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Volume 1 No. 5October 1985
ISSN 0111 - 8773
Published by
Nelson Historical Society Incorporated
C/- P.O. Box 2069
Stoke, Nelson, N.Z.
Copyright: Portions of the Journal should not be reprinted without the permission of the Committee of the Nelson Historical Society and should be acknowledged to them.
We are grateful to contributors and to the Nelson Provincial Museum, the Marlborough Historical Society and the Waimea South Collection for making photographs available.
Costs and measurements are given in historical articles in the form in use at the time. Approximate equivalents for distance: 1 inch = 2.5 centimetres, 1 foot = 30cm, 1 mile = 1.6 kilometres. At time of conversion one pound equalled two dollars. This has changed with inflation etc.
Printed by R. W. Stiles & Co. Ltd, Nelson
This issue of the journal contains articles on a wide range of topics and it is pleasing that some of the articles are based either on talks presented at public meetings or on notes prepared for field excursions. The publication of such articles was one of the original objectives of the 'Journal of the Nelson Historical Society', which first appeared in 1955 and was succeeded by the present journal series in 1981.
This year has seen the introduction of a new publication schedule so as to ensure that the journal is printed and distributed well before Christmas. This should eliminate some of the problems eperienced in recent years. Further editorial changes are under consideration and it is expected that these will be discussed in the near future at a joint meeting of the committees of both societies. One possible change is for each society to take responsibility for articles originating in their respective areas although the journal editor would still have overall control. This would allow each society to be fully involved with the journal yet still ensure that the substantial cost benefits associated with a single publication are retained.
Finally I thank your Editor, Mrs Margaret Brown, for continuing to oversee the journal's publication and ensuring that its high standard is maintained. After 8 years Margaret has indicated that she will be stepping down as Editor and I'm sure all will appreciate the time and energy she has given to ensure that our history is recorded.
It appears that the first report of coal in or close to Nelson was made by Arthur Wakefield who in November 1841 noted in his diary, a few days after coming ashore on what is now Wakefield Quay, the finding of small specimens of coal nearby. These and other indications of coal were observed and reported on by Dr Charles Forbes. Forbes was assistant surgeon on the paddle steamer HMS Acheron which in 1845–51 was engaged in surveying much of New Zealand's coast. That this survey was extremely successful was due not only to the ability of the Acheron's captain, John Lort Stokes and his officers and crew, but also to the versatility a steam powered vessel had over sailing ships. Thus the significance of coal in New Zealand was of more than academic interest to Forbes when he presented a paper to the Geological Society of London in 1855 on the geology and coal resources of New Zealand. However the reference by Forbes that "in the neighbourhood of Nelson, a fossiliferous sandstone is found, and seams of lignite and shale occur" was not very encouraging. The fossiliferous sandstone he refers to is that at Magazine Point and the lignite and shale are probably those at Wakefield Quay previously noted by Wakefield and which occur in what is now called the Port Hills gravel. Although the gravel outcrops extensively in the vicinity of Nelson the lignite proved to be present in uneconomic amounts although intermittent prospecting was undertaken at a few localities in this area. Therefore for fuel the early settlers would have to have used imported coal or locally obtained firewood. Undoubtedly wood would have been widely used and even up to 1872, some 10 years after it was built as part of an ill-fated chromite mining venture on the slopes of Wooded Peak, the Dun Mountain Railway was used to transport firewood to the city. However as the forests were felled, both for timber and to make way for pastures, it would have become more expensive as transport distances and therefore costs increased and coal, if found locally, would be a more viable alternative. In addition, if large quantities of coal were found then it could be exported thus generating additional capital and therefore spending power within the settlement.
Although coal was known in the Brook Valley at least as early as 1853 it was at the foot of Jenkins Hill on the south side of Jenkins Creek (also known as O'Brien's Creek) to the southwest that the first mine was developed (Fig. 1). During 1858 Alfred George Jenkins opened up a coal prospect on his property called Enner Glynn. It must have been very superficial for in July heavy rain destroyed the workings and a more ambitious investigation was then initiated. By September Jenkins had two drives constructed by John Marsden, an experienced miner. Although in September it was recorded that 200 tons of coal had been won the drives had to be abandoned because of unstable ground conditions. The coal was very soft but trials using the iron screw steamer White Swan (124 tons), the paddle Tasmanian Maid (32 tons), and Mathew Campbell's steam mill all proved satisfactory. Campbell declared that the coal was better than the best firewood available.
At this time moves were in progress to establish the Nelson Coal Mining Company which would develop the seams located by Jenkins. At a meeting, on 21 Sepember 1858, a preliminary committee comprising N. Edwards (merchant), W. Wilkie (storekeeper), A. Kerr (banker), M. Lightbank (tanner), J. Hooper (brewer), E. Everett (publican), M. Campbell (miller) and J. Lewthwaite (publican) was established. M. Bury (engineer) was secretary. Bury and Edwards were later replaced by W. L. Wrey and G. Richardson and J. Corrie became secretary. The company was to have a capital of £ 10,000 in £ 1 Abbreviations used are: £ s d = pounds, shillings and pence; ft = feet.
By the end of February 1859 the company had exhausted its capital and Sir David Monro, a shareholder, wrote on the 9 March 1859 that "both the shafts that had been sunk are in such a place to miss the seams" and prophetically remarked that the stratification did not seem continuous. Also the quality was inferior to that obtained earlier and had proved unsuitable when used in the Tasmanian Maid. With the Austrian geologist Ferdinand von Hochstetter due to visit Nelson, the company, a fortnight later, resolved to suspend all operations and get Hochstetter's opinion. As this would have left the mine idle for three months some shareholders tried to raise a further £35 to find the seam from which coal, to the value of £42 10s 4d, had been sold to the White Swan. However this was unsuccessful and during the winter of 1859 Jenkins began mining operations again and, starting
Hochstetter, who was commissioned by the Nelson Provincial Government to assess the geology and in particular the mineral wealth of the province, made a detailed examination of the mine and its environs in early August. He noted in a 252ft drive put in by Jenkins several seams, 3 to 6ft thick, that dipped steeply (50 to 60°) into the hill (i.e. towards the southeast). He reasoned that as the coal measures were apparently overlain by older rocks to the southeast they were in fact overturned and had been subjected to considerable tectonic pressures. Hochstetter incorrectly described it as a brown, rather than bituminous, coal. No doubt due to the weathered nature of the coal close to the surface. This was also a mistake that was to be repeated several times by geologists such as McKay, J. M. Bell and others.
