same of anything new, you know, you've got to have a certain willingness to learn and to accept the conventions that are set up, or the lack of conventions. Yeh, if they do that there's a lot to learn. From the experience, not from me.
Us: Does your music have any political significance?
Rex: Yes it does. It implies a break from politics until you get to know things much more.
Us: You're talking about knowing things, but you have said that music is a matter of feeling. I think politics is a matter of feeling Do you disagree?
Rex: I think politics is too often a matter of very remote ideas, ideas really removed from what you're doing. This music implies the necessity for revolution. Because of the re-assessment of man's consciousness.
This is maybe the earliest chamber Opera in English still being performed. The words are by Nahum Tate, Infamous from his appearance in Pope's Dunciad, and the music by Henry Purcell, who also wrote many church anthems and one Trumpet Voluntary (or was That Jeremiah Clarke?)....
In this Englished Version of a famous tragic "Love Story" from the ancient world of Dido, Queen of Carthage, and Aeneas, expatriate of Troy-Purcell's Music unites the ceremonious cadences of a baroque oratorio with the energy of Restoration drama.
Done by the Music Society choir and Orchestra with Splendid Soloists-Musical direction by Gordon Burt, stage direction by Judith Dale.
This "Double Bill" in the University Theatre, 28 June to 1 July, 8Pm. Book at Dic, Public $1, Students 60c, Group Bookings (10 or More) 50c.
Come and see the past and the new in Music Theatre.
The Economic Department of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand has a limited number of positions available for economic students or graduates who are interested in working in the fields of economic forecasting, policy analysis with particular emphasis on developments in the monetary and balance of payments areas, and econometric research. The Bank can offer work of a stimulating and rewarding nature to persons who are well qualified in economics, economics and accountancy, or economics and mathematics. Competitive salaries are paid, there is a range of worthwhile fringe benefits, and opportunities for promotion are excellent. For students completing their first degree this year the Bank has available a number of bursaries to finance study for an Honours degree.
Any stage III or Honours economic students or graduates who are interested in finding out more about opportunities with the Bank are invited to have a discussion with a senior economist from the Bank who will be visiting Victoria University on Wednesday, 5th July, lnterviews can be arranged with the Secretary of the Careers Advisory Board, 6 Kelburn Parade, Wellington.
Reserve Bank of New Zealand.
Instruction
1. Organise the film section of Universities Arts Festival.
2. The search - for anti-imperialist films, preferable 3rd World, in particular, La Hora de Los Homos.
"I have your letter of March 22. I'm afraid I can't help you with any of my films since I am unable, by contract to licence any in the Australasian territory" (New Yorker Films New York)
"Thank you for your letter. Unfortunately it is not feasible to rent films internationally" (Other Cinema London)
And there were many more - all from distributors who avow "leftist" tendencies.
3. The break through came with a letter from a U.S. group who are prepared to send some 3rd World Films, including La Hora de Los Homos.
4. Response to this?
"I'm delighted to see that you're able to mount this festival - am I mistaken in thinking that N.Z. was too isolated to take this sort of thing (A Martin British Film Institute), and again there were many more.
5. Why La Hora de los Homos?
An impression from a North American viewer.
La Hora de los Homos by Argentinian Fernando Solanos is film as a weapon. Like rapid fire it lifts the cataracts from your eyes.
It struck me as an incisive painful but necessary operation. Years of consumptive movie viewing are cut through & there is no way to separate the artistic power from the history & politics of Argentina. It is seeing Latin America, violence through neo-colonialism. The U.S. runs it. Violence is overt. - 41 armed interventions, subtle - children dying of starvation while the U.S. extracts S4 for every $1 invested in Latin America. Cynics should watch this flick, it overwhelms any attempt at armchair criticism. It is new, it comes from the struggle of the 3rd World.
Argentina has the primary contradiction of foreign funded obligarchy of 5% of the population controlling 42% of the wealth. The facts are there in the film, but incorporated so visually that percentages become people, and dollars are blood. I am looking again and again in my mind at La Hora de los Homos, at Sears & Pepsi revolution or death.
Argentina like all of Latin America except Chile, is teetering on broken pillars. There is a small minority of decadent whites aspiring to be a European aristocracy and others, the military, industrialists who fawn and grovel for the U.S. The middle class culture is a shuck. Culture indigenous to Argentina is given little credence. All that is modern, jet-set or hip comes from the monster. Everybody knows that.
Starved in every sense of the word Latin America becomes violent. Repression of thought and act through Americanisation normalises the insanity of pig commercialism at the underdeveloped level. Solanas has made a brilliant film. It is the embrace of a brother. It is not difficult to see, when Solanas shoots the Buenos Aires graveyard of dead despots, landowners and aristocracy with its mausoleums marble shepherd boys and angels that the sons of dracula are taking it with them as their last decadent act.
As Solanas reflects in the first part of the flick, the Vietnamese know from Napalm who the enemy is, in Latin America much is concealed because language colour and religion are the same. The glitter of modern culture as it floods the city creates mental dependence on the U.S. for the people of Argentina. This film casts away illusions which hurts those who would smog the world's brains or blow them out."
I impression. 1 film. There'll be 10 other 3rd world films shown at the Arts Festival this year. And New Zealanders Euro/U.S. cataracts?
