Publicly accessible
URL: http://www.nzetc.victoria.ac.nz/collections.html
copyright 2015, by the Victoria University of Wellington Library
All unambiguous end-of-line hyphens have been removed and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line, except in the case of those words that break over a page.
Some keywords in the header are a local Electronic Text Collection scheme to aid in establishing analytical groupings.
In order to make new content available faster this work has been uploaded but does not have comprehensive name authority mark up for sub-works and corresponding authors. We will endeavour to add this mark up as soon as possible.
When 20 New Zealand students visit the People's Republic of China in a few week's time, they will be renewing contact which has been broken for several years. New Zealand students last visited the People's Republic in
However, late last year, the then President of NZUSA, Paul Grocott, worte several times to the Authorities of the People's Republic, through the New Zealand-China Society, with a view to resuming visits by New Zealand students. About a month ago, these enquiries bore fruit, when the New Zealand-China Society was requested to invite twenty New Zealand students to visit the People's Republic of China, as guests of Luxingshe (China International Travel), the state travel agency.
NZUSA President, Dave Cuthbert, replied enthusiastically to this invitation, requesting at the same time more detailed information. Due mainly to the eccentricities of communications with the People's Republic, not all this information has yet been received. However, it is known that the visit will be of three to four weeks' duration, with the twenty students themselves specifying what they wish to do and see whilst in the People's Republic of China NZUSA has been informed that the visit will involve only "tiny expense" to the participants, but whether this tininess relates to the entire trip or whether the cost of travel between New Zealand and Hong Kong will have to be borne by participants, is not yet known. Despite this, NZUSA National Executive urges interested students to apply, irrespective of the possible cost. NZUSA will endeavour to arrange loans, or otherwise finance successful applicants, should this prove necessary. It is emphasized that no person should be prevented from participation simply due to financial hardship.
Dave Cuthbert, together with Chris Livesey (Vice-President NZUSA), Mr Jack Shallcrass, and Mr Douglas Lake (formerly Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and recently returned from the People's Republic of China) will make up the election Committee, which for two basic reasons will be attempting to get as broad a cross-section of New Zealand students as possible. Firstly, in order to gain the most possible credibility in the eyes of the New Zealand public, the group must be seen to be reasonably representative of the student body, and of all political views. Obviously, if twenty people, all known to have strong left wing opinions, were chosen, their comments on return, however sincere, objective and accurate, would be disregarded. If, on the other hand, the group included a relatively broad range of political thought, and all members were to tell substantially the same story on their return, the chances of their being heeded are much greater.
The second reason is more directly related to the students themselves. In the recent past, considerable - and justified - resentment has been expressed by the ordinary student, forced to contribute to NZUSA finances, about the "junket" trips enjoyed by the political cowboys of the NZUSA bureaucracy. The present NZUSA office holders are particularly anxious to see this situation stopped. There is at present a motion on the books relating to officeholders taking trips during their term of office, and Dave Cuthbert has expressed his extreme distaste for those who have abused their positions in this way.
However, it seems unlikely that any of the particpants will represent the much-maligned "average student" - rated as apathetic, unintelligent, easily manipulated. Partly in order to gain the widest possible representation, and partly to ensure that the members of the group do not simply reinforce their own prejudices, certain criteria have been laid down for use by the Selection Committee, calculated to give the maximum possible benefit to the participants, New Zealand students generally, and the New Zealand public at large. The criteria include the perceptiveness of the applicants, and their ability to form sound objectuve judgments while in the People's Republic of China; their willingness and ability to convey these judgments to the people of New Zealand, through all available media, thereby furthering the understanding of the People's Republic among New Zealanders; the sensitivity of the applicants with respect to their special position as guests of the People's Republic during their visit, to avoid a repetition of the tactlessness which occurred on the previous visit, mentioned above; and that the applicants be well-informed about New Zealand and its society.
The successful applicants will undertake not to make any financial gain from speaking, writing, etc., about their visit. Any payment they do receive will be passed on to NZUSA, to go to a student travel fund.
Following the receipt of the invitation, Dave Cuthbert wrote to the Prime Minister advising him of the situation, and, in view of this country's non-recognition of the People's Republic, offering the delegatio as a means of assisting the Government"...establish a dialogue with the People's Republic of China." To this end, he said he would be happy for members of the group to meet with Sir Keith to discuss New Zealand's policy, and future intentions in this area. To this, Sir Keith has replied that he is happy that some New Zealanders are to have to opportunity of meeting some of the people of Communist China. He has referred the delegation a the first instance to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, who will brief them on the Government's position, and hear their views. After Sir Keith has received a report from that gentleman, he "...could consider whether it would be useful...to see the delegation before they leave."
So, all you people with an urge to travel, to get your picture in Time, meet Chou En-Lai, perhaps even Sir Keith - see the Students Association office for all the details of applications, which should be in the hands of David Cuthbert by 5.00 p.m. on the 16th of June.
The foyer is crowded with people come to hear Dr Spock on Vietnam. The same crowd as attends every anti-war meeting. Would-be revolutionaries with ominous dark glasses (Niel Wright) handing out this and that blueprint for the revolution. Would-be revolutionaries without dark glasses (George Fyson) asking the great unwashed to add their names to this and that mailing list for this and that organisation. I am bored. How can this Dr Spock have a valid contribution to make to The New Zealand Anti-War movement? There it is. The ever present Socialist Action bookstall. Damnit all, you can't walk a hundred yards in this godforsaken town without coming across it. I am pleased to see that business is bad for our super-salesman, Keith Locke. Oh Jesus! Conrad Bollinger is here, playing the radical again. When will he learn? Comrade Conrade is a pseudo-intellectual who once spoke on the 'Radical Tradition at Vic' and ever since has fancied himself to be a leading revolutionary. I bet the communist party rejoiced when he resigned, and everyone knows how much they need members.
Better go inside. Place is pretty crowded. The curtain is raised in a most dramatic manner and the house lights are turned off. Jack Shallcrass is chairman and he asks for the lights to be turned on. Someone finds the switch and Mr Shallcrass launches into a tirade of the tritest and sloppiest sayings he knows. This masquerades as an introduction. Sensitive people squirmed with embarrassment and wonder at a person who would stand before a crowded hall and rave so, and in such a melodramatic manner, I can feel my stomach churning, he is making me want to throw up but I grit my teeth and bear it. Serious people must be doubting his intelligence. I have no doubt in that respect; it is plain to me that he has none and so I figure maybe that it is his sanity. As an orator, Shallcrass is way below Holyoake, and you know, that's bad, real bad.
At last Dr Spock is to speak. He begins with a few sentences on how he became involved in the anti-war movement. In
Dr Spock then proceeded to outline in detail the grounds upon which he opposes U.S. participation in Vietnam. I was pleased to notice that we were spared heartrending descriptions of napalmed peasants and tales of poor Americans getting killed for an obscure reason in a foreign land; he confined himself to the moral, legal and historic aspects of the war. For the benefit of the unaware, I shall briefly summarise the relevant historical details. At the end of the war of independence in
But this, Dr Spock has come to realise is 'merely a particularly repugnant manifestation of U.S. imperialism'. This really is unexpected. I had come anticipating the worst but found that in his easy-going way, Dr Spock had given a straight-forward chronology of the relevant historical details and was proceeding to give a realistic interpretation of these facts. Granted he is a little naive in his extraordinary hope for, and faith in democracy and in his tacit assumption that the president of the U.S. is really in total control of his office, but he is quite prepared to see that it has been economic factors that have dictated U.S. foreign policy. Moreover, unlike most other speakers on this subject he thoroughly backed up his every assertion with parallels from history and the like.
Drawing from his wide experience with the American Anti-War campaign Spock gave a brief outline of his opinion of the effectiveness of various tactics. Demonstrations, he claims, are good and he congratulated New Zealand on what he teamed a 'magnificent' April 30th mobilisation in which, considering the population and the relatively minor role played by New Zealand in the war, he claims a greater percentage of the population were mobilised than in similar U.S. moratoriums. He disapproves of police-baiting in demonstrations since he thinks that it is counter-productive but says that he would hesitate to condemn a person who was driven to such methods by a sense of futility stemming from a lack of progress or from police brutality, predictably he made no mention of gimmicks on demonstrations. But this is the trouble with believers in the greatness of democracy—they tend to prefer that people rationally decide on their stand rather than be tricked somehow into opposing the war. He also dwelt awhile on the effectiveness under U.S. conditions of writing letters to politicians, but in New Zealand where parliamentarians only become sensitive to public opinion once every three years and where most people support the government's stand in Vietnam, I cannot see this to be of great value.
It is important, he says, for us to keep up our efforts, for, although New Zealand's role in the war is numerically nominal, it provides a great moral boost to the U.S. propaganda programme. Lyndon Johnson used to say that not only were Korea and the Phillipines with the U.S. in Vietnam, but also Australia and New Zealand, implying that these two white democratic countries made the U.S. atrocities respectable.
I had arrived at the Opera House firmly convinced that Dr Spock had little, if anything, to contribute of value to the New Zealand anti-war movemnet but his easy delivery, his fresh, undogmatic viewpoint and his ability to concesely cover a wide range of related topics soon persuaded me that he is the best anti-war speaker Wellington has see for some time.
The only notable thing about Tuesday's Special General Meeting was that it shouldn't have been necessary. A vote of 116 to 10 decisively revoked the A.G.M.'s decision to bar the Malaysian Students' Association from the use of Union facilities. That such a ruling was passed in the first place doesn't reflect much credit on the A.G.M..
Its defeat was at Tuesday's meeting, a foregone conclusion. Two hours of heated argument added nothing to knowledge of why the M.S.A. had received such treatment. Speaker after repetitive speaker made fiery accusations and oratorical exclamations to no more purpose than to abuse the perpertrators of the misdeed.
The mover of the repeal motion asked why so much shit (pronounced 'sheet') had been thrown at his association. This, he lamented, is politics. So he and other normally apolitical Malaysians proceeded to throw shit at their adversaries, to the extent in fact, of calling them 'filthy fascists'. The few M.S.S.A. people who spoke received unsympathetic but at least friendly rubbishing. Full treatment was reserved for interfering Europeans, people like Mike Macallum, and Dave Cuthbert, alias N.Z.U.S.A. president, alias a concerned Victoria University student.
A lot of those who spoke really shouldn't have bothered. But perhaps it all helped to relieve their frustrations. An early attempt to force a vote was howled down so there was obviously a need for this kind of pillory session.
The basic point at issue was really whether the Students Association should have the right to bar any club, whatever their political beliefs, from the use of its facilities. This meeting at least served as a warning for any would-be Machiavellians that such attempts would be strenuously resisted.
The latest scheme on campus to help lower the cost of student living is the bulk food buying co-operative, which came into being at a meeting of students on Thursday night last.
The scheme will be non profit making, and is to apply to the students association for affiliation.
To begin with the co-op intends to deal with fruit and vegetables, which would be bought directly from the local markets, by members. These goods would be transported to a garage in Kelburn Parade, which has been made availabe, from where students could pick up their order.
Membership of the Co-op is open to all students, but a share must be bought - this would cost $5 - but the money will be refunded on leaving the scheme. The reason for the share is to give some guarantee that the co-op would not be left with vegetables which had been ordered, but not collected and paid for.
To begin with the scheme will operate on the Thursday of each week - if the demand is sufficient it could open on Mondays as well. To obtain the vegetables an order form must be completed - these will be available - we hope - from the studass office, and left there before 5pm on Wednesday.
The goods ordered would be available for purchase after midday on the Thursday.
It is hoped to have other store areas, in the Aro St, and Central City areas, but these would come later.
Anyone who would like to assist -especially anyone with a truck, is welcome - further details are on the various notice boards.
Earlier in the year reports reached Wellington of a very strange shop in Auckland. This shop did not sell things it gave them away.
From a place where people could bring objects for which they had no further use, and obtain things they required has grown several varied groups of activities. There is a scheme for distributing food to needy persons; rooms where people may hold meetings; and a free art gallery, where student and other artists who cannot afford to exhibit elsewhere may show their works.
Why you may ask, is this project necessary; Churches already run social service centres to cater for these needs.
I feel that it is necessary because there are groups in society that have grown disenchanted with the organized religions and their activities, and their lofty viewpoints.
Now Wellington has an opportunity to gain a centre such as the one operating in Auckland. Marcus, one of the people involved in the Auckland shop has come to Wellington to try to interest people in establishing such a centre. Premises have been found at 90 Vivian St and the shop will hopefully open in a couple of weeks.
A centre such as this could be a means whereby we can break down some of the barriers between people - between pensioners and long hair - between the lonely and dispirited people of this rather souless capital city.
It won't work, you say, People will take, but they won't give. People will take much more than they need and the whole system will collapse.
I hope that it won't. If we have some faith in our fellow men we should believe that it will work. It will require support and voluntary labour so when it does start - support it and help break down the barriers between ourselves.
It is rumoured in well-informed circles that Cabinet has rejected the Police Department-sponsored legislation to make it a crime to consort with known drug users. The legislation was strongly opposed by the Health Department, and received only luke-warm support from the Minister of Justice, Mr. Riddiford, whose Department had opposed the introduction of such legislation. The Police had been pushing for legislation on the topic for some time, but the unexpectedly strong opposition spoiled what had appeared to be a fait accompli after Mr. Marshall's statement in the Sunday Times last month, in which he said that the legislation was due to be introduced this session.
The April 30 antiwar mobilisation which saw 35,000 New Zealanders marching, marked a new stage in the growth of the New Zealand anti-war movement. Students participated in much greater numbers than ever before. Thousands marched in all the university cities, and Auckland had a 60% effective student strike on April 30.
At Victoria, an ad hoc anti-war committee was organised several weeks before April 30. This committee, which had weekly meetings of about 50 people, organised mobe publicity, teach-ins, pickets, etc., leading up to the mobilisation. The result was the largest ever student contingent in a Wellington antiwar march.
Following on the success of April 30, some of the organisers of the ad hoc antiwar committee felt it should become affiliated as an official student organisation. With this in mind an AGM was called for Friday, June 4.
More than 60 students crowded the lounge for the AGM. Russel Johnson kicked off the meeting by outlining the need for an organised antiwar movement on campus to bring together all the antiwar forces in common action. The meeting established the Student Antiwar Movement with the central aim of mobilising the campus against the Indochina war around the demand of immediate withdrawal of all N.Z., U.S. and allied forces from S.E. Asia. The further aims of demanding N.Z. withdrawal from Seato, Anzus, Ansam, and the Five Power Defence Pact, and offering assistance to student conscientious objectors, were adopted.
A committee was elected by the meeting consisting of a convener (Russel Johnson), secretary (Sue Chappie), treasurer (Ken Howell), and 7 committee members. Included on the committee are the Stud Ass Vice-President, the International Affairs Officer of SRC, and representatives from SCM, Catholic Society, Women's Liberation Movement, Labour Club and Socialist Action Club.