Today the remains of the mine can still be seen although most of the workings have been bulldozed over to allow pasture establishment. However, pieces of coal are widespread in the soil. Several exploratory drives that penetrate the Port Hills Gravel and which were probably put in much later than Jenkins day, are still in good repair. It appears from the reports of Wrey and Marsden that the coal measures in this locality had collapsed from higher up on Jenkins Hill and thus the shaft had bottomed in the Port Hills Gravel which normally overlies the coal measures.
In 1894 there was renewed interest in the coal measures adjacent to Nelson. This was probably prompted by increases in the cost of coal shipped to Nelson from Golden Bay and even from as far afield as New South Wales. In August 1894 several citizens living in Brook Street took the initiative and established The Brook Street Coal Prospecting Association to prospect a farm, owned by James Wilson Newport, on the east side of The Brook downstream of the reservoir (this was the circular basin just behind the present caretaker's house, the present dam was not yet built). £ 100 in £ 1 shares was subscribed and at a meeting on 10 September 1894 a 50 year lease over 200 acres of Newport's land was negotiated. If a company to mine coal was subsequently registered, Newport was to receive five fully paid up shares for every 100 issued. A royalty of sixpence per ton for every ton over 100 tons mined, with a maximum of £50 a year, was to be paid.
Directors of the association were John A. McArtney (Chairman), A. D. Blick. W. Miller, C. Park, and the secretary was F. A. Bamford (in January 1895 Blick and Miller were replaced by P. Martin and F. Atkinson). The association appointed a miner John Kissell to take charge of the prospecting. No time was wasted because on the 11 September a drive was started into the hillside on Cummings (now Cummins) spur, 30ft below
After the drive reached about 42ft a crosscut was started in an attempt to meet the old workings. However by late October the air in the new workings had steadily deteriorated and safety lamps were ordered. Several other drives and two shallow shafts were put in by the association in the area between Cummins to Bullock Spurs and although indications of coal were found in some of them it was decided, on the advice of Kissell who was now mine manager, to keep on with the main drive. Some hard, good quality coal was obtained from a 2.5ft seam in this drive. Of the 3 tons extracted 1 ton was used on 30 October 1894 in Messrs Griffin and Sons mill and proved so satisfactory that six days later two dray loads were purchased.
By the end of 1894 the association had all but expended its capital with £61 2s 6d paid in wages (mostly to Kissell and Williams), £11 15s for timber and £4 2s for mining requisites. An attempt to raise further capital by issuing another 100 £ 1 shares, nominally paid up to 10s per share (in five calls of 2s each) were not very successful. At a meeting on 30 January 1895 only 42 shareholders had paid the calls due on their shares and the miners were advised hat prospecting would cease. However the miners entered into an agreement with the association to continue working for no pay but would receive any monies obtained from the sale of coal for which orders for 10 tons, at 15s per ton, were on hand. This arrangement ceased nine weeks later when the Inspector of Mines declared the drive unsafe. Because of unstable ground conditions and despite being well timbered, it was proving impossible to keep the drive opened. A further drive in Cummings Spur 130ft up the valley was abandoned after 110ft. At a meeting on 29 April 1895 it was agreed to sell the materials and tools and an offer from Newport was accepted; any balance was to go to Kissell and Williams. A vote of thanks to Bamford, who had received no remuneration at all, was given.
Meanwhile a rival company had been established to prospect on the Enner Glynn property on the west side of The Brook opposite Newports. This property, formerly owned by A. G. Jenkins, was now farmed by a relation Alexander O'Brien. Because the name Brook Street had been preempted, the name Jenkins Hill Prospecting Association was adopted. Capital of £ 100 in £ 1 shares was raised locally and two experienced miners, George Wise and James Gribble were employed as prospectors. Good indications of coal were found in October and Wise is credited with finding an almost vertical seam which in places at depth reached a thickness of 124ft. This seam outcropped on the hillside close to a small alluvial terrace opposite the circular basin. At a meeting attended by 30 to 40 shareholders on 31 October 1894 Thomas Pettit was elected chairman and F. G. Newman was appointed secretary.
A 12 month prospecting lease was negotiated from O'Brien which, if a coal mining company was established, could be transferred to a 50 year lease. O'Brien had a better deal than Newport as he was to receive a royalty of 1s per ton.
Prospecting by the Jenkins Hill Association continued through the remainder of the year and in November 1894 blocks were exhibited at the Possibly Joseph Taylor who first visited the mine about this time.Colonist office and Roughton's grocery shop in Hardy Street. Mention is made at this time of the Bishopdale Prospecting Association working on the Enner Glynn property. This is almost certainly the Jenkins Hill Association and not a third company prospecting in the Brook Valley. The first major underground work commenced on 3 November with a drive southeast into the hillside above the river terraces (Fig. 2). A steeply southeast dipping coal seam 5ft thick was encountered 50ft from the entrance and the coal although soft (due to surface weathering) proved suitable for household purposes and for raising steam. The Colonist reported that a gentleman
By the end of January 1895 the drive had reached 130ft and was timbered. A tramway from the face to the tiphead was now required and at a meeting on 28 January there was much discussion amongst shareholders whether the rails should be of iron or wood capped with hoop iron. In the end the cheaper wooden rails were agreed on. Thirty tons of coal of fair quality was now stockpiled and was bought by Roughton, a shareholder, for 15s per ton. Slack coal fetched 5s per ton. At the close of the meeting Roughton had received orders from a number of shareholders for coal. Coal was also found near Tantragee Saddle on Donald Stewart's property and a lease was offered to the Jenkins Hill Association. However the association must have felt it had enough to deal with for the offer was declined.
