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International Affairs
We hope that we can claim to be the first paper in New Zealand to be able to give the fall text of this plan. On Jane 6, Trygvie Lie the Secretary General of UN, sent a memorandum to all member nations which he called "A memorandum of points for consideration in devloping a 20 year plan for peace through United Nations." Pull texts of this have just arrived, and we consider it important enough to drop the planned feature for this week to print it.
Salient hopes from now on to be able to devote a regular section in at least every second issue to aspects of U.N. activity.
As Secretary-General, it is my firm belief that a new and great effort must be attempted to end the so-called "cold war" and to set the world once more on a road that will offer greater hope of lasting peace.
The atmosphere of deepening international mistrust can be dissipated and the threat of the unversal disaster of another war averted by employing to the full the resources for conciliation and constructive peacebuilding present in the United Nations Charter. The employment of these resources can secure eventual peace if we accept, believe, and act upon the possibility of peaceful coexistence among all the Great Powers and the different economic and political systems they represent, and if the Great Powers evidence a readiness to undertake genuine negotiation—not in a spirit of appeasement—but with enlightened self-interest and common sense on all sides.
Measures for collective self-defence and regional remedies of other kinds are at best interim measures, and cannot alone bring any reliable security from the prospect of war. The one common undertaking and universal instrument of the great majority of the human race is the United Nations. A patient, constructive long-term use of its potentialities can bring a real and secure peace to the world. I am certain that such an effort will have the active interest and support of the smaller Member States, who have much to contribute in the copulation of Big Power differences and in the development of constructive and mutually advantageous political and economic co-operation.
I therefore venture to suggest certain points for consideration in the formation of a 20-year United Nations Peace Programme. Certain of these points call for urgent action. Others are of a longe-range nature, requiring continued effort over the next 20 years. I shall not discuss the problems of the peace settlements for Austria, Germany and Japan—because the founders of the United Nations indicated that the peace settlements should be made separately from the United Nations. But I believe that the progress of a United Nations Peace Programme such as is here suggested will help to bring these settlements far closer to attainment.
Inauguration of periodic meetings of the Security Council, attended by foreign ministers, or heads or other members of governments, as provided by the United Nations Charter and the rules of procedure; together with farther developments and use of other United Nations machinery for negotiation, mediation, and conciliation of international disputes.
The periodic meetings of the Security Council provided for in Article 28 of the Charter, have never been held. Such periodic meetings should be held semi-annually, beginning with one in
Further development of the resources of the United Nations for mediation and conciliation should be undertaken, including re-establishment of the regular practice of private consultations by the representatives of the five Great Powers, and a renewed effort to secure agreement by all the Great Powers on limitations on the use of the veto power in the pacific settlement procedures of the Security Council.
A new attempt to make progress toward establishing an international control system for atomic energy that will be effective in preventing its use for war and promoting its use for peaceful purposes.
We cannot hope for any quick or easy solution of this most difficult problem of atomic energy control The only way to find out what is possible is to resume negotiation in line with the directive of the General Assembly last fall "to explore all possible avenues and Examine all concrete suggestions with a view to determining what might lead to an agreement." Various suggestions for finding a basis for a fresh approach have been put forward. One possibility would be for the Security Council to instruct the secretary General to call a conference of scientists whose discussions might provide a reservoir of new ideas on the control of weapons of mass destruction and the promotion of peaceful uses of atomic energy that could thereafter be explored in the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission. Or, it may be that an interim agreement could be worked out that would at least be some improvement on the present situation of an unlimited atomic arms race, even though it did not afford full security. There are other, possibilities for providing the basis for a new start: every possibility should be explored.
A new approach to the problem of bringing the armaments race under control not only in the field of atomic weapons, but in other weapons of mass destruction and in conventional armaments.