The anti-war movements in Wellington, Auckland and Christchurch, and NZUSA have called for a further national antiwar mobilisation on July 30. The student Antiwar Movement will be making an all out effort to maximise student support for July 30. Why not help? Come to the Movement's general meetings, and help organise student anti-war activities. The next meeting is this Friday, June 18, 12 noon in lounge.
That most noble and venerated institution, that long-standing bastion of male supremacy, Weir House, is being challenged by idealised, over possessive and babbling women - or so it may seem. It is in fact no more than a proposal for Weir House to enter a new scheme of sexual integration of hostels in an attempt to instil into the residents a morsel of common sense and tolerance.
It has become evident that other campuses in New Zealand have thought that integrated hostels are a civilized atmosphere in which to introduce new students to the whys and wherefores of university life - and that is a sound belief. But whether or not it is practical and feasible to enact the changeover remimains to be seen.
Under the proposal, forty males and females would swap places in their hostels and move to the other - this is however an initial proportion only and it would probably rise so that nearly half of the residents in each hostel were in fact 'new residents'.
Several complications in the physical sense are obvious, toilets etc would have to be altered, and other facilities changed to accomodate the influx of new members. But more important (to the males) are the questions of restrictions on hours which might be enforced at Vic - appears none exist at Weir - similarly, they fear the loss or curtailing of drinking and entertaining rights which as everyone knows are pretty civilised at Weir, where they help to place the onus for one's behaviour on one's own shoulders. It is these rights which may be in jeopardy to those men who shift from Weir, that is making the student in Weir rather reticent to proclaim the scheme as a good one - and rightly so. After all, one would also have to climb a steep hill every day to Varsity, and there would be no cable car to bomb or to carry one's drunken self home on. There are distinct disadvantages for those who might have to go - but for those who stayed behind! Flocks of academic lovelies tittering in corners having their education in language attended to. What a thought!
No, although it seems a good idea for the Women's Lib, it might prove distasteful to the more important people - the men. Even so, it will probably go ahead, so the best of luck to all the wardens concerned.
Although scarcely to be believed, there are a few students who are still prepared to attempt to "fuck the system". The idea was to divert all Karori traffic down Glenmore St, and then down Tinakori Rd and Hill St, so as to have a grand meeting of the morning rush hour traffic of Karori, Northland, Kelburn, Wadestown etc as well as all the motorway traffic at the uncontrolled intersection of Murphy and Hill St.
So they set about 'preparing' the necessary drums and signs -until the 'good citizen' saw, and rang Central - "you would have wouldn't you?"
So in the final minutes struggling up Tinakori Rd with the last load of 6"X3" 'Detour' signs, the way was suddenly blocked by cop cars from three directions.
The uniformed branch see the joke..
The C.I.B. arrive, say, "Theft".
The uniformed branch forget they've seen the joke.
The night in the cells.
Remanded in court.
Civil War in Waring Taylor St, Commissioner tells C.I.B. they're stuffed.
Next court session charges withdrawn.
So next capping do your bit, hinder the sedition of our society -(unless you have already gone under) -it will boost your ego.
There but for the Grace of God...
It is with deep regret and not a little guilt that we record the passing of the oldest and most venerable of Victoria's sons. The Debating Society is dead. Who is there reading this who does not feel the ignominity and the shame that follows from this shocking death? Every man on Campus must share our guilt; every man on Campus is responsible for Victoria's loss.
That anything should end its life at Victoria is regrettable; that an intellectual institution as fundamental to the grass roots of a University as a Debating Society, should be allowed to decay and die through spiritual neglect is unpardonable.
The Debating Society was killed by the disdainful apathy of the Student Body and its death is an indication not of its own intellectual vacuum but of the spiritual and mental atrophy of the student masses.
The Debating Society had come a long way since its first meeting which its records show was held at the Girls High School on Saturday
It may be that the Society was sowing the seeds of its own destruction when it debated on the
It was fitting that the Society should die the day after it celebrated its 72nd anniversary. With its last ounce of strength it had summoned a meeting for Friday
How this motion was carried shall never be known. We suspect that it represents the last conscious act of a Society endeavouring to register its disdain for a University that through its student body had shown a callous and ignorant contempt for intellectual honesty and freedom.
Victoria, your apathy is despicable!
Your cries are for freedom and social justice. You churlishly attempt to impose your ideals and beliefs on the peoples and the governments of the World. You claim that you have their interests at your heart. Great God Almighty, where will your hypocrisy take you! On whose behalf do you cry? You cannot believe that you represent the great Student Body - 6,000 strong. Who gave you your mandate? Not that same spastic Student Body whose 6,000 limbs are quite independent and unco-ordinated. Until such time as the students of Victoria rise up and co-ordinate their actions no one can claim their stolid support. Do not presume to support external institutions while your own are dying beneath you feet. If you seek strong platforms from which to assail he world you must not ignore their foundations. For 72 years Victoria has developed its planks. If you do not support the tenets of one religious or political club you may join another. If you do not trust one executive you may elect another; this you will not do. You sit back and allow the turgid mouths on campus to sally forth and spew their bilious crap.
There was one non-sectarian, non-partisan forum on Campus where honest sincerity was honoured; in your blind apathy and cursed ignorance you allowed the Debating Society to die.
"The real speeches and decisions of this meeting will be made in the ensuing weeks". Tim Dyce's statement sums up the message of the Public Meeting on Accomodation. In itself the meeting was valuable for airing the divergent attitudes of Wellington politicians and the grievances of members of the public.
Tim Dyce, as chairman of the newly formed Wellington Citizens Committee on Accommodation, presented a well argued, if over stated, case. Research had revealed that main areas of dissatisfaction were lack of means of redress for either tenants or landlords; the land speculator, or shadowy figure who had been responsible more than anyone else for rise in rents; the effect of the motorway; the lack of sufficient finance from the government. Also he objected to the non-cooperative attitude of the Town Planning Department. The planners, he said, to roars of applause, did not like people studying the town plan because it had been changed many times and they didn't like being held to it. Rezoning of some areas for industrial use met special objection. If Wellington is not to die as a city it must have people living as near to its centre as possible. Places like Upper Cuba Street should be residential and not covered by warehouses.
Councillor Porter, as head of the Council Housing committee since its inception in
Again blame was laid squarely at the government for its lack of initiative in providing finance. A scheme for student flattetes centred on the Y.W.C.A. has been virtually abandoned in the face of apathy from the Minister of Health.
Tim Dyce's accusation of incompetence by the Town Planners, Councillor Porter labelled as extremely unfair. In recent years Wellington had been working hard in its town planning department and now proudly had the finest staff in the country.
Next speaker was Labour M.P. O'Brien, out looking for convenient (and preferably government) scapegoats. Like the University encroachment on the residential areas of Kelburn. And the Hospital Board for proposing to rise an area at present covered by houses, while it owned property that was utilized only to one level.
Then a long list of figures to illustrate his assertion that the last thing the government will do is appropriate finance. State Advances Corporation loans had decreased since
But he did offer a proposal that 104 single flats soon to be opened in Kilbirnie be filled by some of the single old people tying up large houses elsewhere. By his figures, 5,800 houses in Wellington are occupied by single people who because they own property cannot apply for Council flats. If a shortcut could be found round this bottleneck a considerable extra amount of housing space would be available. The proposal deserves further investigation and some enlightened action.
Then the speaker that all had been waiting for, not least people like Mike Law in the back row. With some hesitation Dan Riddiford started on what seemed like a departmental handout, but then surprisingly cast aside his notes and came out speaking stridently and confidently, like some new man. He would almost certainly make a better parish pump pusher than a national leader. Everyone was against Wellington for the number of unpopular decisions that necessarily emerged from it, he claimed. What was needed was more drum beating and insistence that the capital had a special need for finance.
Then a few shifty figures to counteract the weight of O'Brien's plus an assertion that the drop in State house building was due to the lack of demand, Also the usual old reply to rent control - that it means a lack of incentive to private developers.
Contributions from the floor made se sparks fly. A discussion of implementation of the Housing Improvement Act of
Dr Smith from the Citizen's committee laid out very clearly just what action was wanted on the Housing Commission's recommedations. Two fields of immediate priority should be the provision of loans to owners of old houses and increased S.A.C. loans, coupled with restraints to prevent inflation of building costs.
Several other people took the opportunity to air their grievances, like rising rail fares and over priced sub-standard houses.
Whether the delegation of Wellington MP's and Councillors approved by the meeting will succeed in convincing the government of special accomodation needs in Wellington remains to be seen.
Public pressure could make the difference. Students can be a vocal political group and so many do have very real accomodation grievances. The need is plain and the solution at least in part is more loan money from the government and a more imaginative response from the Ministers Ray and MacKay. Success will depend to a large degree on how much noise groups like the Citizen's Committee can make. They deserve support.
Several letters in recent issues have bemoaned the lack of content in this year's Salient. They have criticised the virtual absence of news reports, the low standard of reviews and the poor assortment of features.
Salient can only be as good as the 6,000 students of Victoria University wish to make it. It is not the Editor's fault if everyone on this campus is too lazy or too apathetic or both to contribute in some way.
With fortnightly status Salient should have news events aplenty that can be reported. A community can only see itself fully through the medium of a newspaper and Victoria University (although at so many meetings one wouldn't know it) is a community of 6,000 supposedly intelligent and well-educated people. There should be a reflection of this fact in the columns of its newspaper.
No one person can hope to attend or even know about all the activities of this campus. The purpose of Salient is to gather reports about what this university is doing and put them where they can easily be read. Without the resources to pay reporters Salient must rely on whatever motives make people write. It little matters if you contribute to gain prestige, use Salient as a testing ground for a journalistic career, as a medium for pushing a cause to which you are committed, or even for personal satisfaction. Surely there are some people prepared to spend a few hours a week trying to produce a decent student paper.
Even if only a few dozen people read one news item, it is justified. There is a place in Salient for reports of anything whatever that takes place in this University. For instance, there may be people who are curious as to what sort of religious gatherings are those Thursday lunches organised by the Anglican Society. Or a Biology student may want to know if anything of importance was said at an Ecology Action meeting that he was unable to attend. Or some not yet apathetic first-year might like to know if any motions of significance were passed at an S.R.C. meeting. Even if many meetings conducted are extremely tedious they still should receive coverage. By collating reports of all that happens Salient can help create a better sense of community identity and perhaps encourage greater particpation.
It needs only a minimum of writing skill and a little imagination to concoct an interesting news story. (Club secretaries, with hopes of contributing extensions of their minutes, take note.) And for those who lack the initiative to find something to report on, there will be weekly list of newsworthy events on the Salient office noticeboard. Come in and see if you can help.
It is time that this University functioned as such a seat of learning should, and Salient can help to co-ordinate its many diverse aspects. But it can only fill this role if more individuals than at present are prepared to come forward and contribute.
I am a very discontented student of Bus. Admin II which seems to me to be teaching everything, I must stand against. Everybody has read of how corporations are making immense amounts of money (half a million got from Quantas - hurrah!) and it seems that these enterprises are expanding simply because the mangers can not think of any other use for energy and resources. Warnings of ecological disasters, pollution, congestion and anomie are treated as if they do not exist by the Admin. Dept; which seems to concerned with turning out managers for the very organisations which spell the downfall of our society.
The situation is in a sense ironical. We have big organisations and modern technology and have to think up a use for it. As a result the budding business managers of Bus. Admin II are learning the techniques of mass persuasion, to persuade people that they need the goods the organisations are turning out. Take the automobile industry in the U.S. for instance. This started out at the beginning of the century as a useful enterprise, remarkably suited to American conditions, but it has qutgrown its proper size, and is now destroying cities and lives, with careless abandon. Bus Admin II is teaching us how to run such overgrown monstrosities, with never a word on the social or economic costs. It seems that ease of administration, is in the long run, all that matters.
Organisations today are expanding meaninglessly with a growing tendency to exclude human beings as useless. They have no meaning for they are in most cases creating a demand instead of meeting it, and preventing the check of the free market to give way to monopolies, subsidies and captive consumers. Our society is becoming an establishment of managers who license and allot resources, and who delude themselves that they alone know what is best for the people. Thus the common people become docile clients, maintained by millions of dollars being wasted on advertising, which could be spent on purposes for the good of the society as a whole, (such as education) Those who don't conform to the way of life set down by the organisations and the managerial elite which the Bus Admin Dept. seems so set on turning out, are treated as deviants.
The managers of our large organisations and the Business Admin Dept. can not understand that we no longer want to co-operate with such a system, and who can blame people from trying to escape the facism of the managerial elite, who are making the moral and esthetic standards of our society.
Bus. Admin to me, can only be valid when industry (which is a necessity) is judged by their managers in economic, social and human costs.
I write to contradict a misstatement repeated in two recent issues of Salient, concerning the exlusion regulations. On 21st April an article on limitation of en rolment said: "Last year these regulations, conceived of as an essential short-term measure, had assumed such a permanence...". And in the latest issue, towards the end of the centre spread article, we read: "When last, the administration spoke of "temporary measures" to ease accomodation, a set of exclusion regulations was introduced which is now an accepted part of student life".
While the possibility of exclusion on various grounds had been contemplated in drafting the acts establishing the several universities, the move to implement such a policy in this University came from one of the Faculties, which reported to the Professorial Board (
It is perfectly proper for Salient or anyone else to debate the merits of exclusion of unsatisfactory students, or of limitation of enrolments, but keep the facts right:
There are suggestions to abolish or forbid the existence of all National Clubs and to replace such clubs by one club only, such as the International Club. I would like to question the soundness of such a move.
It seems to me that the basic principle controlling and allowing for all campus activities is the freedom of any student to do what he likes so long as it does not restrict the freedom of other students to do what they like.
It seems to me also that the formation of all national clubs (Indonesian, Thai, Malaysian, Fijian etc etc) has been done willingly and consciously. Any doubt about this can easily be solved by asking the students concerned.
Now therefore Sir, it further seems to me that to ask these students to disband and join the International Club is in direct contradiction to the 'free' principle outlined above.
Of course, this would not be so if all the students concerned are agreeable to disband. The present view seems they want to retain the status quo.
Therefore, may I suggest that the perpetrators of the one-world thing do some convassing instead of making arm-chair suggestions and trying their luck at moving motions at our A.G.M.s or S.G.M.s to achieve what they want although consensus has not be reached.
Nationalism or Internationalism? Enough has been written in the books. I would like to express one point, though, that is, in internationalism or one-worldism, all nations must be included and let there be no conditions or what have you?
By all means, lets share and share alike.
I am a head. I like being a head. In fact I can't understand what I did with my time before I became a head. Nowdays I spend most of my time stoned; its the only way to live and I feel sorry for straights who don't turn on. They don't know what they're missing man.
Mind you, I don't think some people should turn on. Lushes for example ruin the scene when they turn on because they become noisy and very uncool. If you're a proper head you don't drink too much. Its just not where its at. When I am with my friends we get stoned or drop a trip and we sit around being very peaceful and philosophizing about universal concepts. I think I am a genius. I must be because I think such great thoughts. I tell people of my genius, in a subtle way of course, just in case they don't realise how lucky they are to be able to trip with me.