Since October 1894 some of the shareholders had been pressing for the Rev. Joseph Taylor, a lay reader, of Collingwood to report on the property. Taylor had some geological training, being a certified teacher of mining and had taught in technical institutes in Staffordshire during 1891–93. He was also actively promoting development of the coal seams at Puponga. In February the directors agreed to engage Taylor and in due course he reported on the property and on 8 March gave a public lecture. In his report and lecture Taylor maintained that geologically the "country had not been read properly" and that the coal near Nelson was not a brown coal, as thought by the geologists Hochstetter and McKay, but bituminous. He therefore considered that the coal measures were considerably older than the Tertiary age that had been assigned to them and were equivalent to the major English coal deposits of Carboniferous age. In March 1895 well known educationalist F. G. Gibbs purchased five shares in the association and, as recorded in his diary, took a leading role in the search for coal in the Brook Valley. The drive had by this stage reached 162ft but as conditions were unfavourable for finding coal (it had probably penetrated the so called Maitai "slates" to the southeast) the association, following Taylor's advice, began sinking a shaft from within the drive at a point 70ft from the entrance. The shaft followed the almost vertical seam at the rate of about 11ft per week. The seam improved both in thickness and quality with depth and further capital to allow exploration to continue was raised by issuing another 150 shares, existing shareholders were to have first preference. It was estimated that the £ 150 raised would allow prospecting to continue for nearly six months. Taylor who had charged £6 5s for his report and expenses offered to report periodically on the property in return for shares but this was declined. Also declined was an offer by O'Brien (who already held shares in the company) to accept shares in lieu of royalty on fire clay found in the mine. Bricks made from the clay were tested at the city gasworks and were declared to be of good quality.
During the winter of 1895 sinking of the shaft continued and it was also extended upwards the 37ft from the drive to the surface. Although the cost of sinking was high at 16s 8d per foot the association concentrated on prospecting rather than development. This was probably partly influenced by the fact that the quality of the coal continued to improve. Wise reported in July that the coal was different from anything yet encountered and was "good, hard and bright". As the shaft increased in depth ventilation had to be improved and a fan and pipes were purchased at a cost
After much discussion amongst shareholders a whim rather than a cheaper whip was decided upon (a whip was a pulley device operated by a horse walking away from shaft whereas with a whim the horse followed a circular path). A tender of £21 19s for construction of a whim was accepted from Charles Hill and was completed by 16 August 1895 (Fig. 2). It was estimated that a boy and horse to operate the whim would cost 20s to 30s per week. Sinking of the shaft resumed on 21 August but as it was not vertical only one bucket could be operated. This displeased some of the shareholders who had previously been advised by Wise that the whim could handle two buckets at a time. Wise was not able to respond as he was off work due to illness and was later admitted to hospital. However the shareholders must have appreciated Wise's contribution to the development of the mine because on 6 September they resolved to grant him a fortnight's salary during his absence. As at the Brook Street Association's workings Sunday visitors were a problem. On the 19 August the Colonist suggested that warning notices be erected and a lid placed over the shaft entrance when not in use.
Meanwhile on 28 August Taylor arrived from Collingwood to again report on the mine. Two days later, before a very receptive audience of about 50, each of whom had paid Is admission, Taylor gave a lecture entitled "Coal formation in and around Nelson". In this he repeated his earlier assertions about the age and quality of Nelson coal and claimed that not only were the reports issued by the authorities misleading but that this had hindered the investment of capital from England into coal prospecting in New Zealand. Taylor calculated that the association had 4320 tons of coal in sight and that this would return £ 3240 giving a profit of £ 1600. He thought that £ 5000 (the association to date had only spent £ 450) was required to fully develop the mine and have it fully operational. The shareholders must have been impressed because when he presented his draft report on 3 September they resolved, in view of the "valuable nature of his services", to increase his fees.
On the 6 September the directors recommended that the Jenkins Hill Association be formed into a company with 5000 shares of £ 1 each (Is was to be paid on application, 2s on allotment, and calls not to exceed Is per month). It was also recommended that the present shareholders receive 1000 fully paid up shares. An amendment that this be only 500 snares was lost but was subsequently agreed to at a meeting a week later.
The company was to be registered when 2000 subscribing shares had been applied for. A. A. Scaife, W. Haddow, Gibbs, A. St. John and A. H. Bisley were to act as a committee in conjunction with existing directors to name a provisional directorate. Newman and F. A. Bamford were appointed brokers and Newman was to act as temporary secretary. To enable work to continue in the mine in the meantime the directors were guaranteed a further £50 to spend over the amount of funds at present available.
On 28 September the prospectus for the new company was advertised in the Colonist and Mail and gave the names of the 18 provisional directors. The Mail also published in full Taylor's report on the Enner Glynn property. In this Taylor considered that the coal should sell between 20s and 25s per ton (slack coal at 10s per ton) and as boreholes in the coal at the bottom of the shaft had yielded gas it was possible that gas and petroleum might also occur in commercial quantities. If this was the case then Nelson "would soon be converted into a southern Pittsburgh, with its engines driven, and its houses and streets illuminated, by a boundless store of natural gas".
These claims of Taylor's and reports of coal being found in The Brook and elsewhere in East Nelson (e.g. Hiwipango) resulted in Alexander McKay visiting Nelson in October 1895. That the association did not invite McKay is clear for Gibbs wrote on 20 October that "McKay came over suddenly on Saturday week and inspected the mine on Monday (14th). Report favourable but all against Taylor". McKay referred to this in his official report "It has been gravely asserted, in reports to the association and announced in lectures before the public, that the Brook Street Valley coal measures belong to the Carboniferous period, and are representative of the true English Coal Measures". He then went on to quote the fossil evidence as determined by Hochstetter and many others that the coal measures were indeed younger and that "should for ever place the matter at rest and byond controversy". Gibbs' position in this controversy is uncertain. As a provisional director (appointed on 13 September) he was closely involved with the prospectus and his rewrite of it was accepted, with modifications, by his fellow directors. Gibbs not only had a good understanding of geology but was in close contact with amateur geologists such as W. F. Worley (Worley taught with Gibbs at Central School and after his retirement in 1913 until his death in 1923 was Honorary Director of Nelson School of Mines). All this was of more than academic interest for what was at stake was whether the Brook coal was of high quality (i.e. bituminous). Although Taylor was wrong about the age he was later to be proved right about its quality, it was indeed bituminous. As regards the prospects of winning coal in the Brook Valley, McKay told the Colonist on 22 October that he was "more favourable impressed than he expected to be". In his official report he estimated that between 20,000 and 40,000 tons of coal were probably present but largely because of the steep dip and the apparently limited extent of the coal measures along the strike of the seam the amount that could be economically recovered would prove considerably less. He considered that the mine could be worked with a comparatively limited output for many years.