Here is another area where it is necessary to re-active negotiation and to make new efforts of finding some area of common ground. It must be recognised that up to now there has been virtually a complete failure here and that the immediate prospects seem poor indeed. Clearly disarmament requires an atmosphere of confidence in which political disputes are brought nearer to solution. But it is also true that any progress at all towards agreement on the regulation of armaments of any kind would help to reduce cold war tensions and thus assist in the adjustment of political.disputes. Negotiation on this problem should not be deferred until the other great political problems are solved, but should go hand-in-hand with any effort to reach political settlements.
A renewal of serious efforts to reach agreement on the armed forces to be made available under the Charter to the Security Council for the enforcement of its decisions.
A new approach should be made towards resolving existing differences on the size, location and composition of the forces to be pledged to the Security Council under Article 43 of the Charter. Basic political difficulties which may delay a final solution should not be permitted to stand in the way of some sort of an interim accord for a small force sufficient to prevent or stop localised outbreaks threatening international peace. The mere existence of such a force would greatly enhance the ability of the Security Council to bring about peaceful settlements in most of the cases which are likely to come before it.
Acceptance and application of the principle that it is wise and right to proceed as rapidly as possible toward univesality of membership.
Fourteen nations are now awaiting, admission to the United Nations. In the interests of the people of these countries and of the United Nations, I believe they should all be admitted, as well as other countries which will attain their independence in the future. It should be made clear that Germany and Japan would also be admitted as soon as the peace treaties have been completed.
A sound and active programme of technical encouragement of broad scale capital investment, using all appropriate private governmental and inter-governmental resourced.
A technical assistance programme is in its beginnings, assisted by the strong support of the President of the United States. Its fundamental purpose is to enable the people of the under-developed countries to raise their standard of living peacefully by specific and practicable measures. It should be a continuing
More vigorous use by all Member Governments of the Specialised Agencies of the United Nations to promote, in the words of the Charter, "higher standards of living, full employment and conditions of economic and social progress."
The great
Vigorous and continued development of the work of the United Nations for wider observance and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms throughout the world.
It is becoming evident that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the General Assembly in
Use of the United Nations to promote, by peaceful means Instead of by force, the advancement of dependent, colonial or semi-colonial peoples, towards a place of equally in the world.
The great changes which have been taking place since the end of the war among the peoples of Asia and Africa must be kept within peaceful bounds by using the universal framework of the United Nations. The old relationships will have to be replaced with new ones of equality and fraternity. The United Nations is the instrument capable of bringing such a transition to pass without violent upheavals and with the best prospect of bringing long-run economic and political benefits to all nations of the world.
Active and systematic use of all the powers of the Charter and all the machinery of the United Nations to speed up the development of in. international law towards an eventual enforceable world law for a universal world society.
These three last points deal with programmes already under way to carry out important principles of the United Nations Charter. They respond to basic human desires and aspirations and co-ordinated efforts by all Governments to further these programmes are indispensable to the eventual peaceful stablisation of international relations. There are many specific steps which need to be taken for example, under Point 10, ratification of the Genocide Convention, greater use of the International Court of Justice, and systematic development and codification of international law. More important is that Governments should give high priority in their national policies to the continued support and development of these ideals which are at the foundation of all striving of the peoples for a better world.
What is here suggested is only an outline of preliminary proposals for a programme: much more development will be needed. It is selfevident that every step mentioned, every proposal made, will require careful and detailed, even laborious preparation, negotiation and administration. It is equally self-evident that the necessary measure of agreement will be hard to realise most of the time, and even impossible some of the time. Yet the world can never accept the thesis of despair—the thesis of irrevocable and irreconcilable conflict.
(Reprinted from the United Nations Bulletin, Vol. VIII, No. 12, June 15, 1950.)
We had originally intended to run in this isssue one of the articles on either extra murals or part-timers which are mentioned elsewhere in this issue.
But we make no apology for leaving these over for an issue or so, to make room for an extremely long article—considering the size of the paper—containing Trygvie Lie's memorandum to member nations which he has termed a 20 year plan for peace.