Acid has made me realize that the world would be a lot better place if everyone dropped a trip. They they would realise that the things they think are important in life and get hung up about, such as work, getting a degree, job, neat chick etc are irrelevant. Capitalists would realise that just making money isn't what life is all about and pretty soon grass and acide would be legalised. I'm already getting prepared for that day. Through dealings I have managed to accumulate quite a lot of bread and I am going to set up a head shop where freaks can buy roachpins, pipes, pyschedelic lights and other such things. Anyway as I was saying, I dropped out of varsity. The whole scene became too much of a hassle after a while and I began to get stoned more and more often. Anyway, everyone knows that education only conditions you to think in the wrong way. If everyone could respond naturally to their senses instead of having them clogged up with artificial stimulii they'd be a lot happier. Happy people
I am a very tolerant person. However, I prefer the company of other heads as straights disrupt my karmic peace by talking about things other than tripping, fuck! any head knows these are the only things worth talking about.
Yes, its a good life if you're a head. Time and other mundane hangups of this world just vanish away. After all, it is only 'all in the mind'.
This year I have seen in Wellington "capping books" produced by Otago, Canterbury, Lincoln, Victoria and Massey. I may have missed two or three others produced further north.
All of these "books" have had their own character and some merit.
But what a tremendous waste of effort and money for a small community like New Zealand to produce so many similar publications at the one time.
Why not save both the above scarce resources by producing one for the whole of New Zealand. Under the editorship of, say, the NZUSA. Contributions could be accepted from all centres and collated into one bumper issue for distribution over the whole of the country. What do you think?
It was just a jelly monster they said like the one we had for Xmas only grey instead of red. He didn't want it anyway. He had discussed such things with all his mates: They were doing Honours and they could prove with resounding rhetoric how a foetus was no human being.
Have it done, they counselled sagely. Have it done - fear not Bourgeois morality: Be not intimidated by the Establishment: be free!!
But I saw it when they tore it from my womb. It had my form - arms, legs, head, such a toad like face - and I knew I could have loved it.
I never saw a Christmas jelly look so like a child.
I never felt less free.
If you want to see apathy in action, attend an S.R.C. That on Thursday 3rd was over so quickly that the Common Room crowd was barely aware it had begun.
The only matter to stir more than a ripple of interest was a discussion about whether Mrs Stevenson, M.P. for Taupo was a big enough prick to be given honorary white status. The meeting decided she didn't match up.
Reports from representatives and general announcements from the President were barely noticed, and the appointments of International Affairs Officer and Accomodation Officer were over in the time it takes to say the name of the single candidate applying.
So this is the pure form of democracy in action!
Well, the word on everybody's lips this week is "The Budget". That has been the case in the opening week of Parliament for many years; as many as I remember, and that is many. This is the week when the columnists and the politicians burst into print and speech with their comments on the state of the country's economy, and everybody expects that, for the budget has come to hold a place of great interest in our country's political year.
Of course there is always the odd wag who flaunts the tradition and speaks or writes about something else in this week, and that is always good for a surprise. The day in
Those pictures one sees of the Minister of Finance carrying his black satchel with the budget in it on budget night often have a longer story behind them than one might think. I remember the night before the Black Budget in
Of course one failing one can never lay on the National Party is that they forget that ultimately their fate rests with the people, and that what the people want is leadership. That was what went wrong with the Labour Party in
Listening to the radio last Thursday night, I thought back to the early days, when communications were not quite so fast, when we used to gather round the newspaper office at 2 or 3 a.m. to await the news of William Pember Reeve's latest budget. Those were the days before Keynes was ever heard of, when a budget was Budget. When those who were too lazy or too stupid to fend for themselves or their families could not hope for the State to do it for them, When the first Labour Government was voted in, I voted for them too. But I soon stopped when I saw how excessive pensions and old age homes drove my mother from her productive job in the laundary before she reached 75, she slowly decayed into what can only be described as a senile decrepit old bitch. That is what Dr. Sutch and his communist gang tried to drive us into. I have never accepted a handout from the State in my life. I never will. I'll work till I drop.
* "Misconduct includes... any conduct which is unbecoming to members of the University.
* "The student shall not...be entitled to be represented by agent or counsel.
* "Where the Proctor has reasonable grounds for believing that a disturbance is taking place he may take appropriate action including entry into a student residence.
* "Drunkedness...will be regarded by the Council as a ground for severe disciplinary action.
This is what the University of Otago intended for students. The University Council wished to "protect students" by the introduction of such repugnant legislation.
The extracts quoted above are only examples of the disciplinary regulations which the Vice-Chancellor Dr Williams and the Council pushed through two weeks ago. Discussion at Council and at other preliminary bodies on he regulations was unable to be transmitted to students for their opinions because the whole of the proceedings were in closed committee.
Immediately the Council released the proposed regulations, however, student opposition manifested itself in the form of daily forums, "action" committees, a telephone campaign to individual council members asking why they supported the regulations.
The issue became one of national concern when Otago's President Ebraima Manneh raised the matter at an NZUSA National Executive meeting at Christchurch over Queen's Birthday weekend. A three hour discussion resulted in the unanimous condemnation of the actions of the Otago Council and the Vice Chancellor in particular.
The degree of solidarity can be seen by the following motions from the meeting.
1. That the President of NZUSA make strong representations to the Vice-Chancellor of Otago, stating NZUSA policy against interference in private lives of students and drawing attention especially to the intolerable definition of "misconduct" and to the powers given to the Proctor in respect of both internal and external discipline regulations and to support OUSA's insistence on the suspension of the regulations until full consultation with the student body has taken place.
2. That NZUSA National Executive deplore the attitude of the University of Otago Vice-Chancellor, in his handling of the negotiation of the new Discipline regulations at the University of Otago, and consequently questions his suitability for the post of Director-General of Education.
3. That NZUSA condemns the irresponsible attitude of the University of Otago Council and its failure to respond to the Student Association concern (expressed through the proper channels) over the university's blatant disregard in the new Discipline regulations for basic civil liberties; and That NZUSA make clear its view that such action by the University encourages open dissent by students, debases the credibility of the University and is "unbecoming" to the good name of the University.
4. That we members of the NZUSA National Executive (consisting of the Presidents of all New Zealand University Students Associations and the Officers of NZUSA) do unanimously support Otago students in their stand over the discipline regulations.
NZUSA President David Cuthbert was directed to implement the policy of the meeting, however, on Tuesday 8th, immediately after the meeting, the Otago Executive invited Constituent Presidents to Dunedin to observe and help Otago students in their struggle. This resulted in David Cuthbert, President of NZUSA, David Caygill, President of Canterbury and Graeme Collins, President of Victoria travelling down on Wednesday.
The same day a Council member, and local mayor, Barnes told students at forum that "every society is governed by rules" that dissatisfaction with the proposed regulations was only felt by a small minority of students. Unfortunately for Mr Barnes, when a vote was taken, only 3 of the 1,000 students present appeared to agree with him.
By this time the Association had organised and distributed a referendum and when Cuthbert, Caygill and Collins arrived they visited lectures urging students to answer the referendum and acquainting them with the reasons for the three presidents presence.
On the Thursday morning Vice-Chancellor Williams was contacted by Manneh and Cuthbert but refused to speak to the 4 Presidents until an apology had been made by the National Executive for the motion passed concerning him and his "misconduct" (i.e. conduct unbecoming to members of the University). Anyway he was "too busy" (the matter was not important) and he wouldn't have time to see anybody until "sometime next week" at the earliest and probably then only one person.
He also said that "I and members of the Council do not consider this is a matter for NZUSA." This in spite of the invitation to Presidents and the telegrams of support for Otago Students Association from all the University Students' Associations and 3 M.P's (Amos, Findlay and Hunt).
At Thursday's Forum Cuthbert, Caygill and Collins were among the speakers, to the 1,800 assembled. The meeting heard the telegrams and was told of the recent events and Dr. Williams refusal. It was this that finally sparked off the demonstration. Those present felt that Williams action was an insult to them and their representatives.
Manneh was dispatched with the direction to phone Williams with an ultimatum - either he saw the 4 Presidents or the Registry would be "visited" by those at the meeting.
The phone call brought a totally unsatisfactory reply, a vote was taken to determine that dissatisfaction did not lie with a small minority of students and at 1.50pm except for 10 students all those present left on the march to the Registry. Later this number was swelled to over 2,100 -over one third of the total student enrolement - as more students heard of the protest. Classes and lectures were cancelled, one lecturer commenting that the presence at the Registry was "far more important".
Once occupation was taken up Cuthbert warned students that the protest was to be "peaceful and level-headed"—there was to be no damage.
The Registrar, Dr. Hayward, arrived and ordered out those present in the Vice-Chancellor's office. This didn't seem to work so he summoned Prof Parton, the Pro Vice-Chancellor, who, when he arrived, had as much luck as the Registrar.
At first they stated that they would discuss the matter only if the outsiders Cuthbert Caygill and Collins left. They refused. Thencertain members of the Otago Executive, who had been notably absent during the march on the registry, came on the scene and started
There was universal support for the three presidents continued presence and participation in negotiations.
Cuthbert placed the demands before Parton and Hayward.
(The first demand was later dropped as it was ascertained that the new regulations were not yet in force.)
In attempting to negotiate the demands for the Committee and the Council meeting, confusion set in as various local Exec members attempted to water-down demands and accommodate the Registry officials. The students however were having none of this and elected Cuthbert and Manneh as their sole spokesmen.
The Registrar was instructed to contact Chancellor Sidey and get him to call an open emergency meeting of University Council. Sidey agreed and Parton and Hayward said that they would support an open meeting of Council and would also support the setting up of a committee with 50/50 representation. Having obtained satisfaction in these demands, one remained - for Vice-Chancellor Williams to appear and talk to the four Presidents to mitigate the insult made that morning. The protestors also wanted Williams personal commitment for their demands.
After news broadcasts for over 2 hours stating the demands a white-faced and very distraught Williams appeared. He listened to an account of the events so far and the demands. He agreed to support an open meeting of council and the 50/50 committee and the reporting back of the committee to an open council meeting.
During the course of discussions with him Williams objected to the presence of a T.V. sound camera but changed his stand when the students protested and agreed to hold a press conference after the building was cleared.
At 4.30 the protestors left the building satisfied that their demands had been met. Some students remained behind to clean and sweep the building and generally tidy up the accumulation from the 2½ hour occupation. There was little damage - scratches on a table being the worst -and the association undertook to remedy this.
"The whole affair demonstrates just how far an administration and a vice-chancellor can get out of touch with not only student opinion but also staff opinion," Graeme Collins said after the event. "This would not happen at Victoria with the channels of communication and cooperation that exist. It seems incredible to me that the Otago Council and Dr Williams thought they could get away with the new regulations."
"The fact is that joint committees of students and administration may exist at Otago but when student opinion isn't taken notice of and regulations bulldozed through, the farce of the structure becomes apparant. The blame lies with the university not the students."
David Cuthbert replying to Dr Williams attempt to place the blame on the three "outside" Presidents and NZUSA said "It was Dr Williams through his self-imposed isolation who precipitated the whole affair. He was just not aware of the depth of student concern. The Vice-Chancellor demands an apology from the National Executive for their statements about him. The stand by the Executive would seem to be correct. The behaviour of Dr Williams strengthens the Executive's belief that his handling of the whole affair does anything but inspire confidence in his ability for the post of Director-General of Education for which he is currently designated."
"Our only hope now," said Graeme Collins, "is that the Otago Executive will not crumble or back-track. It has strong student support - one of the strongest I have seen - but it is also in danger of losing that support if the executive tries to compromise the students' position."
As a final note, on the Saturday after the protest, the following telegram was received by NZUSA:
The two thousand students who marched on the Registry in protest against the discipline regulations at Otago and the Vice-Chancellor's refusal to meet the National Executive delegation wish to convey to the National Executive, Constituent Executive and to every student at every university in New Zealand their deepest appreciation for the leadership and support that we have received from you all. We note that the inspiration and leadership provided at our Thursday forum by your telegrams of support and solidarity and by the presence of the National President and the Presidents from Victoria and Canterbury provided much of the stimulus needed to initiate the march. We ask you to convey this message of thanks to all students at your earliest convenience. The two thousand will not easily forget that student solidarity is alive and living in New Zealand. - signed Mike Anderson, Otago.
5. 'Misconduct' includes any conduct by a student which disrupts or interferes with the functioning of the University or the academic work or well being of its members or any conduct which is Unbecoming to Members of the University. Without in any way limiting the scope of this definition any breach of the regulations contained in Parts IX and X and of the Regulations on Alcohol at Student Functions shall be deemed to be misconduct.
3. In a case where the Executive deals with a matter referred to it by a student, the Provost may take further action himself, or refer the matter to the Board of Discipline if he considers that an inappropriate decision or punishment has been made.
4. Any student who has been instructed or punished by the Students' Executive has the right to appeal in writing to the Provost within seven days of being so instructed or punished. The Provost may investigate the matter and confirm the instruction or punishment or vary it in such manner as he thinks fit.
3. (i) The Provost has complete power to make formal or informal enquiry under these Regulations and either in the presence or the absence of the student. The student shall not on such enquiry be entitled to be represented by agent or counsel but he shall not be dealt with without being adequately informed of the nature of the charges and offered a reasonable opportunity of being heard.
1. The Council may from time to time appoint an officer known as the Proctor, or any other officer, to investigate complaints from students or others into alleged cases of misconduct either in any premises or in a public place.
2. Any officer so authorised may take such action as shall in his opinion be reasonable and necessary in the circumstances, including, if he thinks fit, calling the police. He may require any student to supply his or her name and address and may report the names and circumstances to either the Provost, or if he thinks fit, to the Executive for further action. Failure on the part of a student to supply his name and address at the request of the Proctor shall be deemed to be misconduct.
3. The Proctor shall have the right of entry into the residences of students only if he has written authority to enter for a specified purpose, such authority to be signed by the Provost or Vice-Chancellor, and only if an occupant of such residence is present. Without such authority the Proctor shall be obliged to inform the occupants of such residence that he has no right of entry unless the occupants give their permission for him to enter. However, where the Proctor has reasonable grounds for believing that a disturbance is taking place he may take appropriate action, including entry into a student residence to interview the occupants, provided that at the first opportunity a report is made to the Provost and to the President of the Otago University Students' Association Incorporated.
8. The Registrar, under the direction of the Chairman of the Board of Discipline, shall give to any student whose conduct is to be subject of any enquiry by the Board, not less than three days' written notice setting forth the nature of the misconduct charged against such student with such particulars of date and place as may be reasonable under the circumstances. The Board may, if it thinks fit, grant further time to the student and may adjourn the proceedings from time to time.