1895 was a time of financial depression in New Zealand and although a large number of subscribers responded to the prospectus only 1340 out of a minimum of 2000 shares were applied for. In addition a total of 500 fully paid £ 1 shares in the new company were to be allotted, on 31 December 1895, to the original 164 members of the association. At a meeting on 19 November it was decided that this provided sufficient capital to develop the mine and on 2 December 1895 The Enner Glynn Coal Mining Company Ltd was registered with a minimum of 1200 shares. In addition to acting as colliery proprietors, listed amongst its objectives was the construction and maintenance of any waterworks, gas works, ponds, reservoirs, water courses, railways, tramways, wharves, piers, docks and canals, etc., that may be required. Capital requirements were estimated at £ 660 to sink a shaft to 300ft, £ 50 to extend a drive from the shaft so as to be able to work the seam, and £ 100 for equipment such as trucks, etc. No doubt influencing potential shareholders was that work in the five weeks prior to the meeting had shown the seam to widen to 13ft. Also before the meeting was a testimonial from Griffin and Sons Ltd regarding the coal and a report of an important discovery by Worley. Some indication of what this report was is given in Gibbs' diary and the notebook of another amateur geologist, John P. Hornsby who sometimes accompanied Worley, Gibbs and O'Brien on field trips. Hornsby (18/11/95) records that whereas "Mr McKay only allowed 2 chains for the coal to run from the mine – Mr Worley has traced outcrops from (the) mine … to run continuously to (the) Gorge (distance of) 1 mile". The gorge is a deep gully east of the old Enner Glynn workings of Jenkins and the Nelson Coal Company.
On 13 December 1895 the new company held its first general meeting and to get the shareholders into a suitable frame of mind it was reported that £ 100 had been received from the sale of coal. William Haddow (whose occupation was given as commission agent having retired in 1891 from the firm of Neal and Haddow Ltd) was elected Chairman of Directors. Other directors were Scaife (accountant), Roughton (grocer), Gibbs (school teacher), T. Pettit (manufacturer), L. Kerr (jeweller) and H. Baigent (builder). The directors were authorised to advertise for a secretary and on 16 December, Bamford was appointed. Seven days later W. C. Bennett, formerly of the Champion Copper Mine in the Roding, was appointed mine manager and commenced duties on 2 January 1896.
The main task to be tackled was the sinking of a new shaft to replace the 329ft deep prospecting shaft. As the seam was known to pinch out to the southwest the site of the new shaft was on the terrace gravels closer to the Brook Stream and 60ft lower in altitude (Fig. 3, 4). After penetrating "slates" below the terrace gravels, inflows of water were encountered in the shaft (this inflow would have marked a major fault that forms the upstream boundary of the coal measures). A windlass was initially used until the shaft reached 40ft then the horse whim on the old shaft was shifted on site. The shaft was divided into two compartments each with internal dimensions 4ft x 3.5ft. One compartment was to be used for raising coal, etc., and the other could be used for ladders. Windows were left from which drives for coal extraction could be constructed. It was intended to sink the shaft to a comparable depth to that reached by the prospecting shaft
J. N. W. Newport writes that the timber in the mine was "black birch" supplied by the Packer family from their property in the Maitai Valley. Sapplings were used as uprights and split slabs for the sills and caps. Work progressed through 1896 and in September the mine was visited by the Inspector of Mines, N. D. Cochrane. Cochrane, although pleased with the timbering, required a man with a knowledge of gas be employed and this was to cost the company an extra £ 7 per month. Some coal was being won and was carted by George Mellett (who along with his father, Henry, was a shareholder) into Nelson. Income from coal sales did not meet development costs and towards the end of the year problems arose through uncertainties as to where the drive was in relation to the old workings. By December 1896 Bennett was unable to find any more coal and an attempt to dewater the old shaft was made. This was probably in anticipation of a survey being carried out on both the new and old workings and perhaps driving back from the old works. However, because of constrictions in the prospecting shaft the bottom 60ft remained flooded and the pressure of black damp elsewhere was a problem. By the following month the situation in the mine had worsened with Gibbs writing in depair that "Bennett had plainly lost himself and everytime I saw him he had some new theory as to the position of the old shaft".
The shareholders became discontented and at a special meeting held on 14 January 1897 Gibbs and the company secretary (Bamford) were authorised to arrange a survey in an attempt to locate the seam. However at the end of the meeting an offer by Wise and Gribble to find the seam on a no coal no pay basis was promptly accepted by the directors. Gibbs wrote on 25 January that in the meantime Bennett had agreed "to rest his foot at home". Four days later Gibbs showed an ex mine manager by the name of Marshall (probably George Marshall who was involved in the Johnstons United Copper Mining Co.) over the mine. After discussions at the face with the miners, Marshall assured Gibbs that a survey would not be required. On the 21st a 5ft seam was encountered and Gibbs wrote that "everyone was very curious to know what point in the old shaft we are level with as the men feel sure Bennett is not nearly as deep down as he stated". Gibbs then checked Bennett's calculations with him and errors were found. Although Bennett was subsequently asked to resign it appears that the decision had already been made. Gibbs (7/2/97) writes of this meeting "went up really to see if he (Bennett) had realised he would have to resign and found that he did". It was later found that Bennett had driven for 50ft through a thin seam parallel to and only 7ft from the main seam which at this depth (230ft) was 4ft thick. However considering the lack of any surveys it is difficult not to have some sympathy with Bennett who for a short time later in the year again worked in the mine.
Having now found coal worth mining and satisfactorily negotiated a contract with the miners a shortage of capital hindered the company. At the
In March Gibbs devised a new scheme where some half dozen shareholders would put up money for equipping the shaft (c. £ 40) and provide sufficient finance to allow the mine to be worked on a three month trial. Costs were calculated at 8s per ton to supply coal to the bottom of the shaft and 5s per ton for cartage, etc. Royalty payments to O'Brien brought expenses to 14s per ton. Any balance went to meeting other working expenses. Surface developments included a new coal shed and the repair of the screen, hopper and headwords. Coal was sold on contract by Donald Stewart who advertised the coal under the heading of supporting local industry. Prices were 13s 6d per half ton delivered to town. With the mine again in production the directors decided some publicity was required and articles appeared in the Colonist (28/3/97) and Nelson Evening Mail (27/3/97). The directors went to some trouble to stress that there was little likelihood of the shareholders making great profits and that they were largely promoting the mine as a civic duty in support of local industry. Also the coal appears not to have a very good name with Nelsonians. This was due to coal near the surface being weathered, of lower quality and being wrongly interpreted as a brown coal. However analyses of coal from the lower levels showed it was of high quality and equal to a bitumimous coal. The company also advised that because the coal burnt so well householders were recommended to take care in disposing of the ashes because they remained hot for a long time. In the meantime Worley was also doing his bit for he showed that the coal ash contained potash and was therefore suitable as a fertilizer. Experiments by Stewart using coal ash and farmyard manure showed that the former produced superior potatoes. The directors considered that the burning of slack coal could prove remunerative. On a more sobering note the Mail informed its readers that if the mine did not pay it would close within four months.