Perhaps no statesman in the world is so much entitled to our attention at the moment. As Secretary-General of UN, he is the one important, forceful figure in the fearful hurly burly of world politics who is able to stand apart from the recrimination and give advice impartially. That is what UN was originally meant to do perhaps a little more than advice, some might add.
It is facile in the extreme to try to pretend that all of the blame for the present situation is on the other side. It is horribly reminiscent of the little children's "Oh, you started it" . . . "No, you did" ... "No, you did," to hear Dean Acheson sanctimoniously painting the picture of the peace-loving Western Democracy and the big bad bear who just Won't co-operate with us. It would possibly be amusing if we could afford to be amused about a trend which is likely to bring about another holocaust.
Above this, then, stands Lie. The first and the only major effort of recent years to work within the framework of UN to solve the cold war is embodied in this memorandum.
Under the circumstances we feel we are justified in dropping matter of internal university affairs: because if some active consideration isn't given to this sort of thing, then it isn't going to matter a great deal in 10 years what the universities thought back in
That is one reason why we think we are fortunate in being able to give what we think is the first NZ printing of the full text of this. We have complained before that NZ papers do not give sufficient weighting to UN affairs: recently one local paper printed side by side—giving them the same weighting, apparently—a report of UN organisation to launch a full scale world attack on the problem of TB, and a report of the annual meeting of the Society of St. George. This is a fantastic state of affairs.
We hope that we can free ourselves from the criticism that NZERS are more interested in making off-course betting work than in a plan to make peace work.
Recent trends among university administrators appear to be in the direction of abolishing these two long standing and long, suffering groups.
There is little doubt that no university which claims the right to the title should allow either, especially extra murals. A university should not be a place for learning, but a place for learning by discussion. Whether unfortunately or no, the extra mural student cannot hope to belong to this stream of thought, and he cannot hope to be genuinely a university student
It may be a bad thing that he loses the chance to study for technical qualifications. There was seen years ago a need for some sort of institution—apart from the university—which would cater for this technical preparation. It is more obvious now.
What is obvious at the moment it the trend is dangerous. Not because it seeks to abolish the methods of part time or extra mural, study, but because it seeks to abolish them precipitately without substituting for them any real alternative. By all means raise the standard by making it necessary for students to get into the atmosphere of study full time. But for the Lord's sake, what is the use of making it necessary without making it possible? Certainly make the conditions tougher, the qualifications harder: but please give everyone a fair chance to measure up to those conditions.
Before university administrators have that slash at extra mural and part time study which is clearly coming up, they should be right behind a scheme for bursaries which is the only answer. The negative method of preventing non full-timers must be replaced by the method of making it possible and desirable for students to become full time.
(Salient has two major articles on the two subjects coming up. These will be printed in the two issues after the mid term break—we hope. These will note the recent decisions about extra mural study, and it is hoped to have some information about the committee set up by the Executive to, study university trends. Ed.)
I have just received a copy of your issue of March 16, containing the review of Arachne 1.
I would like to thank the reviewer for his kind words about my poem, and commend his perspicacity as the poem contained two misprints which greatly altered the sense.
But when he quibbles about the uneven-ness and the errors, mainly editorial (and with his points I agree) he is inclined to overlook the human proneness to error. For instance he too, makes slips, and misnames my poem.
He makes no point at all when he attacks intellecuallty per se.
A university college should not only have Cappicades to its credit and the warning that the publication is sponsored by a literary society should not entitle the reader to expect comic strips.
Comparison with the literary publications of colleges both in England and America should convince him that Arachne is yet an intellectual lightweight
Present trends abroad indicate that literary life will centre more around the seats of higher learning. Preparations for this should be made, and a certain liberty assured cultural activities. The demand for making the level more accesible and less personal should be re-considered.