14. The Registrar shall act as Secretary to the Board. He shall issue to members of the Board, students, witnesses, prosecutors and others, such notices as these Regulations, the Chairman or the Chancellor shall direct. He shall attend every enquiry held by the Board, and, under direction of the Chairman, shall keep minutes of all the Board's proceedings which shall record the nature of any alleged misconduct enquired into by the Board, the effect of all evidence received by the Board, and the terms of every decision come to by the Board. He shall also file all documentary matter used at every enquiry that the Board is free to retain.
6. Any money payment imposed under these regulations, except fines levied by the Executive, shall be paid to the Registrar within twenty-one (21) days and shall form part of the funds of the University. If payment is not made within that time or any extended time that may be granted by the Chairman of the Board of Discipline or by the Provost, the student in default shall not be deemed to have kept terms for the year in which the payment was imposed, and shall be excluded from the precincts of the University.
7. It is the duty of all students, members of the teaching staff, and servants of the University, to attend before the Provost or the Vice-Chancellor or before the Board of Discipline when required to do so. Neglect of this duty by a student is misconduct within these Regulations.
1. No student may reside in any premises other than the home of the student's parents or guardians, of which the Council upon such grounds as it thinks fit disapproves as a place of residence for such student.
3. The Proctor is always ready to assist the occupiers of student flats in preventing a public disturbance which causes annoyance to neighbours and other students. Students are invited to give the Proctor prior notice of any parties which may attract the attention of unwelcome gate-crashers. As a rule the student occupiers of flats will be held responsible for misconduct which originates from their premises, especially in cases where the assistance of the Proctor has not been sought in advance. See also Section VII.
In respect of dances the following additional conditions apply:
Not more than one permit in respect of a dance shall be granted in any year to any one
15. Drunkedness or any breaches of the licensing laws will be regarded by the Council as a ground for severe disciplinary action.
New regulations governing the B.A. degree which change the whole structure of the subjects offered in the Arts faculty were approved at this month's meeting of the Arts Faculty. The new regulations, introducing sub-unit courses are likely to come into force in
The old, nine unit degree is, under the proposed regulations, abolished, and a new degree composed of 108 credits is substituted in its place. The basis for conversion from present units into the credit system is a duodecimal one.
This will apply to all units, irrespective of whether they are Stage 1, 2, or 3. Students will now sit for courses carrying a certain number of credits, mostly of less than 12, to meet the degree requirements of 108 credits.
All students in order to fulfil the requirements for the B.A. degree, will have to meet at least one major subject requirement. These are specified in the regulations and vary from department to department. Most are roughly equivalent to the present regulations, although some departments appear to have taken the opportunity to upgrade their requirements, e.g. Anthropology.
While the strict concept of Stages 1, 2, and 3, will no longer exist, the new regulations include a similar structure. Courses are denoted by numbers, the first digit of which, corresponds in the case of existing courses to the stage at which the course is now offered. A student will have to complete at least 48 credits from courses numbered 201 to 399.
Most departments will not alter their present courses in the first year of operation, although they will mainly be prepared to split their present units up to enable them to be credited separately.
1/ The major advantage is flexibility, both as regards the choice of courses for the student and the opportunity to present new courses for the academic staff. Under the present unit system, students are forced to take papers in which they have neither interest or aptitude in order to take a section of a course in which they are interested. Staff are aware that the links between such courses are often tenuous and of no more than historical significance.
At present, a staff member who is well equipped to present a short course on a specialised topic may well be held back from doing so, because it is awkward to include within an existing unit. Under the new regulations such a course could be offered for separate credit.
2/ Inter departmental efficiency. Especially at higher levels, different departments are offering within their present units, courses which to a certain extent duplicate one another. This is especially prevalent amongst the social sciences - even this year a Political Science II class is attending lectures in a Sociology class. The new system will far extend the possibilities for such inter-departmental co-operation.
3/ A system of sub-unit courses will be especially suited to an assessment system based on in-course assessment. The university is gradually moving in this direction.
One staff member has remarked upon the irony, in an age of growing decimalisation, that we should only now be beginning to realise the properties of the number 12. Like the old unit system, the number is largely arbitrary, and when it gives a degree composed of 108 credits, then it appears downright clumsy. This last point may be covered in the not too distant future by the reduction of the number of credits required for the degree to 100.
Some basis of conversion from the unit system to the new credit system was required however, and the duodecimal system has many advantages in this respect.
1/ It fits with the Science Faculty one third and one quarter units, being divisable by both 3 and 4.
2/ It fits well with the reaper division of present Arts units, most Stage 3 units being composed of 3 papers and other units of 2 papers.
3/ Being a large number, it permits more variations in the possible size of courses. Course may carry credits of any number from 1 to 12, so that it should be possible for credits to reflect work loads et. more accurately than the present system.
Any scheme of regulations will contain some apparent injustices, the aim of reform is to minimize perceived injustices. Like all reforms, the new B.A. degree has certain disadvantages.
1/ Whereas under the present unit system a student may fail in one paper and yet gain a passing grade for the unit as a whole, under the sub-unit course system each paper will be credited separately.
Thus, whereas under the present system a student in Political Science I may get 48 for paper A and 53 for paper B and so obtain a passing grade for the whole unit, under the new system assuming that the papers were available for separate credit at 6 credits each he would obtain only 6 credits or half of a present unit.
This disadvantage is partially offset by the obverse case; a student who under the present unit system gets marks of 40 and 53 now gets no credit wheras under the new system he would again get 6 credits.
University statistics do however reveal that the number of students who would fall into the first catagory, do outnumber the latter type of case.
This disadvantage may well be minimized however, to the extent that students will presumably be more likely to choose those courses in which they are likely to be interested and/or successful.
2/ At least in the initial transition period, the new system is liable to be cumbersome and rather confusing for staff and students alike. The benefits of the new system are likely to be realised only slowly, and students in the meantime will face problems of adaption.
3/ Under the new regulations the number of separate courses available will be greatly increased. This fact has important implications for academic counselling in the faculty. It will obviously be essential for students to be able to receive better advice on their choice of courses than they have commonly received in the past.
The academic staff are aware of this and preparations are being made to disseminate information on he new system and the details of courses which will be offered in
Most courses do have either prerequisites or co-requisites. Each course will be listed in the Calendar with the relevant prerequisites and co-requisites beisside it, This will appear in tabular form. Generally, prerequisites will be somewhat easier than under the present system. Many pre-requisites under the new system will not be strict, and students who lack the prerequisites listed may be admitted to the course at the discretion of the Head of Department concerned.
The duodecimal system was chosen partly on the grounds that it was the system which conflicted least with the present system (e.g. the Commerce Faculty) and the other types of sub-unit courses available (e.g. the Science Faculty quarter and third units). Major difficulties in cross-crediting are therefore not likely within this university.
Cross-crediting of units gained at other N.Z. Universities, (with the exception of Waikato) should present no more difficulties, than will crediting of units already passed at Victoria. The conversion basis will still be 1 unit = 12 credits.
Crediting of courses gained at Waikato towards a Victoria B.A. will be complicated as Waikato operate a vastly different system of credits to all other N.Z. Universities. The new system should not make a great deal of difference. The Committee which originally considered the various methods of making sub-unit courses available, did examine the Waikato system. The obstacles to such a scheme were far too great however and the Faculty has settled for a scheme which fits the present situation and other faculties most easily.
So far as courses passed at this University under the proposed regulations are concerned, the situation is more uncertain. No problem arises where courses are of 12 credits value - that is, equivalent to the present unit. For courses of 6 credits of 4 or 3 credits, the situation is more complex. It is likely, given the system of co-requisites and prerequisites, that most courses will be grouped in a student's course in a fashion that will in some way resemble a cluster of units.
There are two problems involved here (1) the carrying over of a certain amount of credit for courses passed (2) permission to proceed in a particular subject.
The first problem can probably easily be met by the 12 credits = 1 unit conversion which will operate within Victoria.
The second problem will find different solutions in each case, as it does now. Since such permission is normally granted in terms of areas covered rather than names or dimensions of courses, the problem will probably not be much greater under the new system.
The easiest retort to this question is that the present degrees are disjointed and meaningless. If anything, the new structure may lead to more specialised degrees - it certainly offers the possibility to the student.
Students will still be required to fulfil a major subject requirement, so that a certain number of credits must be grouped around a single subject.
A certain amount of advanced work must be passed (48 credits from courses numbered 201-339). The system of prerequisites and co-requisites will minimize the diversity of courses which may be grouped into a degree.
This article is intended to be no more than a generally explanatory review of the proposed set of regulations. The writer has been involved with the drafting of the regulations but the views in the article are in no sense official. The regulations will be widely publicized when they are finally approved, and in the meantime a set of the draft regulations will be available in the Studass Office.
So far the regulations have only been approved at the Arts Faculty level. They will be presented to the next meeting of the Professorial Board for its approval on June 17th.
Assuming that Board approved the regulations, they will be next considered by the University Council (meeting 28th June). Students are represented on both Board and Council and student representatives would be happy to hear suggestions and complaints from students before these meetings.
The Curriculum committee of the University Grants Committee will be required to finally approve the new scheme.
The crucial step has probably been taken already however, and the new B.A. is likely to be introduced in
The Evening Post has labelled the Manapouri Select Committee's Report on the Royal Forest and Bird Protection Society's petition "a big victory". The President of the Save Manapouri Campaign has heralded it as "a triumph". Yet, the three "riders" attached to the recommendations that the petition receive "favourable" consideration are so fundamental that the quarter of a million Romans who hoped to see the Minister of Works walking penitent and manacled behind the triumphal chariot are going to be badly disappointed. It might, however, not be back quite as far as the Leader of the Opposition suggested, that is to say to square one. The Select Committee recommended:
On the face of the report the Royal Forest and Bird Protection Society should feel not only disappointed, but cheated. It petitioned Parliament for a conclusive determination of the issue, i.e. that it not permit the waters of the lake to be raised. The "riders" however, are so fundamentally at odds with the recommendations of "favourable" considerations that the select committee has in fact facilitated the very opposite of what the Society sought. When the tens of thousands of dollars donated by the public to the Society and the Save Manapouri Campaign are added to the vast sums the Government has invested in the Cabinet Committee, the Commission of Enquiry, and the Select-Committee the magnitude of the resources devoted to merely investigative and adjudicatory process become apparent - six figures probably being a conservative estimate.
Every fact, every viewpoint, every possible hypothesis has been brought to bear on the issue. The only thing found wanting has been political fortitude - but it has never been a party to the controversy since money could never persuade it to come along. After ten years the public is entitled to a little better than this.
Nobody could realistically expect the Government to come out the door like Bad-Legs Diamond, with its hands up, crying out "don't shoot G-men." Governments just don't do this. They will always manage to put a gloss on the surrender to make it look like an honourable compromise. In this light, then, it is possible to regard the ecommendation of "favourable" consideration as the substantial finding, and the riders as the face-saving part of the formula. After all, everyone knows that with growing conservation awareness the public opinion climate for a decision to raise the lake will become increasingly negative as time goes on. Given that the Government knows this, the wide foundation routine becomes far less of a catch. The question is, does the Government in fact appreciate that the public wants to see the better aspects of New Zealand life preserved and is prepared to put its money where a quarter of a million-strong section of it put its mouths.
Alas, the debate on Wednesday afternoon following the tabling of the report confirmed the suspicion that the fourty-four tired men on the right-hand side of the chamber have stood still in their thinking while New Zealand has been marching on. First we had the Chairman of the Committee, the Hon A.E. Allan, with a series of Parliamentary gems that will be remembered more for their originality than their relevance. Raising the lake, the country was told, would enable elderly tourists to step right off the boat into the top section of the stockyard love walk. He could have added that they would also be able to climb to the top of 27 foot trees without having to actually climb them. (Tarzan was originally a fish). Then there was a repetition of his colleague's libel about the part played by school-children in swelling the numbers of the petitioners, only this time it was made behind the secure barriers of Parliamentary privilege. Mr Allen rounded off with an attack on the perspective of some of the country's most eminent natural scientists who represented submissions that the Commission of Enquiry went out of its way to praise for their objectivity.
He was later joined by the Hon E.S.F. Holland who, while recognising the need for safeguarding the environment, could not quite see what all the fuss was about.
The real bombshell, however, came from a certain Minister of Works who had better remain nameless, who, after repeating the time-honoured piece about the 'binding' agreement, made it clear that he would recommend that the full arrangement in the current agreement be maintained.
"The final decision on the height of the dam will depend on the relative economies of producing extra energy and firm continuous power balanced against the increased cost of the dam and of clearing the shoreline." What of the agreement? Informed opinion is that the requirements of the smelter (now operating) can be met without raising the lake. If, however, we accept for the moment that the Comalco contract requires the lake to be raised, then if Comalco is not willing to cooperate in renegotiating the agreement to the extent necessary to avoid interfering with the lake level, the Government must contemplate unilaterally abrogating the agreement to that extent and foot the bill. The thesis that follows from this is that such a move would undermine New Zealand's image of integrity in its international dealings. That would be true if the public had known all along about the full implications of the agreement, but the fact is that for six years the people have been fed a diet of placatory assurances that "no decision has yet been made." These assurances when contrasted with the existence of the alleged obligation give rise to three possibilities;
People should thus be aware that the agreement is being used as an excuse to justify adhering to a scheme that a number of politicians have become personally committed to.
Wednesday's debate demonstrated clearly that these politicians are just as committed as ever and that their basic attitude has not altered.
The proceedings and report of the Select Committee do, however, leave room for real optimism. This arises from a fairly subtle twist that a proper interpretation must give the report. The remarks made during the debate show clearly that the real attitude of the committee is to be found in the riders and not in the head recommendations. In that sense the latter is ancillary and subordinate to the former. The only thing that could have prompted the committee to include the ecommendation of favourable consideration would have been fear of the enormous weight of public opinion behind the petition. We have to accept that the sound reasons behind the public desire to save Manapouri will never find a place in the imaginations of the committee. What is important is the simple fact that the public does desire to leave Manapouri unspoiled and no amount of scepticism in politician's minds as to the validity of the reasons for this desire will detract from its actuality and the dire reality of the ballot box. It is a natural human reaction to discontent, belittle, and laugh at what is feared. Hence the insulting emphasis by Government speakers in Wednesday's debate on he peripheral and irrelevant aspects of the great issue raised by the petition, namely whether the public's expression of its sense of values is going to be given effect to.
The present writer would hardly presume to attribute the whole of the eighteen percent swing agains: the Government at Marlborough to the Manapouri debate, but it is unquestionable that it had a good deal to do with it. The Committee's "sop" to public opinion, in the form of the head recommendation, shows that the fear of a nation-wide repetition of the Marlborough debacle is very much alive in the Government's mind. There are a number of other reasons too, for not being too pessimistic.
Naturally, the Save Manapouri Campaign, will remain in action to work alongside the new national federation of Conservation groups now in the process of being formed. Every means will thus continue to be employed to keep public opposition the key factor for when Armageddon finally draws near, that is if it is not beaten to the gun by the Revolution. Judging by the despair that the sheer triviality the Parliamentary debate has engendered about the place the latter is not such a remote possibility.