On the 30 March the miners began their new contract and 18 tons was sold during the first week. Gibbs calculated that 12.5 tons was sufficient to pay working expenses and above that every ton would return a profit of 8s. In July the contract with Stewart regarding the sale of coal was renewed indefinitely. However the shortage of capital was still a problem and in August the shareholders were asked to raise £ 500 or sell the mine. Unfortunately soon after that, the seam had pinched out and Gibbs (who with 203 shares in the company was its major shareholder) wrote on 15 August "I only hope now we can get out of the concern without losing much more money". At the end of August the directors allotted further shares and adopted a suggestion by Gibbs to crosscut to the west.
As summer approached the demand for coal dropped but this was not the company's only problem, for on 15 January 1898 fire destroyed the coal shed and screen. This was a very dry summer and fires raged in the Maitai and elsewhere throughout the country. At the company's second annual general meeting, held on 28 January, it was proposed by Mellett (the shareholders lists suggest that this would have been George) and Scaife (the latter was drunk according to Gibbs) that the mine be sold. After a heated discussion this was rejected by a large majority. Subsequently the directors called for tenders for the coal but only one, from Neale and Haddow Ltd, of 13s per ton was received. Gibbs concluded that the "dealers had evidently formed a ring" and the directors decided to sell the coal themselves. The directors also debated the merits of engine power over horsepower but in the end decided to buy another horse to operate the whim.
Coal sales continued into the winter but on 21 June 1898 fire broke out in the mine. Gibbs put the cause down to pressure on a pillar left next to the old shaft causing slow combustion. Although the Mail reported that there was no cause for alarm the fire spread rapidly and the mine had to be flooded. To do this the company borrowed hoses from the fire brigade and City Council and a 1100ft connection was made to a fire plug near the circular reservoir. Flooding must have appeared low because the company with the assistance of the council began to lay pipes from a disused 7in water main. However when the pipeline was within 100ft of the mine it was found that the hose had been effectual after all.
The mine was pumped out in August but the main drive had collapsed and Wise could only penetrate 40ft. At an extraordinary meeting of shareholders on 29 August barely a quorum of 20 sanctioned sale of the mine and this was endorsed at a meeting on the 19 September. Tenders were called on 26 September for the purchase of the mine but no satisfactory tender could have been received for Messrs Bisley Bros. & Co. Ltd. sold it at auction on 28 November 1895. It was bought by Thomas Neale, son of one of the founders of Neale and Haddow Ltd for £ 85 (Gibbs states for £97). Neale was reported as purchasing it on behalf of a party who proposed to resume working the mine although how this was to be done was not decided. This did not eventuate and Neale, who had other coal mining interests, probably used any salvageable plant elsewhere. The final step was taken when the company secretary (Bamford) advised the Companies Office on 4 March 1899 that the company had been wound up.
The mine produced 1337 tonnes of coal and although the Dun Mountain bulletin states that no further mining was done after the fire, 120 tonnes was extracted near Nelson between 1909–1910. This may have been during an assessment to see if the mine could economically be reopened. In 1954 the shaft in the Brook Valley was uncovered but not dewatered and several short drives were put in.
The authors of the Dun Mountain bulletin attributed the disturbed and very steep dip of the seams near Nelson as due to a major fault, named earlier by McKay as the Waimea Fault, on the east side of the coal measures. Bell et al. thought that away from the fault, below the alluviam of the Waimea Plains, the coal seams, if not already removed by erosion, would be gentler and recommended exploratory drilling. However Worley, like McKay earlier, appeciated that as the coal measures in the Brook Valley were wedged between considerably older, non coal bearing rocks to the east and west then, he correctly reasoned, this would be the case further south and that the older rocks would also underlie the Waimea Plains. Having expressed this view to Bell at the time field work for the Dun Mountain survey was in progress, Worley must have been annoyed to see what finally appeared in the bulletin. He was to write to Bell at some length on this and other failings in the bulletin. The existence of coal in the Waimeas was something taken up by Thomas Cawthron for his biographer David Miller lists among the projects being considered in 1913 was prospecting of the Waimea Basin measures. This, fortunately, was shelved on Cawthron's death in 1915. Worley had however considerable faith in the mineral resources of Nelson for he later wrote that whilst the main work of the Cawthron Institute (established in 1919) would be in the horticultural field, the mineral resources of Nelson should also be assessed. He went on to argue that although "it would not be absolutely necessary to have a separate professor of geology (as) one of the other professors, the biologist for example, would serve for both positions, especially if a second Charles Darwin could be found". Like a coal mining industry this was not to eventuate.
Racing in Nelson got off to an early start. When H. A. Thompson, the first Magistrate, stepped ashore from the Brougham, on March 6, 1842, he was accompanied by a valuable brood mare, Emilia. She was a thoroughbred, sired by Emilius, and had narrowly escaped injury not long before landing. When negotiating French Pass the ship hit a rock and was thrown on to her beam ends, and four working bullocks fell on top of the mare. Never a sweet-tempered man, Thompson flew into a frenzy, but luckily the mare came to no harm and foaled Il Barbiere whose progeny reads like a page of Grand Opera. Among them were Figaro, Zingara and Strop, all winners on both sides of the Tasman.
At the end of 1842 came Henry Redwood, Junior. When he arrived with his parents, brothers and sisters, on the George Fife, December 12, 1842, he was 20, already an experienced racing man. The family settled and farmed in what is now Redwoods Valley, some 24 kilometres from Nelson. Henry left his mark on the New Zealand racing scene, establishing the first stud in the Dominion. He is known here and abroad as the Father of the New Zealand Turf.