The artist, the thinker, is above all else, a person
Next week is the mid-term break, and in line with our usual practice, we will not publish then. The next issue of "Salient" will therefore be on the Thursday following—that is, July 6.
Though the list of Executive candidates announced at last night's AGM are printed here, it was clearly impossible for us to run a report of the meeting here. The report will be published in full in the next issue.
When almost every reviewer and, every periodical around has poured out its reactions to this film, it isn't easy to know what to say fresh. One could take the attitude that it is somewhat discreditable merely to agree, so start finding fault. Or one could Just look up all the other Comments and take care to say them an in different ways.
If most of the reviewers have agreed that The Third Man is a film which stands out head and shoulders above the ordinary box office trimmed product, then we can only agree with them. Mind you, The Third Man started life with a silver spoon in his mouth; the offspring of a triangular liason between Carol Reed and Robert Krasker and Graham Greene might be expected to have some unusual qualities. With such inherited endownments, it was practically guaranteed that—apart from mutations—it would grow into an adult exceptionally well equipped: the attributes of originality and imagination in direction, thought and a certain pungency in script, and not least a visual interest which, is far above the ordinary.
The Third Man has all these things. It may not be a groat film, except that it is bound to have a technical effect in some of its innovations, on those who follow But it is a thoroughly satisfying job of work—with director Reed and cameraman Krasker perhaps taking more of the laurels than the script writer.' Post war Vienna cant be the happiest place in the world, and it is difficult to see how the film could have better succeeded in catching on celluloid the dispirited desolation, the empitiness and futility, the amoral callousness which fill the air of a country at once liberated and conquered. The chief virtue of the film that—without heavy handed morality—it does show the heed for something to fill this particular vacuum. One is uncomfortably aware that the mere control of the racketeer, the extirpation of the signs of black-marketing, will never overcome the cynical pseudo-philosophy with which Lime is able to justify himself. Lime, the rugged individualist; for whom the world exists to provide a living: for whom there are two classes—the bright boys and the muckers. The part is well enough drawn without becoming a caricature—and we can feel no compunction when the world catches up on him. Maybe it's typical of Greene's attitude that Lime is wiped off by his friend, a weak, vacillating nobody, rather than by a stern avenging retribution. Taken in its barest form, the story is little more than a thriller, but Greene naturally invested the bones with the flesh of his own philosophy: and the result is both better and weaker because of it.
What really makes this is that it's a film. It realises from start to finish that what counts in film is what one sees; what effect produced in the mind of the audience must depend on the final form of the film seen. Reed is fortunate in that his technique never becomes precious or self-conscious. Close-ups are used when we are getting right to the character of the person, and they have meaning therefore. Long range shots put the people in their place among the background, and we get a sense of proportion. The whole pattern is worked out by a film virtuoso. Most satisfying to the jaded film goer is the stimulating sound, though. It is possible that every bandwaggon following film for years now will have a one instrument sound track ... but the zither, much acclaimed as it is—rightly so, because its astringent twanging is half the atmosphere—is far from all the sound. Lime in the tunnels, unable to pick the direction of the sounds of his hunters, is the best example. Blended with excellent camera work throughout, this is what really made the film. Because Reed showed that he could perform all the American tricks of polished technique and finish with one hand and still leave himself free to juggle his ideas with the other.
Of the few faults, was the worst Joseph Cotton? He started off badly with the only cliche of the film—the inevitable shot of the train pulling in and the carriage-doors. And he was, fortunately, acting a weak character. But, like Odd Man Out, the main character is impelled rather than impelling, fortunately. And we can close no better than in quoting "Time" . . . "the final proof of director Reed's greatness is that he got a temperate ... performance out of Orson Welles."