One need only conclude by saying the Revolution would not be entirely unwelcome.
What are the influences which so bear on a decent, peace-loving man that he feels compelled to stand up against the forces which constitute the state and which result in the commission of so-called crimes against the security of the state?
Why are there political prisoners in South Africa?
I want to paint a very brief picture of life in South Africa, and then to pose the question whether it is possible to accept that form of existence without active protest.
A young African, still a schoolboy, is sent by his mother to a white shopping area to buy some article. He left his passbook at home. He meets a policeman and is arrested on a charge of failing to produce his pass.
A domestic servant sits on a warm night on the curbstone outside his employer's home, it is just after curfew, namely 10 pm. He has no "night-pass" allowing him to be in the street after 10 pm. A police "pick-up" van arrives. He explains his situation. Is he taken to his employer to check up on what he said? No, he is arrested, taken to and locked up in a cell, confined for the night and charged in Court next day.
Africans arrive in an urban area to seek employment, which cannot be found in their "homelands". If they remain for more than 72 hours, they will form part of South Africa's enormous prison population. They may be offered work as farm labourers at a less than subsistence wage. Refusal means conviction and conviction can mean forced labour.
A teacher may decide that he does not want a child he knows to have an inferior "Bantu" education and may decide to teach him to read and write. He will be committing an offence.
An African shop steward may suggest a strike for better wages. He will end up a convict and, should his fellow workers go on stroke, they too will end up in prison.
A worker decides to terminate his employment. He commits an offence. He decides he cannot afford to pay his rent. He commits an offence. He enters a railway station or a post office through a "whites only" entrance. He commits an offence. He sits on a "whites only" bench in a park. He commits an offence.
He has no political rights, no power to vote, no freedom of movement, no freedom of speech, in fact he is only wanted for his labour. He is a human beast of burden.
It would be possible to go on almost indefinitely detailing thin numerable discriminatory and unjust laws affecting the non-white peoples of South Africa. But these examples should be enough to explain why this decent, peace-loving man decides that the atmosphere is choking him and why he must actively oppose the system of apartheid.
And so he courts arrest and conviction and becomes a political prisoner.
Political prisoners are distinguishable from other prisoners not only because they have not been convicted of social crimes; not only because their background obviously ill suits them to be classified with armed robbers, gangsters and thieves; not only because they study in prison; but also because they alone of prisoners are refused any remissions of their sentences.
Quite clearly South Africa's accepted way of life is more compatible with that of the gangster than of the man who seeks to improve the lot of his fellowmen.
If the political prisoner happens to be a solicitor, he will be struck off the roll on application by the Secretary of Justice. The mere listing of a solicitor as a man who has at any time been a member or active supporter of an organisation declared, without prior notice, to be unlawful on the grounds that inter alia it aims at social change in South Africa, will also result in his being struck off the roll. No reason need be given for listing a person and the onus is on him to institute legal proceedings to show he should be listed.
When the political prisoner has served his full sentence, a banning order is served on himand he is placed under house arrest. He may work but his house arrest covers the period 7 pm to 7 am and weekends. He may not receive visitors (which includes close relatives) and may no communicate with any other banned person.
A banned person once had to attend Court. Another banned person attended the same Court. One said "hello" the other put her fingers to herlips. Both were arrested, dragged from Court and thrown into jail.
The African National Congress and the Pan-African Congress are "unlawful" organisations. An elderly man, who had a photo in his house, taken over 20 years ago of himself and other members of the ANC, then a legal organisation, was sentenced to six months imprisonment.
Possession of a badge of the ANC, obtained when it was a legal organisation, had also resulted in heavy sentences. In the same way, possession of an old copy of a new banned publication results in the loss of liberty.
A banned person may not have any statement made by him published or disseminated in any way.
The playing of bridge has resulted in the imposition of a long term of imprisonment for a banned person. Snooker has, however, led to an aquittal. Social intercourse has had so many interpretations by different courts as to lose any real meaning.
If the Minister of Justice thinks the release of a political prisoner can encourage or defend any object of communisim he can order indefinite detention. If it is decided that a political prisoner could bear witness in some other political proceedings, continued periods of detention of 180 days can follow.
Recently we have had the bizarre position of a political prisoner who has been granted an exit permit to leave South Africa but refused permission to leave a town in that same country.
In this short survey, the real suffering of the political prisoner cannot really be portrayed and I have not dwelt at all on the lot of the majority of African political prisoners banished on their release to remote areas of the huge country, there to suffer
I have not even made mention of those wonderful men and women who remain confined in the jails which are symbolic of the "white civilisation" of South Africa. Political prisoners would not ask us to cry for them: but they would ask a cry to go out to all civilized people the world over to stand firm against assistance to apartheid South Africa.
We must couple that cry with a demand for the release of all those true sons and daughters of South Africa from the prisons that confine them and from the restrictions that shackle them.
Lewis Baker was arrested with Bram Fischer in 1964 and was convicted under the Suppression of Communism Act. He spent four years in prison in South Africa and holds the distinction of being the first South African lawyer to be disqualified because of his conviction. Immediately after his release from prison in April 1968 he was placed under house arrest. He left South Africa in April 1970.
The Celebrations planned for the tenth anniversary of the Republic of South Africa include an amnesty for prisoners, and within South Africa itself, one interesting response to these plans has been the formation of a "Committee for Clemency', which is now urging that the amnesty be extended to include political prisoners as well.
The convenor of the committee is Newalal Ramgobin, a Durban businessman, who was himself 'banned' at one time, and whose wife is the granddaughter of Mahatma Gandhi. Mr Ramgobin has toured South Africa, addressing the student bodies of a number of universities, to put the case for clemency.
In a statement in support of the clemency campaign, Mrs Helen Suzman, the Progressive Party MP, distinguished between four classes of political prisoners.
First of all, there are those serving prison sentences under security laws. The South African Government announced in January that there are 808 of these in all—769 Africans, 15 Asians, 14 Whites and 10 Coloured people. (The number at present detailed without trial under the Terrorism Act is undisclosed.)
About 280 men and women are under 'banning orders', and 35 of these are under "house arrest'.
Over 30 Africans have been banished to remote reserves under the Native Administration Act of
The fourth class of prisoners consists of those who have served prison sentences, but who, on their release, were not allowed to return to their homes, and were sent instead to 'resettlement camps'.
Tony Klew, chairman of the social welfare section of the National Union of South African Students, said:
"We believe clemency should be shown to those banned, exiled, imprisoned, many of whom have never been found guilty of any offence, but who have been arbitrarily victimised by the Government for their sincere belief that the present system is wrong."
The amnesty at the time of the fifth anniversary of the republic in
Among other people who have come out in support of the clemency campaign are the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Durban and the President-Elect of the Methodist Church of South Africa; the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cape Town, the professor of law at the Universit of Natal, and other university lecturers; the leader of the South African Labour Party: the writers, Andre Brink, Adam Small and Nadine Gordimer; the president of the Durban Chamber of Commerce; the director of the South African Institute of Race Relations; and Dr Christian Barnard, the heart surgeon.
There is some slight variation in the 'banning' orders served on different individuals, but the standard banning notice has clauses which:
Confine the banned person to a restricted area (this area is generally the magisterial district in which he lives, but may be smaller than that)
Compel him to report to a certain specified police station regularly (generally every day, or on a certain day each week)
Forbid him to attend any gathering social or otherwise
Forbid him to communicate with any other banned person
Forbid the publication of anything he writes or says
Forbid him to set foot in any premises used for the purpose of publication
Forbid him to teach or give any kind of instruction to anyone except his own children
Forbid him to set foot on the premises of any educational institution
Exclude him from areas set aside for people of races other than his own
Forbid him to set foot on any factory premises
The 'house arrest' clause, if imposed can confine him to his house or flat for anything from 1 2 to 24 hours of the day.
The 'banning' orders are valid for five years. They may then be re-imposed, and generally are. The minimum penalty for a first offence against them is a year's imprisonment, of which all but four days may be suspended.
This article is not written for those who are still unsure as to whether sporting contacts with South Africa are right or wrong. It most certainly is not for those who somehow have managed to rationalize the issues out of their ambit of concern. It is written for those who have already decided that sporting contacts with South Africa are wrong, and, who furthermore believe that something should be done to ensure that they do not continue.
It is not my intention here to persuade, cajole, threaten or embarass anyone into supporting our campaign of militant non-violent disruption. That would be altogether too boring, for both you and me. All this article intends to be is a highly personalized explanation of what we are doing, why we are doing it. It makes no excuses, and offers no apologies. Both the situation, and the issues as we see them, are very clear; now is the time to take a stand.
Two years ago H.A.R.T. was formed in an effort to give the anti-tour movement coordination, strategy and tactics. In he early months of
Every other decision made was made with due respect for this cornerstone principle of belief. It therefore automatically followed that on the support of society's opinion leaders would be sought, that a petition would be launched, that large, but peaceful demonstrations would be aimed at. And of critical importance, at no stage would extra legal tactics be countenanced; the democratic process was declared inviolable. To quote from one of the early strategy documents;
Whilst we intend to be active, energetic and seeking maximum effect, at no stage would we contemplate moving outside of the democratic frame of reference. And neither do we have to. The issue in question is one where opinion can be influenced considerably by a programme of education. So often, when supporters of the tour are asked why they are in favour of the tour they reply that sports and politics should not mix. But when it is pointed out exactly what this phrase means, they begin to see what it is those opposed to the tour are getting on about. Once we have established the immorality and indefensibility of the tour, we are well on the way to success.
Reading back over documents such as this has a chilling effect. H.A.R.T. wass so optimistic about the odds. Given the rightness of our cause, the impeccable credentials of those who supported us, the enthusiasm of our many supporters, it seemed that it could all be over in six months. It was the World War 1 situation all over again. The Boch would be defeated in no time at all, and everyone would be home in time for Christmas. The early reversals were considered as no more than mild irritations which would be quickly overcome. But as it became clearer as the months progressed that this was going to be no push over, and that we were in for a long, protracted, and at times bitter battle, there was still no serious consideration given to the proposition that our strategy might be wrong. Our only reaction was to step up our activities - a 'more of the same' attitude held sway.
Yet, despite our best efforts, on
Looking back, the most obvious thing for us all to do, then and there, would have been to sit down, and conduct a long postmortem, re-group ourselves, and adopt new policies. It would be encouraging to be able to believe that battles, campaigns, eras, could always end that way: positive, and full of vigour for what was to come. On June 13, we were anything but positive and full of vigour. What amounted to a years work for many of us, had failed in its most immediate objective. We were tired, we were dispirited, we were weary, so we went home, and we slept.
By the time we had stirred from our sleep, and decided that H.A.R.T. would have to continue, the memories of June 13 were sufficiently far behind us to have lost a lot of their initial intensity. We regrouped, planned, and continued on. The strategy was the same. In some instances the targets were the same—Government and the football union; In other cases, they were new - The New Zealand Surf Lifesaving Assn, The New Zealand Womens Hockey Association, to name but two. We sought from Government a variety of things, none of them at all earth shattering or drastic. We sought to get the Rugby Union to discuss with us the question of sporting contacts vis a vis the mooted
And nothing happened. It was just as it had been before the tour. The great All Black tour, which, in the words of The Rugby News was going to 'light a torch for humanity', had clearly achieved nothing. Yet Government and sporting bodies were still prepared to take the strongest exception to anything which might hinder sports contact with South Africa.
About this time, many of us began having nightmares. We dreamed that we read new papers dated
Discussions on the adoption of a completely new strategy necessarily dwelt in some detail with the reasons for our past failure. Broadly speaking, there appeared to be two possible explanations for our failure to stop the
That H.A.R.T. suffered from inadequate finance and critical regional organizational lapses is well known and need not be spelled out or dwelt upon in any great detailhere. Had all regions collected as many petition signatures as Christchurch, or brought as many people onto the streets as Auckland, or sustained the enthusiasm in the last stages of the campaign as Wellington, would the tour have been called off? I think not. It is also a moot point as to whether more adequate finance would have ended in the cancellation of the tour. If it is claimed that more money would have tipped the scales, how much more? $100, $1,000, perhaps $25,000. (Nixon spent $13M on his campaign and nearly ended up losing). Even had we enjoyed vastly better financial resources and organization, it is doubtful if we would have succeeded.
We lost, because we had played the game according to the rules. We had blindly accepted the rhetoric of the rules without examining their substance. Unless they are completely stupid, and I am charitable enough to believe that they are not, both Government and the NZRFU knew that the
What all this impressed upon H.A.R.T. was that appealing to reason, morality, common sense, a sense of concern, would achieve nothing on this issue. For almost two years we had played the game according to the rules. We had been able to produce a wide range of material all of which conclusively showed that sports contacts with South Africa should no longer be tolerated. We showed that the moral, religious and intellectual leaders of not only this community, but of the world, were opposed to sports contact with South Africa. The pro-contact camp could put up no credible arguments, two or three organisations to support them together with a handful of outspoken individuals - Winstone McCarthy, and Sir Richard Wild.
After the tour came a variety of events which indicated even further the extent to which sports contact with South Africa is wrong. New Zealand was condemned in the U.N. Special Committee on apartheid for sending the All Blacks to South Africa. Vorster clamped a series of bans on various aspects of mixed sport which showed yet again that the tour had had no 'liberalizing' effect. And still the Government refused to admit that it had any business in the matter at all.
We were in an unenviable situation. Government claiming that the matter had nothing to do with it, and sporting bodies claiming that the matter had nothing to do with anything but sport. It seemed that the normal channels through which change can occur had closed, and that only a committment to a less tolerant and more controversial militancy of thought and action could produce a situation where either the Government or the sporting bodies concerned were prepared to call off sporting contacts.
What then were we to do? Violence was out - it is abhorrent, and furthermore, it is the one thing the New Zealand power elite know how to handle better than anything else. The obvious weapon seemed to be militant non-violent disruption. It was this tactic which resulted in the canncellation of the proposed Springboks Cricket tour of Britain. It is a tactic which appeals to self-interest and not to reason. Given that it is self-interest rather than
What then does militant non-violent disruption mean? Obviously H.A.R.T. can only speak in the most general terms when it comes to discussing this matter. No sense in tipping off the men in blue. Make Gilbert's salvation army work for their crust. Besides, as is clearly stated in the pledges which are currently circulating, the exact form of action taken is not decided by me, or by your local area officer, or even by H.A.R.T.'s national council. The decision as to what action will be taken, and when it will be terminated, is taken by those prepared to involve themselves in this activity. One of the ideas which has gained some currency and publicity is that people will chain themselves together on a playing field - especially if one of the chains was attached to a permanent fixture i.e. a goal post, hockey goal etc.