The first race meeting, almost the first in New Zealand, took place on February 1, 1843. This first Anniversary Day was celebrated by much more than a horse race. At nine there was a regatta with whaling boats and Maori canoes, followed by racing at eleven. Four horses were entered: Captain Wakefield's Slyboots, ridden by H. A. Thompson; Mr Duppa's Hairtrigger, ridden by the owner; Mr Weightman's Lottery, ridden by Mr Thorpe and Mr Tinline's Cannonball, ridden by Mr Rutter. The course was a hazardous one with hurdles. The starting barrier was in Trafalgar Street by the then cricket ground, possibly by the Hardy Street traffic lights. The course ran around the east side of Church Hill, turning sharply into Examiner Street and down into Waimea Road, now Rutherford Street through the flax swamps downhill to Hardy Street and back to the start. It was an exciting race, Lottery falling, but without injury, Hairtrigger, the favourite, winning by a length from Slyboots. It is sad to remember that both Captain Wakefield and H. A. Thompson were killed in the Wairau Massacre in June of the same year.
One more race was held on that course on Anniversary Day 1844. Then in January, 1846, a note appeared in the Examiner under the heading 'Anniversary Fete. Horse Racing' … this will come off on the Waimea Plains, on last year's course, about 4 miles from the Courthouse. Races continued there for nearly 30 years until they moved to Richmond, the third and the present site.
On March 18, 1848, this notice appeared in the Examiner: 'Gentlemen desirous of forming a Jockey Club are requested to meet at the Wakatu Hotel. Dinner will be on the table promptly at six.' Ten good men and true responded: Messrs Baigent, Barnes, a veterinarian, Finney, Franklin, Harley, Jones, Hamilton, Lynch, Trask and Wadsworth. Thus the Nelson Jockey Club was formed. Their home from then on was the Stoke Race Course, which ran roughly between the Turf Hotel and Nayland Road. Until
Henry Redwood is the giant of the early New Zealand racing scene. For some years after his arrival he pioneered with his father establishing the farm, and for a few years running a butcher's shop in Nelson. But after 1850 he concentrated on his chief love, racing, establishing his stud on his property on the Waimeas. He exercised his horses on Rabbit Island, on what is still known as the Tick Tock track, where he meticulously timed them. The original home, Hednesford, built after his marriage in 1845, though much altered, still stands.
Redwood's colours, red and black, soon became known in Australasia. He raced them, thinking nothing of the sea journeys, in Nelson, Christchurch, Examiner, 1866 reads 'Mr Redwood's stud is outstanding. No gentleman has a finer lot of brood mares south of the Line, except perhaps Mr Fisher's Maribyrnong Stud in Victoria. He has as valuable a stud as could be found in any British colony'. One of his best, Ladybird, won the first Interdominion Cup, in 1863 in Dunedin, defeating Mormon, the favourite from Melbourne. Mormon had come second in the first ever Melbourne Cup in 1861, won by Archer. A son of Redwood's Hercules, a stallion imported from Sydney, The Barb, won the Melbourne Cup in 1866. And Hi-Jinx, part-owned in Nelson won it in 1960. So Nelson has long had some connection with the best in racing.
Henry Redwood was a man of integrity, and rarely made money. Once he raced and sold Strop in Sydney, but, not being satisfied with its treatment by the new owner, he bought Strop back at a loss, and brought the old fellow home to honourable retirement in Nelson. All Redwood horses ran to win, and win they did over sixty years. Redwood won 2 Wellington Cups, 3 Marlborough Cups, 2 Dunedin Cups, 2 Canterbury Cups, 4 Nelson Cups and the Interdominion Cup.
The original Redwood stables built of bricks made on the property can still be seen on the left of the coast road to Motueka, just past the Rabbit Island turn-off. The lovely old pink brick building, although upgraded as an historic place, still needs restoration to preserve it as a memorial to Nelson racing in its heyday.
Recently, the Nelson Jockey Club has suffered a slump, but it is now on the come-back trail, and who knows, Nelson may someday again be a name to be reckoned with in racing circles.
(This house, a familiar landmark on Highway 6. has received attention lately and it is hoped that it may be restored to look as it did in the early years of our history. Interested in the project are the Nelson Historical Society, the owners, H. Baigent & Sons, the Historic Places Trust, and a Wakefield Craft Group. The Historical Society was able to arrange for an expert in the restoration of cob buildings to report on the feasibility of restoration, and at present their main aim is to compile a history of the property. Research has been done by Dawn Smith of the Provincial Museum Library and Steven Bagley.)
The Location: The building is situated on part of the New Zealand Company's Accommodation Section 65 of 50 acres at Waimea South. The Crown Grant shows this land was originally purchased by Joseph Bennett, a surgeon, of Wakefield, England. There is no evidence that Bennett ever occupied the land or even visited New Zealand.
According to the census made by the New Zealand Company in 1845 there were four people occupying Section 65. They were Samuel Tilly, William Higgins, William Kew and William Eves. According to early Deed Records at the Lands and Deeds Bennett transferred Section 65 in two parts to William Higgins and William Eves on the 29 September 1858. Subsequently Higgins subdivided his land. He sold a portion on his northern boundary to his son-in-law, John Taylor (31/8/1861) and on his southern boundary to William Hodgson (7/9/1861). After Higgins' death in 1891 the property was sold to Gordon Ingram (27/8/1891). There were a number of subsequent owners until H. Baigent & Sons bought it in 1965.
The House: The 1845 census refers to buildings on Section 65. Higgins and Kew had houses of wood, Eves' house was of raupo and Tilly had an earth house. As he also occupied part of Section 63 it is not clear where his house was. The 1849 census shows Higgins in an earth house with a thatched roof. It seems very probable that this is the house owned by Baigents today. A previous claim that the house dates from 1843 seems unlikely unless Tilley's house was on Section 65 and was subsequently occupied by Higgins. A building date between 1845 and 1849 is clearly indicated.
The cob house immediately to the north of the Baigent house is also believed to have been built by Higgins or his son-in-law John Taylor around the time this piece of land was subdivided in 1861.
The Waimea County Council has no records or plans that can help in defining the age of the house more accurately. Nevertheless a building date of 1849 at the latest places this house as one of the oldest structures surviving in the Nelson district.
William Higgins: With his wife, Mary and two small children, William Higgins came to New Zealand in the ship Clifford, arriving in Nelson in May 1842. They came from Bristol, Gloucester. Mary was the widow of John White. They were not related to the other Higgins family who have many descendants in the area. Although William and Mary had several children the only one to survive and marry was the eldest daughter, Mary, who was Mrs Higgins' daughter by her previous marriage, Mary took the name of Higgins. She married John Taylor, they had a large family and lived in the cob house to the north of Higgins.