.Itwas posibly a pity that I had seen M. Verdoux at all. This film might have been vastly more entertaining if the theme weren't so almost familiar. And maybe, even if I had seen the other, I shouldn't have noticed the resemblance If the director hadn't flagrantly cribbed the scene where the murderer watches, from the garden, the smoke rising which denotea another victim's demise. Odd echoes of other films were there also—the admiral went down below the surface and left but his cap, which floated away on the waves. But so did the golfer's cap in "Dead of Night." However, I guess that so many are liable to lookplagiaristic when they are not that it's hard to Judge
But let's worry about these. The film is rather good is it is.
There didn't seem to be any good reason why Alec Guiness should have had all those parts, unless it were part of an economy drive, or because that man now has a reputation for being in disguise. Apart from this criticism, the film makes good entertainment. The theme is extremely well worked out. This is one film, in fact, where the technique of flash backs makes sense—and that's saying a great deal. The humour throughout (or wit, perhaps, it being rather too diamond-hard and sharp for humour) is really good. One can imagine quite clearly why the murderer becomes so; the motive is quite clearly established, in the words of the stock detective novel. And in the same words, we see the method only too well—all the methods, in fact. There are lapses in the love scenes, maybe, but they are usually made up for by an extra dose of dry wit later on. Maybe, too, it doesn't bring out as well as Chaplin's the feeling that the murderer is after all but the application of business morals to the conventions of death—but there is enough comment left to justify the entertainment. If the moral is slim.
Best crack—the murderer consoling himself when he causes his first victim (on a weekend at a country hotel with his amour) to be drowned while in a passionate embrace, with the thought that he can't really regret the death of the girl too because, already during the weekend "she must, several times, have met a fate worse them death."
.AtVUC, regular recitals by Ruth Pearl and Frederick Page together with other artists proride a most welcome opportunity for bearing chamber music. On Wednesday lunchtime (at 1.15 p.m.) there is the chance to hear the Bach violin sonatas expertly presented—a chance nobody should miss. A violinist of Miss Pearl's calibre should be treasured, and Mr Page's playing, far from being taken for granted, deserves our constant appreciation—his part in the Trout quintet remains a delightful memory
In the field of broadcasting Wellingtonians have recently suffered from a decreased potential of Station 2YC, only refuge for the racetired and anti-serialist listener. By now, things seem to have improved again, and it is again possible to enjoy the brief interlude of chamber recitals on Monday nights at 8 p.m. For years I have been waiting to see something done regularly, and now in the "History of Chamber Music," we seem to be getting closer to it Before that, we had a series of Beethoven and Schubert works. Why not add some Brahms? Why not give a history of the sonata, a history of the violin concerto? Some works seem to be doomed to eternal dust on the proverbial shelves .... Mr Doidge may yet go down in N.Z. Broadcasting History of The man of monumental stature. His announced New Deal, experimentally being introduced in Auckland, sounds really good. It has finally been realised that of the four stations "servicing" the main centres, one might be singled out for what one might term middle-brow to high-brow continuous programmes. Time signals—we hope!—and similar stem reminders of the March of Time may be eliminated, chamber music—we hope again!—will not be rudely followed by band music, and the price for a classical programme on Wednesday will no longer be trash on the six other nights. The solution seems to be in sight, and although it may be too early yet to rejoice, one may reasonably cease moaning: Let's only hope that the New Deal will proceed as rapidly southward as the unending cyclones reaching us—as we are told ad nauseam—via the harbinger of all ills, Tasmania Arise, ye sufferers, salvation is near!
I found myself perusing—to the detriment of my scholastic achievements—the most perplexing book I have yet seen, it is called "Musical Uproar in Moscow," by Alexander Werth (a Yank of course). Well, Yank or no Yank, this book contains much original material: translations of official publications concerning the proceedings of the higher Soviet authorities against Soviet Composers, led by that stalwart of Soviet Music (self-appointed and self-styled), the late Comrade Zhanov. My, my, how difficult it must be to know just what is Soviet music and what is not! How totalitarian the classless society must be, if it may only dance to a certain tune, not! too sharp, not too flat; what a host of proletarian genius must have been hidden in Tschaikovsky and Rimsky Korsakoff, unknown to themselves. And how imperialistic, decadent poor old Gershwin is, compared to them! it's high time we had a "Rhapsody in Red"—however, joking apart, how anyone can feel not disturbed by this streamlining of culture (or Kultur??) is a puzzle to me. Go and read for yourself—I'd like to know your reactions. Just think what would happen if Comrade Fairburn were our, musical dictator! Thank God for the correspondence column in "The Listener," friends.... And herewith I leave you for today.