The reaction of sporting bodies to these possible tactics has not been communicated to us. (We are not exactly in the confidence of N.Z. Sporting bodies!) One gathers however, from the grapevine, that they are not taking us very seriously. The time has come therefore, to show these doubting Thomases just what we can do. Whilst it would be neither practicable or desirable to have a full scale dress rehearsal, showing all concerned just how effectively we can disrupt, there is a need for something to be done. As a poor second to the undesired full scale dress rehearsal, the National Council decided that I should travel to all the campuses as early in the second term as possible, in order to meet all those people prepared to involve themselves in our disruptive activities. The number pledging themselves will be an indication of strength our disruptive activities will have. Hopefully, (assuming a large number are prepared to take part in these activities), sporting bodies such as the Womens Hockey Association will then have the good sense to call off their invitation(s) to a racist South African sports team.
Since our announcement, on the 31st of March, that H.A.R.T. intended to do all possible to non-violently disrupt all sports fixtures in which a South African team took part, we have continued to do everything possible to establish a dialogue with sporting bodies. The situation as it stands at the moment is that no sporting association currently involved in arranging contacts with South Africa will speak to us. The N.Z.R.F.U. would not allow us to address their annual meeting. 'We are interested in nothing but rugby' a prominent rugby official told me when asked why we could not enter the meeting.
The situation is similiar with other sporting bodies. The N.Z. Womens Hockey Association has informed us that 'we do not wish to have any further correspondence on this matter.' Bodies such as the N.Z. Bowling Assn, the N.Z. Cricket Council refuse to even bother answering our letters.
Government has also remained self-righteously aloof. In the past month without anything approaching a reasonable explanation being given, they have refused to:
recommend to sporting bodies maintaining contact with South Africa that they enter into a dialogue with the anti-apartheid movement. take part in a three cornered conference involving the anti - apartheid movement, sporting bodies and Government, at which all matters relating to the issue could be fully and frankly thrashed out. call for a report from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs aimed at discussing all implications of the continuation of sports contact with S.A. call for a report from the Ministry of Internal Affairs aimed at discussing the internal implications of a continuation of such sports contact. refused to withold visas from the all-white Womens Hockey team due here this August.
Given the importance of the issues involved, and given the current attitudes of both New Zealand sporting bodies and the New Zealand Government, it would be irresponsible of H.A.R.T. not to pursue its policy of militant non-violent disruption both resolutely and firmly.
H.A.R.T. feels that we cannot dare wash our hands and say 'there is nothing I can do.' We cannot close our eyes to a possibility which is open to us. Robert Kennedy, in a talk given in South Africa in Few will have the greatness to bend history itself, but each of us can work to change a small portion of events, and in the total of all those acts will be written the history of this generation. Every time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope. Moral courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle or great intelligence. Yet it is the one essential, vital quality for those who seek to change a world that yields most painfully to change. And I believe that in this generation those with the courage to enter the moral conflict will find themselves with companions in every corner of the globe.
For us, responsibility and effectiveness are both equitable disruption. Only time will tell.
Having completed the first term (successfully)? and braved Whitcombes sale - still a few after sale specials available - we now have time to study the results of a
Looking at our remaining stocks in some subjects we are worried about you and we suggest:
Or that you knock off the grog and come in when your head is clearedOr (if you ar a woman) that you get a man to pay for your booksOr (if your can't pay your bill) that you arrange with our friendly Credit Manager to be at liberty at the critical timesOr (if you decide that the whole thing's hopeless) that you give up lectures, etc. and at least enjoy yourself. We have tons of jolly good (non-text) books here which many find handy for reading.
Of course, you may want something we don't have. If so, for God's sake let us know. Despite rumours to the contrary we are on your side and will do our best to see that you get them.
"If the white man doesn't know what I'm talking about that's his problem because Black people understand me and thats who I'm talking to."
Cleaver's Post Prison writings evolved in the two years following the nine year term he spent in jail for rape. This book is not meant to be a sequel to "Soul on Ice" but contains various articles, interviews, speeches and letters by him in this period. It describes his contempories; those who influenced him like Malcom X, Stokely Carmicheal and Fraz Fannon's "The Wretched Earth"; those he respects and those he hates. It also contains his ideology and those events which effected him profoundly.
He writes as the Minister of Information for the Black Panther party and states "We start with the basic principle that all deserve the very highest standard of living that human knowledge and technology is capable of providing period." The basic problem is the confusion of not knowing who the friends and enemies are, as well as how to deal with situations. One solution is "to say fuck it, to take acid trips or freak out on weed, pills and alcohol". But this will not provide a solution. Cleaver believes the power structure consciously manipulates the people to this end. In the Black Community the number one problem is the repression by the police. On one level Cleaver says that the social failure which results in people being subjected to deprivation and inhuman living conditions will cause them to rebel. Black people are forced to "turn to behaviour called criminal to get what is needed to survive and then the system punishes them for what is inevitable." On the other level the police are constantly harassing and victimizing the Black people. They are continually stopped in the streets for no reason at all, having their homes broken into without a warrant, beaten up in prison and having trumped up charges brought against them. The aim is to give the Black people a criminal record at an early age; to intimidate and break their spirit by the police constantly being around to remind them of their strength and potential power. Cleaver tells how he was first institutionalized at the age of 12. He noticed the crime orientated way of life with the same people reappearing at all the different levels of the prison system up into the adult penetaries.
He describes two events which seem to have had a profound effect on him meeting the Black Panthers and the attempt to organise a Black community picnic.
Up until the advent of the Black Panther Party the movement had been one of "Splinter groups and an archipelago of one man show cases". Cleaver's first meeting was one of love at first sight. "I spun round in my scat and saw the most beautiful sight I had ever seen". This consisted of four Panthers dressed in black and carrying guns. When they escorted Malcom X's widow to 'Ramparts' magazine office they had a similar electrifying effect on all present. "The lobby resembled certain photographs coming out of Cuba the day Castro took Havana. There were guns everywhere pointing towards the ceiling like metallic blades of grass growing up out of the sea of black faces beneath the black berets of the panthers."
The Panthers attempted to organise a picnic to raise funds. Their time, funds and energy was constantly being sapped by the Police who did everything they could to try to prevent the picnic taking place. In the week before it was to occur sixteen of their members were gratuitously arrested and charged with offences they had never committed. Panther's cars were constantly being trailed. One night the car in which Cleaver was travelling had cause to stop. The trailing cops ordered them to walk into the centre of the street and immediately started firing on them. Cleaver and 17 year old Bobby Hutton sought cover in a basement. They were fired on for half an hour. As a result Cleaver was injured. They were forced to come out when tear gas cannisters were lobbed in. As Bobby was walking towards the police car the cops shot him in the back and killed him.
The language Cleaver uses to describe the people he dislikes is incredibly scathing. Robert Kennedy he describes as the "knight of the liberal round table mounted on that tired hack of the worthy war of poverty, watched by those with a vested interest in poverty - the social worker. He is 'too greedy to be great, too white to be all right'."
Mickey Mouse Ronald Regan he never liked even in the days of his bad moves "Regan reflected to me a sickening mixed bag of humourless laughter and perfect Colgate teeth, with never a hint of the real funk of life". Included in the book is a deferential letter to Regan written while Cleaver was in prison. As well as this is an open letter after Reagan had tried to prevent Cleaver taking a teaching position in experimental sociology at the University of California. "Your thirst and greed for power is so great that you don't care whether or not in your lust you destroy the vital processes of a barbaric society that is trying in its parts to become civilized."
Cleaver believes that what is needed is solidarity between Black and White people, so that they will not become divided and estranged from one another They must remember the country belongs to all the people and say "stick em up mother fucker we want what is ours". But, "I think; that America has already committed suicide and we who now thrash within its dead body are also dead in part and parcel of the corpse.
Once upon a time there were a group of lovable Australians called the Seekers who went to England and made their fortunes. They were happy, happy, smiling group who did not wear their hair long or play loudly. Everybody loved them. Their music was so easy to listen to. They had a girl singer who was less than beautiful and everyone thought she was lovely because she was so ordinary. Then a couple of years ago they broke up. Hints of friction in paradise. One of the Seekers was Bruce Woodley who now says (I am reliably informed) Tuck the Seekers'. He is coming to New Zealand with a brand new bag.
While he was with the Seekers Bruce Woodley had some notable aspects.
When the Seekers I ragmen ted Woodley was not immediately apparent. Other people rode the bandwagon pretty hard, we now have the New Seekers Our Judy, for whom great things were predicted, reared her head in this country a year or two ago, also using the New Zealand public as first base to work out her solo assault. She seems to have since dissolved, I would imagine due more to bad management than good planning. Meanwhile Woodley remained quiet Wrote a few songs, travelled around and listened to other people. Decided what he wanted to do. He now sees himself as "a far more contemporary writer/composer probably best called folk/rock." This (I am told) is the year of the solo composer/performer, of James Taylor, Elton Johns, Cat Stevens and Neil Diamond. This is where. I assume, Bruce Woodley wants to be.
He has recorded an L.P. It features his own songs, he plays all the instruments (except the orchestral excursions, of course) and produced it. He apparantly did this in his leisure in Australia. It has been released in this country in anticipation of his tour. The cover could be the most interesting thing about it. It features a disrobed couple in a pose best described as somewhat compromising - the L.P. is called, naturally, "Just Good Friends."
He also has a single taken from the L.P. It is Friends It is, if you will pardon my understatement, less than memorable The rest of the album is better, which is a relief. He writes about love mainly, sometimes about travelling and sometimes about both. He is not a poet. He describes himself as a "romantic", writing as he feels. He wants to be listened to. All of this seems to me admirable, but perhaps somewhat between the conception and the construction it didn't work out as good as it could be.
The L.P. is a mixture of some solid beaty stuff and some gentle melodic crooning. Parts of it I enjoyed without crawling up the wall in paroxysms of delight. If the approach is allegedly personal I expect more from the words than "I love you girl/like a robin likes his song." Then again I'm probably not strictly a romantic. Anyway I'll give you the whole of that verse and you can judge for yourself.
I must also admit to having a particular favourite song. It is New England Lady. It says (I quote) "Let me throw you an old familiar line." It is very good. How shall I describe it? "The possible progeny of a liason between Niel Diamond and Jim Webb." No, perhaps I won't. It has a sort of pseudo-sitar sound and a flute and has managed to insinuate itself into my sub-conscious. That is, I find myself humming it.
I find one or two of my personal prejudices irritated by the record too. One is intrusions by a chorus. If his aim is simple communication I find females in the background belabouring the point distracting. The other aspect is the american orientation of some of the
Bruce Woodley's tour of New Zealand has a student slant. Students have apparantly been elected best appreciators of his new image music. The tour takes in six university centers and has a discount for students, and has been independent of the usual promotional channels. He is also bringing his own elaborate sound system which to anyone who has had any dealings with the Wellington Town Hall is heartening.
I personally find the theory of all this very commendable. I have the publicity sheets beside me and Bruce Woodley seems to admire the people I
What is King Crimson? King Crimson is one of the new progressive groups that appear on the Vertigo label. They are in very good company as this record label has done a lot to promote underground groups such as Magna Carta, Black Sabbath, Juicy Lucy, Nucleus, Warhorse and many others. So by virtue of association King Crimson are cast in this mould of underground music.
The group were introduced to New Zealand in early
The group's music is original - I quote; "King Crimson play their own material. It is hard to image them doing anything else. The music is fluid and beautiful. And new." King Crimson is a progressive group - they explore the outer spectrum of sound, and if they had existed several years ago King Crimson would have been hailed for their originality and distinctive musical style. But I am afraid that they have come too late, and their talent seems to be submerged in the mishmash that pervades the popular music scene today.
Side One of In the wake of Poseidon is a series of contrasting tunes which begins with Peace - a beginning. A voice slowly echoes form the wilderness of silence:
I am the oceanlit by the flameI am the mountainPeace is my nameI am the riverTouched by the windI am the storyI never end.
This contrasts into Pictures of a city, including 42nd at treadmill. City can only be described as harsh - the hard music and vocals amplify the harsh lyrics. Treadmill is a quiet instrumental which is dominated by Fripp's guitar (and later mellotron) and Mile Giles' drums. It slowly builds up to a climax on which explodes the last verse of City:
Blind stick blind drunk cannot seeMouth dry tongue tied cannot speakConcrete dream flesh broken shellLost soul lost trace lost in hell
Sinfield's highly condensed lyrics are obvious from the above verse - he tends to capture very intense, personal, and highly fleeting images of, in this case, stark reality.
The third track is entitled Cadence and Cascade and as the title implies it is a rhythmical sequence of chords. This is a quiet, lyrical tune where the vocalist is accompanied by unobtrusive drums and an acoustic guitar, with the later addition of a piano. Mel Collins' flute solo helps the quiet attitude of the tune, but the lyrics are vague (I suspect that either Sinfield's images are becoming too condensed or that I can't grasp their obvious meaning). I suppose that I pass this tune off because essentially it's not my type of music, but I do recognize the quiet beauty in its construction.
The last track on Side One is In the Wake of Poseidon, including Libra's theme. This is King Crimson in their element. In both music and lyrics it is similar to Epitaph from their previous LP, and like City it promotes harsh lyrics. Sinfield's words are put across firmly but not loudly:
Plato's spawn cold ivyed eyesSnare truth in bone and globeHarlequins coin pointless gamesSneer jokes in parrot's robe.
At this point I would ask what the hell the words mean. A look back to Epitaph shows us lyrics that can be understood but still have the same harsh ring as those above:
The wall on which the prophets wroteIs cracking at the seams.Upon the instruments of deathThe sunlight brightly gleams.
In Poseidon the dominating instrument is the mellotron, which seems to invade and fill all the vacuum in the tune, with contrast being provided by the drums. Libra's theme is a logical instrumental extension of Poseidon and the two are intimately woven together by Fripp's mellotron. I find the whole track rather misnamed - Poseidon was a mythological sea god, and bearing this in mind I find that the aquatic connotations of the track require a bit of imagination. This track to me promotes a more universal concept of environment.
Side Two opens with an acoustic guitar giving us a false beginning - the quiet instrumental is equated with Peace but it soon mutates into Catfood. I find this tune rather distasteful, perhaps because it smacks too much of modern reality. Hard and disjointed notes equate with the harsh lyrics. Keith Tippet's piano improvisations deserve special mention, along with some sections of the insturmentals, but little else does. Nuff said!
We come now to the instrumental highlight of the record, which encompasses four sections: The Devil's Triangle, Merday Morn, Hand of Sceiron, and Garden of Worm - all four sections are intricately linked and must be considered as one.
A martial drumbeat slowly evolves from the outer silence to merge with the slow introduction of a mellotron, giving an incredible, slow, almost deadly rhythum. The drums go on beating, providing a base on which the mellotron launches into wave after wave of long, drawn-out, beautiful notes. The only other piece of music which I think provides the same powerful feelings is "Mars -bringer of war' from Gustav Hoist's 'The Planets" suite.
The inevitable climax is reached and then the music fades away into the sounds of wind which eerily whistles its way through the speakers. Silence descends, to be replaced by a slow ticking. The mellotron throws itself into more incredible notes, this time at a faster tempo. The music then evolves into a type of free-form sound in which the mellotron dominates and a piano tries to make itself heard, while the drummer goes off on his own. It needs very talented musicians to carry off this style of music, and I am afraid that King Crimson don't make it - the whole sequence ends up as a musical free for all which, mercifully, is driven away by a sound which marks the return, momentarily, of the regimented music heard at the beginning. This harp-like sound fades away and we find ourselves on the last track, Peace - and end, which is an extension of Peace - a beginning.