Any further information would be welcome.
From Tua Marina there was once an almost impenetrable swamp until the valley floor rose to higher ground at Para where there was heavy bush through Koromiko to Mount Pleasant, then a rise over the Elevation, still thickly wooded, then down to the Maori Pa of Waitohi, named after Te Rauparaha's sister. It is generally believed that Tua Marina means 'the Calm Beyond'. Could this refer to the relief of a traveller to Tua Marina after traversing the tangle of rough vegetation and uneven ground of the Swamp?
In December 1842 Frederick Tuckett, chief surveyor of the New Zealand Company, exploring up the Tua Marina stream, attempted to penetrate the swamp. At the best he considered he made progress of one mile per hour and gave up as he could afford no more time. Later, after the survey of the Tua Marina area was completed on 29 May 1843, Surveyor J. W. Barnicoat with two of his men climbed to the top of Strachan's Peak looking for a route through to Waitohi. From there they could not see the Sound and returned baffled to their camp at the foot of Massacre Hill. Had they climbed Dobson on the other side of the river the waters of the Sound would have been visible.
It was left for Company Surveyor Samuel Stephens with William Fox, Renwick, Jollie and Wells to find the way through. They arrived at Waitohi Pa on 5 March 1845 by boat. They were surprised to find a wide well-beaten track over the Elevation, this was used for dragging out totara logs for canoes. There were also extensive gardens particularly on the Waitohi side of the hill. It has been suggested that canoes were portaged to the Wairau river through the Swamp. As it had been a very dry summer the swamp would have been easier than usual. They did not retrace their steps but returned to Nelson via Tophouse. Four months later, in July, Dillon Bell led a party through. Both Fox and Dillon painted water colours of the plains from above Tua Marina, these are still in existence. No doubt other parties negotiated this route and Picton was surveyed in 1848 but there is record of only one pakeha family, McDonalds, living there.
Roads are most important in opening up and sustaining a successful settlement. Lack of finance held up the project for some time, the shortage being blamed on the niggardly way the Nelson Provincial Council treated the Wairau. The Wairau flock owners, fed up with the treatment, offered to lend money to the Provincial Council if it completed the outlet from Wairau to Waitohi as promised by Sir George Grey when he purchased the Wairau Plains in 1847. The Council, shocked into action, called tenders for a cattle road for part of the way and a bridle track for the remainer, the expense to be defrayed from public funds — this money actually came from the sale of land at Tua Marina. In 1857 Contract No. 1 — Waitohi to Koromiko Stream — was let to Robert Blaymires for 390 pounds. This was the easy part. Contract No. 2 — Koromiko Stream to Wairau River — went to William Strachan for 2,850 pounds. In December 1857 Brunner, Commissioner of Public Works, drew up the plans; Strachan used
Negotiating the completed track proved a tedious, tortuous, frustrating adventure. In 1850 H. B. Huddlestone offered to upgrade the road at 2½% of total expenditure, this was not accepted. In 1859 Henry Handyside, who surveyed the original site of Tua Marina, supervised the upgrading of the road. On 1 November 1859 Marlborough seceded from Nelson and the only local body then was the Marlborough Provincial Council.
Waterways still remained to hold up travellers. A boat was kept on the Wairau for foot travellers, at the end of Steam Wharf Road, Grovetown, but proved hazardous on several occasions. The worst accident occurred when horses swimming behind pawed the boat smashing it and the passengers were drowned.
The new Marlborough Provincial Council now entered on a vigourous programme of road and rail bridges estimated at 21,008 pounds for the first year. Of this amount some 5,000 pounds was to be spent on the Picton road. 27 July 1860 tenders were called for erecting framework, rope and blocks, etc. for a cart ferry at Goulands — the site of the present ferry bridge. In April 1861 Mr Adams, the Superintendent, reported that the punt was very satisfactory and that dray traffic was increasing, but the Wairau was tidal and it was soon found that heavy drays could not cross between four hours before and three hours after high water! In 1884 the first ferry bridge was built. The tender for 3,599 pounds by Malcolm and Blaikes of Dunedin was successful. It was built of roughly squared birch and was about four feet higher than the present one. The Koromiko birch was not durable though strengthened with Australian hardwood and was replaced 24 years later.
Despite Mr Adams' optimism an amusing advertisement appeared in the Marlborough Press: "Sealed tenders will be received by the undersigned on the 29th. February next, 1861 (not a leap year) for constructing the following job. Building a new barge of sufficient tonnage to hold on the main deck six bullock drays each with a team of eight bullocks in yoke, the drays loaded with wool, soft soap or other Marlborough produce. The draft of water to be not more than 14 feet. Accommodation will be required 'tween decks for 25 men with storage room for provisions for themselves and bullocks for 21 days. The barge to be delivered to any place on the new canal — innocently called the Wairau Road — now in the course of construction from the new ferry to Picton. Suitable timber may be taken free of charge from the lot now floating in the canal. Plans, specifications and further particulars can be obtained at the office of Alfred Bungle Cyropenrojoe, Adam St, Bungle Hill, Marlb."
In 1875 the Picton paper printed: "The Picton to Blenheim Road is comprised of 40% mud and 20% water, 15% holes, 5% solid ground and 20% rotten bridges. If any person has time on his hands and wants excitement, travel to the Capital by coach." (At this time Picton and Blenheim were very much at loggerheads).
With few settlers there was little money available from rates but improvements were gradually made and in 1900 a four-horse grader driven by Mr George Home with Roads Board Inspector Charlie Western on the back working control wheels, was operating. The road was still low, narrow, winding and subject to floods and fog. The present modern road, realigned and tar sealed by the Public Works is a far cry from those days.
Most people will have noticed the preparation being made for a new housing estate at the top of Waimea Road. It seems that the old episcopal residence with its lovely sloping lawns and stately old trees will soon be surrounded by houses and even a mall. If the City Council has its way there might even be a rubbish tip in the vicinity! Once the house lay isolated outside the city, a little oasis of beauty and sanctity among green fields and farms, but now its peace and quietness will have gone for ever.