Rob Muldoon has taken up writing plays under the pseudonym of Dostoievsky, and Crime and Punishment, as you might have guessed, is about the National Party's 'law and order' election platform. Scheduled to appear directly after the UTA bombing in Auckland and just before the budget the play is about a longhaired student who killed a moneylender out of a misguided sense of social justice. The moral is that if more students gave themselves up to the police after committing crimes of violence their girlfriends would follow them to Paremoremo without hesitation Unfortunately, Muldoon's realism breaks down here since he seems to have forgotten prisoners' wives are only admitted to Paremoremo for twenty minutes a week. On the whole, however, Crime and Punishment is a profound spiritual drama, permeated with nostalgia for the social conditions and the police force of nineteenth century Russian Tsarism.
Ross Jolly is brilliant as a conscience-stricken student, mainly because like most students he is incapable of grieving for his crimes for more than two minutes on end. Muldoon fully understands that most students are incapable of deep feeling, and would murder anyone who couldn't understand a simple differential equation to help the advance of human knowledge. He understands also that they would get worried afterwards if the police stood a chance of arresting them. Raskolnikoff, Muldoon's student, could very easily be a '16-year old sheetmetal worker, especially if few Frenchies had been inside the UTA office when it was petrol-bombed. Nola Millar who directed the play, must have told Ross Jolly not to try to act but just be himself, and the result is the most successful performance in the play. Sonia, the play's heroine is clearly devised to counter the Creeping threat of Women's Liberation ideas. Not only is Sonia a model of femininity, so much so that she has virtually no personality of her own, but she is a prostitute as well the exact antipode of Kay Goodger. She proves how justified is Muldoons policy of refusing to control rents by proving that evil landlords can drive young women to the highest reaches of self-sacrifice. Acting as a women who has put aside any claim to personality for the sake of Christ, her family and Muldoon is an easy role for a humble actress unused to putting herself forward. Jacqui Dunn succeeds to admiration. Muldoon has shown insight in realising femininity and prostitution are not opposed, but complementary ideas.
Most of the other actors in the play group together as mobs to mock the nobility of individual courage, like the students outside the PBEC conference, or stand stock still in ceremonial attitudes like the Black Rod whenever other actors are at the front of the stage. Nola Millar has shown great insight into the author's view of the people, whom he regards, like Burke, as either a mob or a group of witless spectators of the real action.
This is why Ian Watkin as Chief of Police emerges as the play's only real strong man. In terms of the play's philosophy he represents the Old Testament principle of law against Sonia as the New Testament principle of faith - or putting it another way, if everybody at university joined the Christian Union Muldoon wouldn't need a police force. Until the coming of Christ, or Muldoon, however, the Police Chief must issue commandments like Jehovah. Watt as Porfiri Petrovich, Chief of Police plays a dapper urbane man with a Pepsodent smile, very like David Thomson after a dinner party who presumes people are guilty until they are proven innocent. It all goes to show that your friendly local policeman could have stepped right out of the Book of Exodus.
Well, crime doesn't pay, and the murderer in the end marches off to his life sentence, saved by the tears of a good woman. If every New Zealand girl was like
"Pree — — Senting... the Greatest Tragedy on Earth".... with these words Paul Maunder's production of Shakespeare's Hamlet begins. After Mr Maunder's Oedipus it would not have been surprising if his production of Hamlet had been "the greatest production tragedy on earth", but such was not the case.
The script is, on the whole, intelligently presented, but I was occasionally annoyed to sometimes lose track of the meaning as a main speech blurred into inaudibility.
The presentation of the play as a performance put on by a travelling circus was a nice idea (a play within a play) and from this the rather simplistic characterisations follow quite naturally. All characters are costumed to bring out what, in the producer's eyes, is their essential feature: thus the black - garbed tightrope walker plays Hamlet, the white and fluffy trapeze artiste plays Ophelia, the lion tamers play Claudius and Gertrude, the clown plays Polonius, while the variety artists play Rosencrantz and Guildernstern. There are no developed characterisations: Hamlet's former fellow student Claudius is presented as a figure of generalised authority; Ophelia, played intelligently clearly, and with pathos by Denise Maunder remains a player playing a player playing Ophelia, while Hamlet is presented as a collage of generalised Hamletish qualities.
Within this framework the cast performs well. Jeff Rowe, as Hamlet, looked good in the part, and performed well except when he started to shout, when he lost projection. Gael Anderson as Gertrude and Frank Edwards as Claudius also were more successful in their passive than in their active moments, though both gave enjoyable performances. John Anderson was a good clown - cum Polonius, Jim Hewitson performed with fire as Laertes, while Rosencrantz and Guildenstern were delightfully played by Johnathan Dennis and Olwen Tayler. Michael Bajko performed powerfully in his ambivalent and ubiquitous role as ghost cum player king cum Fortinbras while in his additional role as ringmaster served to link the play to the circus world... His function seemed to serve as a vague kind of fate figure: there at the beginning, in the middle and the end.
There is intelligent and interesting use of space; this, together with the periodic trumpet and drum flurry, the revolving throne, the stark circus spot lighting, the cracks of the ringmasters whip as well as the continual presence of the whole cast on stage in their brightly coloured circus costumes took, and continually re-caught, the attention of the audience.
The circus element was never entirely convincing; Hamlet the tightrope walker opening the second half with "to be or not to be" was just too much of a put-on, and Ophelia was never at ease on the rope ladder. She used the trapeze more like a garden swing, which was also a bit corny. Overall though, an interesting and intelligent production well worth seeing and listening to for yourself.