This track also has some of Sinfield's most beautiful and meaningful lyrics (which are also understandable):
Searching for meYou look everywhereExcept beside youSearching for youYou look everywhereBut not inside you.
A lonely voice slowly evolves into an echo which fades away into silence, and one could imagine the whole cycle starting again:
Peace is a dawnOn a day without endPeace is the end, like deathOf the war.W. Fosman
People of course are pigs. Human institutions of course are pig-sties or pig factory-farms and abattoirs for pigs. But why 'of course'? The Whyness' of the 'of course' is the very coure of history. Pigs roll in the mud as we roll with equal comfort in the ecological mud of our urban and rural effluents and waste. Pigs often destroy their off-spring, but then so do we in our more devious humanoid ways. These models of careless mess and gratuitous cannibalism are, so far, very close.
The conventional bourgeois parern-
For the rest of us, we finally roll into a deep enough patch of mud to be buried, or we manage to get fried into an over-crisp bacon in the vault of the crematorium—keeping our relatives' feet or trotters warm by the way.
Be sure that there is no chance matter in the appellation 'pig' made by young American revolutionaries to police and their collaborators, psychiatrists, and false authorities in general. The pig is a clear-cut identification. The other phrase, 'mother-fucker', is more ambiguous in the sense that it may imply a limitation of one's sexuality to one's mother or, alternatively, a liberation from an incest taboo.
Despite its cannibalism the pig is the most anally-genitally inviting animal in the world. It offers up its arsehole, with a protruding lower anal lip, for all comers. Perhaps through recognizing this invited bestiality, we may see our way out of being the beasts we are to others. We may cease to be that strange beast slouching towards Bethlehem to be born again, as Yeats wrote in a poem expressing his conic, or con-ic, theory of history. Maybe we can become not false messiahs but true prophets, each not chattering but telling true messages to the other. The false messiah simply exteriorizes the evil spirit of the madman and puts them into the swine who rush to their destruction down the Gadarene slope. The true prophet, by personal exemplification, shows the other person how to de-terrorize the demonic forces, contain them in the person and, ultimately, integrate and befriend them. One wonders about the man who was so violently bereft of his demons by Christ. The man who said his name was Legion because he had so many internal family and pre-family (archaic) figures inside him. I think that in his parable one can be sure of one thing; the madness left the madman for sure, but it did not die with the swine—it remained in vacuo available to all the world. Madness, although always particularized in each person, is also something that permeates the human ether. Madness is a tentative vision of a new and truer world to be achieved through destructing—a de-structing that must become final—of the old, conditioned world.
But let us return to pigs. In Italian,
If pigs had wings, as the saying goes, anything could happen. Well maybe pigs do have mysterious, unseen wings, and maybe we don't see the wings Because we are afraid that 'anything might happen'. In that case we are pigs with either invisible or vestigial wings. For some people the wings are simply invisible and may be made to appear at any moment. For others the vestigial wings may never allow ascendance and flight, even in dreams.
It is no sheer chance that Cerletti discovered electro-convulsive 'treatment' in the abattoirs of Rome, where pigs were killed by electrocution. Those pigs who did not die showed notable changes in their modes of behaviour, and then of course he started giving electric shocks to mental patients 'experimentally' as well as to 'improve the race'. This comes close to the geneticist Kallman's classical book in which he starts off with modes of eliminating the genetically inferior to purify the race and thereby heighten the cultural level of humanity. A great many psychiatrists who see madness as genetic and constitutional have been influenced by Kallman's work despite its dubious methodology and the contradictory results published later.
But pork, like us, is always painfull. Like the legendary story of the Chinese man whose house burnt down and whose pigs were roasted. He put his finger into one of the pigs but quickly pulled it out because of the intense heat. He sucked his painful finger and found the taste delicious, and so roast pork was discovered. No doubt in this story there was some hidden intentionality in the burning down of the house. All eating is concealed sacrifice, all gour-mandise is necrophilia in disguise.
The porkhuman takes many forms. There is a poster in a London butcher's of a nude girl, showing lines drawn across her body marking the different joints of meat, breasts, legs, etc. The difficulty here is that people take no heed of the violence done to women in terms of their being made sheer abject objects—and women seem so far to notice least of all.
Greed may involve parts of people's bodies or it may involve whole persons and groups of people or even whole classes.
Oral greed is perhaps the most easily understood. Mothers often feel their babies are greedy to the point of wanting to swallow the whole breast—at least! And of course if babies are not nursed and held in the 'instinctive right way', they will demand more feed than they objectively need. This oral greed is repeated in the case of people who take hard drugs or alcohol in excess—though here of course there are many layers of intelligibility beyond the infantile oral situation that have to be analytically explored. Cannibalism is supreme as a greed fantasy but in practice it is ritualistic or a direct expression of hunger. (See Pier Paolo Pasolini's film The Pigsty.)
Melanie Klein has dealt so well with greed on this level that I shall proceed to the farther reaches of greed.
The next sort of greed we must look at is evacuation greed. This refers to the need excessively to shit or fart on other people, to piss on them from a great height, spitting in someone's face in excess of the provocation of the other. It reaches psychotic limits, to use the term in its conventional sense, with bombs and guns, as at the My Lai massacre in Vietnam, which was a clear display of evacuation greed. Whether someone is going to be greedy enough to drop the H-bomb, or unleash chemical warfare, is another matter.
The definite essence of greed, beyond its outward direction, is that it is self-destructive—ultimately, what one eats up or shits on or becomes subservient to, is one's self!
The third mode of greed involving parts of bodies is
The baby must feel to be and be felt to be a separate although recollection of experience rather than simple, direct memory. The person in therapy may at a certain point go through the foetal responses to parental coitus without knowing and without memory in the ordinary sense.
Finally, we must consider greed for
There is also of course the need to feed people into production lines which is greed, and the need to feed facts about people into computers which is also greed. Then there is genocidal greed such as the wish of the US government to consume the Vietnamese people.
It seems that in the first world, at least, we are all greedy hogs. I think I'm going off bacon!
From The Death of the Family by David Cooper, to be published by Allen Lane The Penguin Press on 27 May at £1.50. David Cooper was born in Cape Town. South Africa, in 1931. His principal concern has been to develop existential psychiatry in Britain and to elaborate principles to overcome the methodological difficulties and compartmentalization of the human sciences. He is a founder member of the Philadelphia Association. London, and Director of the Institute of Phenomenological Studies. Among his works are
For those who have not yet realised the fact, next year in November or thereabouts, you will be called upon to exercise your influence on the democratic structure of our society. In short, politicans will be using their various devices to persuade you to vote for them. For
The purpose of this article is to try and give some indication of the thinking of one of the Two Parties in New Zealand, (Social Credit is some kind of Utopian fantasy), so that you will be in some say forewarned as to the issues that are going to be cultivated to win your support.
Because there is no watertight guarantee that remits discussed at Labour Party Conferences will become Labour Party Policy even when endorsed by a majority of the delegates, it is pointless to attempt to predict issues from the various committee recommendations on these remits. As the President of the Labour Party, Bill Rowling, expressed the reason for this 'It would be fair to say that there has been some expression of concern from certain quarters about the quality of positive policy released by our Party since the last election... experience has taught us that depositing ideas with a bankrupt Government is simply to invite the kind of depreciation that they have applied to everything else.' Thus the argument, translated from the idiom levelled at the captive loyalist audience, is that the policy reforms that Labour will present are so much along the lines of the thinking of the present Government, that the Government itself would have little trouble with incorporating such policy into action. For those who feel that there is a strong need for a general re-thinking of the philosophy behind government policy making, such a statement could scarcely be described as a reassuring one. On the other hand, if Rowling meant to convey the idea that this re-thinking was taking place in the Labour Party, then to suggest that it cannot be revealed for fear that the National Party will take over the ideas, and downgrade them, tends to undercut the supposed dynamic quality of the ideas themselves. With either interpretation, one is not left with an overwhelming feeling of confidence or certainty as to which way the Labour Party will jump - nor with the conviction that it will be even in the right direction.
However, an indication of what areas the Labour Party is concerning itself with can be determined by examining the issues raised by the President of the Party, Bill Rowling, Norman Kirk, the Chairman of the Parliamentary Party, and the ways in which these themes were picked up and clarified or reiterated by the reports of various section groups within the Party.
The address of the new President, Bill Rowling, to the Conference, was very different in tone, style and subject matter compared with previous efforts by past Presidents. The impression that some band wagons were being jumped upon was gained however, and the two main topics were related to the issues surrounding 'Racial Harmony' and 'Conservation'. No new insights into these two widely reported issues were presented, yet a clear indication was given on the subject of racial harmony regarding areas which warranted some rapid improvement. For example, reference was made to the under staffing of welfare officers, the slow rate of growth in trade training schemes, and a sympathetic comment was made with regard to the agitation for the preserving of Maoritangi (although no specific courses of action to get positive recognition for these beliefs were outlined). A feature of this address was its general orientation towards the human needs being denied by the various problems discussed - be they in relation to conservation, Maoritangi, Industrial disputes or Vietnam.
Norman Kirk's Report of the Parliamentary Labour Party contained the usual semi-analysis of the stands taken over the bill presented to the House during the current session. He then went on to outline the issues that were felt to need some comments upon. These were, (in order of presentation); Prices, Industrial Relations, Farming, Trade and the E.E.C., Medical Services, Road Safety, Education, Housing and Foreign Affairs. He gave the assurance that under a Labour Government a full time Minister of Labour would devote full attention to the task in hand - that is, in establishing communication and confidence between workers and management in New Zealand. His comments on farming and trade and the E.E.C. were closely related. In addition to the need for the restoration of profitable farming is the search for a means of marketing our products in new felds outside the traditional ones. However, those outlets already functioning should be maintained - which led into the issues surrounding Britain's proposed entry into the E.E.C. Mr Kirk spoke of his overseas experience of the questions surrounding the proposed entry, and stated that we could fall back on arguments based on appeals to 'our sentimental bonds or the past sacrifices New Zealand had made' as these were 'nothing to be ashamed of. Our concern should be directed towards 'the need for more than merely transitional arrangements', in that New Zealand trade should continue along the lines of a permanent right of sale, in 'fair competition' with other countries, as well as the right to supply cheap essential food-stuffs to British customers.
Another high point of the speech was concerning Education. Mr Kirk deplored the way in which the value the National Government placed upon Education was in the final analysis a matter of dollars and cents. Deficencies exist at all levels of the system - and many of these have been indicated by the growing demonstration of discontent by those teachers actively involved in the day to day attempt to cope with them. He held that it was a basic human right for each individual to be able to persue a free education for which he is best fitted', to the limit of his ability. Labour placed the establishment and maintenance? of this principle as one of high priority.
Throughout his speech, Mr Kirk spoke convincingly -it was toward the end of it when speaking of the tragic events in East Pakistan, that he dropped the tone of voice considerably, as he recalled the lack of response from nations of the world, who stood aside and watched in silence as the atrocities continued. This comment illustrated a feature of Norman Kirk that many have seen too infrequently - humane and compassionate feelings toward those who are suffering in a situation totally beyond their control. Identification within the Pacific Basin, Foreign Aid, (approaching 1% of the G.N.P.) and our voting 'non-record' on issues involving apartheid and South Africa were also examined in the speech.
Overall, the report was well delivered, and covered a variety of subjects. It is significant that it was delivered in the afternoon, the time most convenient for the television coverage, of course.
The other two high points of Conference were the presentation of two reports, one by the Youth Advisory Committee, and the other by the Maori Policy Committee. The first is interesting from the viewpoint of how a contentious issue was fairly neatly contained by Chairman Rowling, and the second was notable as a more informed comment about the 'racial harmony' issues raised by the same gentleman.
The Youth Report firstly outlined the events at the Youth Conference that took place at Victoria University on the weekend prior to the full N.Z.L.P. one. It is open to all the delegates who are under 25. The report, read by Dave Butcher, of the Vic Labour Club, went on to portray the activities in which the Labour Youth had been involved in the preceeding year. Apart from canvasses, seminars, and general policy generating as a result of such discussions, the Labour Youth group were participating in demonstrations with like minded students, and consientious citizens, that were organised in support of the cancellation of the
The Maori Policy Report put the flesh on the bones of the remarks made by previous reports. Issues it highlighted were; The Statistical disparities between the Maori and General Population, Maori Migration, Race Relations, Treaty of Waitangi, Maori Parliamentary Representation and Education and Skills. The report referred to the growing 'new wave' of voices of anger and concern - and went on to break down the agitation into five main characteristics. These were: 'A need and desire for learning thins Maori', 'a need and desire for holding on to those successful agencies - for example, Maori representation, Maori voluntary organisations', 'A need and desire for advancement in a modern society', 'a need and desire to articulate the concern that has always been there, but which has remained veiled under the natural courtesy of the Maori, but above all it is creating the desire for change.'
Among the points raised by the report were anomalies such as those relating to the 'patrial' criterion in the new British Immigration Act - as this feature does not take into account the fact that as the original inhabitants of New Zealand, a Maori may not have had British grandparents in his whakapapa. Other anomalies were discussed under race relations, once it had been acknowledged that the term was a fashionable blanket one, (and roughly corresponds to what Duncan Maclntyre delights in calling The Maori Problem'). The main point in this area was that even if legislation was passed against discrimination over employment, housing, and so on, unless the social and economic conditions causing the active exercising of discrimination are in some way lessened in severity, the need will still exist, and discrimination will be perpetuated.
With regard to Maori Parliamentary Representation, there were three main points. The report was not in favour of the abolition of separate Maori seats, as it felt those advocating this idea were ignorant of the implications of such a move to the Maori people. It proposed instead an increase in the number of seats so that they would be more in line with population figures. Bearing in mind the nature of the Maori population; (its youth fulness), the committee recommended lowering the voting age to 18. The committee recorded that the Education system was orientated towards the European cultural tradition, and was often of little relevance to the Maori Child's background, nor did it take account of the difficulties caused by teaching from one culture to another. Special attention needs to be given at all levesl - from preschool to trade training and university styled teriary education.
Overall, it was, despite cynicism over remit-into-policy- adoptions, a very friendly and interesting conference, For kicks next year, you might enjoy it. But as a paraphrase of a current advertisement on the T.V., join a branch first. Failing that, some students on campus have had sadistic delight in lighting their cigarettes and best friend's hair with Norm Kirk match box books:
Offer expires
I went down to the Town Hall the other week and they were having this Labour Party Conference. They had a table just inside the door too, and there were match-books on it with Norm Kirk's phizz on one side, but when I asked the girl for some she said that they were three cents each. I though of driving these latter day money changers out of the socialist temple, but when I thought about it it seemed that nobody would have got the point. In the land of the blind one-eyed is usually beaten about the head with sticks, so I sat and looked around instead.