The Club reported some time ago about two of its early season races, but we apologise for the non-printing of this material.
They were the Lowie Race, a club event held but a few hours after the closing of Capping Ball—a race won convincingly by Ron Milburn who is a new runner to the club, but one who shows a great deal of promise. We regret to say that his poor showing—only sixth place—in the Sherwood Cup was rather due in fact to the bad influence of the Chemistry Department and their ways. Bob Hunt came in first in the Sherwood with Mike Truebridge second and Warnock third. There was no doubt at all that Bob did extremely well to win from K. Turnbull, the Massey champion. But even Bob's lead was not sufficient to save the four man team's race from Massey—a race which was run off simultaneously with the Sherwood. Massey held into second, third and fourth places, giving them a lead of 1min. 17sec.
The club has recently elected a new secretary, Alan McDiarmid, owing to the retirement of Toby Blundell, who is going overseas: and there are two new committee men also—Tony Latham and Mike Truebridge. We are extremely pleased to report that training has been under way for the events which face us.
(The Masterton road race was run off on June 10 this year, but the club has not let us know what happened. This is printed as a reminder.)
The baton change in last year's Wellington Masterton road race: no information yet about this year's.
Last Friday, the Debating Club held a slightly livelier debate on the pros and cons of militant onions. As usual, the Debating Club, non-militant, had a poor attendance.
For the affirmative, Mr. Goddard justified militancy in unions after a historical development of their purpose for 10 minutes. Emerging from the past into the future only in time to hear the warning bell, he eloquently stated, in the brief time he had left, the fact that combinations of workers were vitally necessary to protect their own interests Mr. Garrett for the negative, based his case largely on the fact that militant unions were guilty of using force to impose their ideas on 'he community: such a method was incompatible with the structure of democratic method.
On this point he was sharply assailed by Mr. Bollinger, who stated that the absence of force and the attention to the workers' arbitration courts had brought little in return. The militant unions were at least able to prevent themselves from being ground under: and the grinding under of the workers could hardly be held to be in the best interests of New Zealand's prosperity.
Mr. Foy diverged from the strict paths of the debate to dwell (a) on the virtues of the nationalisation of the breweries and (b) the vice of too many hot baths per week. On this, the case rested for the negative.
Speakers from the floor were vocal rather than informative, eloquent rather than convincing, Mr. Walsh ("the Irish are the happiest people in Europe because of their constant strife") and Mr. Williams ("Unions are a standing agency for social criticism") were the two outstanding ones. Mr. Cook was logical and capable: Mr. Curtin rather stagy, unfortunately: Miss Pearce thoroughly pleasing in manner though not always in argument: Mr.
Of the summaries, Mr. Garrett's was certainly better than his first speech. He noted that by prefering to resort to the use of force the unions lost that weapon; and if in the future the Irritation caused against them by Press attitudes, plus the power of the state in the hands of the workers' opponents (armed with conscript troops) were to amount to an actual attack on the workers, then they themselves would be to blame if the only method left was to use force in answer. Force, he noted, in answer to a superior force.
Mr. Goddard, too, was a great deal better. His arguments were good—but there appeared to have been no reason why he should not have quoted the effect of militant unionism on the shipment of scrap metal to Japan before the war, it would have been a major argument.
After all this militancy, the negative and Mr. Cook won out in the opinion of the audience and the judge respectively.
Published for the Victoria University Students Association and printed by the Standard Press, 25a Marion St, Wellington.