When I came away I was puzzled by some things, and worried by others. The first thing that puzzled me was the great to-do about the election of someone called Hirschfeld to the National Executive. I knew quite a few of the people there and they've always struck me as sane, sensible folk. But they were very excited and pleased and running around telling each other how marvellous it was. I don't know much about Hirschfeld, although I know what he looks like because I've seen him on television quite a lot. But it seems to me that apart from having longer hair and a bigger car than most members of the old guard of the party, he doesn't differ from them a great deal. Both the old guard and the group that Hirschfeld seems to lead have views as sad as turnip juice on most issues. I suppose the trouble with the left is that they haven't had a single new revolutionary idea for about 2,000 years, so even they have trouble simulating enthusiasm for what they have got. Even if it were radical in any sense of the word, the election of one man to a committee serves only to neutralise him. Nothing suffocates a radical as quickly as co-option into the elite. But we're not talking about radicals here, are we, so it doesn't make any odds.
Another thing that puzzled me was the excitement generated by the passing of some radical remits. Some of them were radical, believe me, and the most radical thing of all about them was that the Labour Party Conference passed them. But apparently the fools thought they were framing party policy for the next election. Any Stage I political scietist would be able to tell them (and there were quite a few honours level political scientists among the delegates who should have known better), that election policy is decided by the policy committee, over which conference has minimal control. It's the creature of the parliamentary Labour Party, a subcommittee of caucus to all intents and purposes, because the majority of its members are MP's. Any other member is a decoration. That it should be controlled by MP's is perhaps only right. After all, they're the ones who have to go out and sell their own version of sackcloth and ashes to the electorate every three years, not the conference. The mass of Labour voters are not, strange to say, the vanguard of the proletariat marching in blue overalls, arm in arm in serried ranks toward a glorious socialist future. Most of them wouldn't be seen dead in a pair of overalls outside working hours, and quite a few of them within working hours too. To them the dilemmas of twentieth century man have got nothing to do with women's liberation, or homosexual law reform, or withdrawal from Seato, or equal rights for woodlice, or whatever it is that's the current enthusiasm of the fruit juice drinkers and ninety mile hikers on the radical fringes of the Labour Party. To a representative Labour voter the major dilemma of the twentieth century is more likely to be how to preserve your personal dignity and run for the bus at the same time. (That's an important problem by the way. The current solution seems to be a stifflegged cross between a stumble and a galumph.) Barry Humphries wouldn't be at all surprised to learn that Mrs Norm Everidge has a lot of relatives living in New Zealand. Labour voters may not know anything about politics, but they know what they don't like, and a lot of it is the sort of radical remits passed at conference this year. I'll lay even money with anyone that withdrawal from Seato won't be the brightest jewel in the diadem of Labour's election manifesto when Fatcat Kirk and his merry men draft it for the next election. Nor will endorsement of the Wolverhampton Report. If conference goes mildly radical that's nothing to shout about. On the contrary. It only means that the gap between the conference and the electorate has got wider. It's the electorate who decides who's going into Parliament, not the conference of the New Zealand Labour Party, and if the parliamentary party are going to do any genuflecting in
There was something else I noticed too. There were a lot of northern carpetbaggers there. I suppose that it's only to be expected when it looks as if Labour is going to capture the Treasury bench, that there should be a frantic snatching at the bandwaggon. Everyone wants a chance to whip the horses...sorry, electorate. There'll probably be more carpetbaggers next year. It'll be interesting to see who they are. 'Radical chic' Tom Wolfe calls it.
I left the conference with a curious feeling in my mind that I'd been to a play by Samuel Becket. There was an air of grotesque reality about the unreality of it all. Faction X squabbling with cabal Y, group separated from group by chasms of hairswidth, and behaving as if the gap was a hundred miles wide, earnest people running their meaningless errands in the corridors of power, television cameras, commentators, all the paraphenalia that goes with the scenario of a political party in the seventies.
I walked back to my office. 'Been to the conference', I announced to a colleague as I walked in the door. My colleague looked blank; 'Conference? What conference?' Then her face cleared. 'Oh yes. The Poultry Breeders' Association. Anything interesting there?'
Congratulations to Paul Barrett, John Kiesly and Kerry McDonald for being included in the Wellington team. Barrett and McDonald were the best forwards in an ineffective pack, in the Lions game on Saturday. Barrett won the tight head duel 4 to 1, while McDonald, the University captain, was a prominent figure in all the tight play.
In a previous colum I wrote about the duty of players to the club, and it seems appropriate that some reference should be made to the duty of the club (and this means the administrators) to the players. Our club is singularly fortunate in having forceful articulate representation from active playing members on the Committee. This is important because in Rugby it is the players who matter most and certain administrators, particularly those in the higher echelons of N.Z. Rugby, should it seems, be constantly reminded of this rule.
The most important official from the players' point of view is obviously the coach. His job is demanding, time consuming, often frustrating, but deeply rewarding, particularly when he sees players executing moves and plays he has shown to them. Really, the only worthwhile coach is the man who, while petting his own way with them, is the players' friend, helpmate and guide and yet who makes himself subservient to the team and its members.
The team manager is important too, in looking after the multitude of tiresome tasks associated with running a Rugby team, so that the players and the coach are free to concentrate on their duties. Other officials, involved as they are in the routine administration of the club, ensure reasonably smooth behind-the-scenes operation of such facilities as the social rooms which form an integral part of the club's activities. But remember, when you are ready to criticise some aspect of the club's administration, that the officials devote their time simploy because of their love for the game and respect for the players.
While on the subject of criticism I now intend to use this column to openly present the factual position regarding one of the select group of sides in the club (Junior 2nd, 7th and President's "B") which are leading their respective grades. John Frazer and his players in the Junior 7th grade have earned a mass of points with strong forward play and hard running backline while the Junior Presidents team produces a happy blend of Taranaki-style forward play and ideal university back play as they go on their winning way.
Any person connected with the club will be aware of my direct association with the Junior 2nd side which, as yet, is unbeaten. Criticism has been voiced that this side includes too many players who are too good for the grade and should be in higher divisions. Let's have some facts, not uninformed gossip, about this. Four members of the side are aged 18, eleven are 19, four are 20 and one 21. With an average age then of just over 19 that hardly puts them in the class of the "older players" (to quote Mick Bremner) who qualifies for the Senior grades -anyway the length of their hair would militate against selection for the A's!!
Have a look at their playing back-grounds from last year also - 6 are first year students who attended college in
The success of the squad is due to forceful and positive on-the-field leadership plus a team-spirit which Would be the equal, at the very least, of that shown by any other team in the club, or indeed the competition.
Many of those who have criticised this team and attempted to degenerate its efforts have never seen them play a full game... and so they are worse than uninformed critics, and seem to be motivated more by jealousy than any desire to present constructive criticism.
I make no apology for using this column to present the facts of the matter and publicly criticize those who have acted in the way I have described.
Next time we will have a look at the Clubs Junior 3rd sides.
Just who is Ian Dunn? You may well ask mate, sit down and prepare yourself for the tremendous disclosue as to the identity of this crud. Ian Dunn is the "first deputy club-captain" of our illustrious thug by club. You'll never disagree with him again, now will you? But will you continue to read the shit he writes in each issue of - what's the name of our newspaper again?
It seems in time-honoured tradition that all rugby players, (like myself, are (a) ignorant or (b) insular, or (c) both. But surely not a person holding the estimible position which 'Dunny" (as I believe his friends rather appropriately call him) fulfills.
Yet, every week, the Sports section of ? farts out an "Ian Dunn on Rugby" which is really "Ian Dunn on Ian Dunn". Christ, this man has neither journalistic expertise nor journalistic discretion.
Do we get an objective and coherent report on rugby in our university? Not on your nelly mate! We get instead a jumbled, emotive diatribe on what Ian Dunn thinks is the case, or should be the case, that's what we get mate.
So Ian Dunn doesn't agree with Mike Poremnet when the latter maintains that short hair is a necessary condition for one's being mature and respectable. But the rugby column of... yes, that's it "Salient"... isn't the place to voice his opinions. And so all his team have long hair and staggered along to practice after sinking piss at "Splash" - no need for him to spring to their defence in the rugby column, where what is wanted is factual, unbaised reporting.
Only a certain rugby writer in a certain local newspaper could hope to match his literary ability. This same writer is on record as writing that "The All Black back movements were as ragged as the lowest! clothes of the Bantu in the crowd." Yet not even this equals Dunn's comment that some are "languishing on he sideline" every Saturday "like some village Hampden yet unborn". See what I mean eh?
Winter, you must be bloody short of copy to include this sort of drivel. Aren't you meant to edit it?
Sorry I've raved on a bit Rog, but I do wish that at least you'd do something about your sports pages. Why else does one bother to read your paper anyway?
P.S. Why not send Winter and Dunn to China with a rugby team? Hell they could out write you friend Mao - think of that.
In the first week of the May holidays the V.U.W. Motorcycle club conducted a trip to the South Island. Six bikes went down... five came back. And most of these suffered some kind of damage! The casuality list was;
Footnote: According to members of the bike club there is a planned trip to a riding school soon as a result of the above efforts.
At the start of the winter season numbers suggested that Victoria would be a reasonably strong club. As in the past, however many lower grade players dropped out through lack of ability and lack of willingness to organise themselves, (because as in previous years Vic had no recognised coach) As a result we ended up with only two teams.
With seven of last years "A" team back again, plus an exciting new prospect in Peter Mitchell, an American player from Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, Vic's early season hopes looked good.
We still lacked tall players of ability with such players as Paul Bevin, Greg Billington and Tom Pivac, all attending University full-time, but still overlooking the University Club and playing for outside teams. Another American player, Loren Gresham, although only here till July, also opted to play for an outside club. Had all the players attending Victoria made themselves available, Victoria would have romped away with the Wellington competition and would have had one of the strongest club sides in New Zealand.
The "A" team, playing in the top league at Newtown, seems to be continually underestimated by the Wellington Association.
Although we were runners-up in the end of season playoffs last year (losing narrowly in the final to Marist 62-61), the Association still failed to invite Vic to enter an intercity competition, to which they invited the top 2 teams from Palmerston North, 3 from Hutt Valley and 3 from Wellington. However, so far this year we have decisevely beaten Seatoun, seeded top equal with Marist, 42-31, and also beaten a complacent Marist team on the second encounter, after losing to them earlier in the season, 43-32. In fact, although recognition of our strength does not seem apparent, we have lost only one game to date, winning five and thus heading the competition.
Fixtures for the "A" team in the near future include a trip to New Plymouth to participate in a North Island Club tournament, and a possible trip to Christchurch to play in a triagular tournament with Otago and Canterbury Universities. Our chances of winning the New Plymouth tournament are good, and our trip to Canterbury" should provide some indication as to how we will fare at Winter Tournament in August, as Otago have won the previous two tournaments.
The Victoria "B" team, playing in the "A" division of the weaker Central City League, are also enjoying success and at present are top-equal, having had four wins and a draw.
The Netball club got off to a shaky start with a poorly attended A.G.M. and a flunctuating membership for several early weeks. Two teams were entirley sorted out and entered in Senior Second Grade and Fourth Grade respectively, and after the usual disruptions caused by holidays and homecomings, both now appear to be settling.
Last week the Senior Seconds had their first win and the Fourth grade, their first near-win! Two members of the club have been selected as Wellington trialists; Linda Christian, for the under 20 team, and Theresa Wall, for the Wellington Senior Seconds. We extend to them our best wishes.
As the teams gain confidence the club spirit is improving. With tournament ahead, mutters of "fitness training" and "practices" should not be ignored.
Potential is very obviously present in terms of both leadership and playing ability: a determined effort this year will ensure the club's vitality in
Winter Tournament this year will be at Auckland, not Canterbury. Though travel arrangements are not finalized as yet, so far it seems that we will be travelling up on a special train on the 14th August, with Lincoln and Canterbury students. Clubs had better start arranging teams etc. God only knows when the ski tournament is to be held, but it could well be at Cragie-Burn.
As you may or may not know this years Exec has decided that strong measures are needed to get the association out of the financial suit it is in at the moment. In other words club-grants are the first to get the axe. At the moment 5% has been chopped off the grants, dropping the sports grant from $5,800 to $5,510. This constitutes a magnificient $10 increase over last year's sports grant, and is just what is needed to combat the inflationary situation that has fouled up the association's finances, and the clubs finances!.
The situation is that inflation has hit both clubs and the association. Now, in order to counteract its effect on assocation finances, club grants have been hit at a time when they should be increased to counteract the inflation.
So, in actual fact clubs are bearing the brunt twice-over:
(i)firstly from the general inflationary situation at the moment, and (ii)secondly, because they have been coerced into "helping" the association with its monetary troubles.
In the past one or two members of exec have frequently displayed marked anti-club tendencies! These tendencies have been particularly manifested in their opposition to sports clubs - consequently, they were only too happy to see grants for these clubs cut!
So it was not surprizing that when the treasurer proposed out of the blue to cut club grants by 5% the motion was passed 5 - 4. The reason for the sudden decision was simple... clubs were calling for their money and it was therefore necessary to make a quick decision about how much they were to be allocated. There was no time to examine in any great detail the state of club finances!
The idea behind Eric's thinking here is that the cut will supposedly be borne equally by all clubs. This is simply not practical. Some clubs don't receive a grant at all, because they don't need one, and so they won't suffer. Other clubs need a set amount each year to survive and they can't easily be cut back. (The paying of court fees for example.)
What all this boils down to is that clubs which apply for grants so that they can buy gear will be the hardest hit, for they are the easiest to set back.
Personally, I think this is a piss poor situation for sports council to be in. At the least there should have been a 5% increase on the amount budgeted for this year.
The Billiards club is endeavouring to raise a short term loan of $730 from Exec for a coin-operated pool table. Strange as it may seem, while this could be quite a profitable operation it is meeting opposition in some quarters, mainly due to the hang-up of where it is to be housed.
To be successful surely it needs to be in the Student Union? Last year Otago made $1,100 from its three tables, and if the housing problem can be solved some filthy lucre could be made here as well.
This year, the formerly almost redundant squash club has taken a new form. Handicapped in the past by a lack of active members,
So far results have been very encouraging. Member participation on club nites (Mondays from 7.30pm) has been so good that the Committee has negotiated with John Reid to hold a second club nite on Fridays (from 6.30pm). Another feature of the club this year has been the interest in the position ladder. So far competition has been very keen, the top positions on the ladder in August determining who will represent Vic at Squash for Winter tournament.
It should be emphasised, however, that playing ability in the club covers a wide range - from a big proportion of social squash standard to those of a much higher standard. This is good to see and in line with the priciple aim of the club which is to provide a forum where squash players of all abilities may meet and enjoy their squash.
However, this aim cannot be realised unless members and those with an interest in squash give their support to the club. So, if you play squash now and do not belong, or if you think you might like to play, then come along to club nights and join up.