Mind you, there have been occasions in the past when the peace was disturbed. One, was when, in the 1870's, the Nelson Railway was built and the daily train from town crawled, puffing and clanking up Toi Toi Valley to its highest point almost opposite the Bishop's front gate. The railway lasted for so many years that people grew well accustomed to the noise and of course it had its uses. I suppose the Bishop hardly noticed the squad of college schoolboys disgorged daily at the little station near his gate. They were supposed to be under the charge of train prefects who seemed to take a delight in marching them through all the muddy pools and water courses on their route to college. I don't know what the principal thought, when he reviewed this daily offering from the country in their usual dishevelled and muddy state after such goings on. The girls, bless their souls, were more circumspect and travelled on to the Nelson Railway Station from which they issued, in sedate crocodiles on their way to their school on the hill. The harassed engine drivers free from their skylarking children found relief by speeding down hill, especially down Annesbrook Hill through the cutting on to the Main Road at Tahuna, sweeping all before them, on one occasion a passenger bus, whose driver, either a foolhardy or a careless man, had strayed on to the line. I think on this occasion the fracas ended in fisticuffs between the two drivers, much to the delight of the passengers.
But there must have been quieter and more seemly events. One I liked was when the German choir of the Upper Moutere Lutheran Church travelled by train to Bishopdale to serenade the Bishop with their old hymns like 'Eine Feste Burg'.
Mr Chrystall, a bowling acquaintance, told me an interesting tale of the railway. He ploughed much of the hillside at Bishopdale for the farmer Loveridge, and around about five o'clock each evening, as the train reached the top of its climb from Nelson, it gave a triumphant toot, as well it might, after such an effort! This told Mr Chrystall, that work had ended for the day, and his horses, being sagacious animals, soon learnt too that the whistle meant work was finished and they refused to do any more. We can imagine them casting pleasurable glances at this queer black monster which climbed to the top of the hill each day, to tell them, in its peculiar voice, that work for the day had ended. Pavlov's mouth would have watered at such a choice example of conditioned reflex action.
But in the end after many years, the railway was closed and its noise was gone. Before that another disturbance had come to Bishopdale which annoyed everyone — in fact, it was heartily detested — the Toll Gate, which
It was the brain child of the Stoke Road Board who were always short of money for their roads and in desperation decided to inflict a toll gate on the travelling public of Nelson. In defence of the Road Board's action it must be said, perhaps quite rightly, that the roads were used by many, who were not resident in the district and who therefore paid no rates for their upkeep. The Road Board always seemed to be short of money to pay for the enormous amounts of gravel needed for road maintenance and they had tried practically all sources. They found the little stream running from Marsden Valley to be filled with good hard gravel, mainly from the hard argillite rocks at the head of the valley and hailed the source with delight. They dug out so much that the stream when it reached the Stoke Main Road was practically a chain in width much to the annoyance of Mr Marsden who did not particularly care to have his land made into a gravel reserve. But the Road Board got out as much as they could right up to Marsden's main gates. I don't think Marsden was very enamoured of the Road Board and their methods and less so when on a visit to the Turf Hotel to pay his annual rates to the secretary of the board, one T. J. Thompson, he became embroiled in a quarrel and was called "a damned liar" by the secretary. Almost lese majeste, one would think, to the lord of the manor, and the licensee of the Turf, Mrs Beach, was visibly shaken at such an outrage. Later in the court case following this, she confirmed in a shaking voice that these were the actual words used, and Thompson was convicted and bound over for three months.
The gloom of the board was again relieved when their overseer said that he had found another source of supply — the beach at Tahuna which at this time was covered with gravel, especially that area where the Rocks Road now runs. The Main Road from Hayes Corner to the beach was quickly upgraded to take advantage of the supply which, I imagine, was free, but, alas, the workers, having cleared the beach, began to dig into the hillside much to the indignation of the local landowners, Mathew Richmond and Edward Green, who saw their estates disappearing. Lawyers' letters followed and Edward Green even put a gate across the end of the Main Road leading to the beach. Once more the board was thwarted.
There was one last source, but rather an awkward one — the large gravel deposits on Rabbit Island which came under the board's control. But how to get it? After deliberation they decided to buy a barge, or at least get one built. You can read the whole history in the board's minutes. Quite a pother it caused. First, Mr Gapper, a member of the board was sent to see the shipbuilders in Nelson and finally employed Mr Scott to build a barge to carry 30 cubic yards of gravel at a cost not to exceed £ 200. Then the board had to enter into £ 500 bond with the Customs, who evidently thought that they might slip over to Australia with their vessel and do a bit of trading. Dear me! What with barge building contracts, harbour fees, customs bonds, insurance, etc. the Road Board members wondered at times, whether they were still plain Stoke farmers or had become merchant adventurers. But enough of their difficulties. Now it was a Toll Gate.
First, of course, would the gate pay? Our friend, Mr Gapper was detailed this time, to keep traffic records at the gate site for a week and produce an abstract of all that passed, animal, vehicular, or whatever with the resultant revenue. He fulfilled his task, in spite of rude remarks from passers-by (who probably thought he was some sort of an inspector), and offerings of banana skins and odd empty bottles. I have entered a copy of his abstract in these notes. But did you notice the catch? A cunning man, Mr Gapper, or else the arithmetic taught at the original Stoke School was rather quaint. He has managed to include two Saturdays in his total!
This caused a discrepancy of about £ 2 per week, not much you would say but it could amount to £ 100 in the year. Their shrewd practice failed however, as no Toll Gate Keeper offered more than £ 750 rent for one year instead of the £ 1,000 the board had hoped for, and one keeper who offered £720 realised his mistake and asked for a rebate, which of course was definitely refused. The board, like Pontius Pilate, held that, "What I have written, I have written," and that was final.
Mr Gapper's Traffic Abstract for the week ending March 17th, 1866, taken outside the Town Boundary at the bottom of Jenkins Hill.
But before we detail the working of the gate did any other Road Board follow their shocking example? I am afraid that one board was indeed tempted and actually discussed opening a gate. The stalwart farmers of the Suburban North Road Board, at their weekly get-together at the Black Horse, toyed with th idea and envisaged the gate as situated on the Wakapuaka Road just on the town side of the cemetery!
What an outcry it caused in the town at such an imposition and more especially when it was made clear that the section of road between the town and cemetery had been paid for by the Town Board of Works.
However, the Road Board members of the Suburban North withdrew, muttering in their beards that it wasn't really meant. Thus was averted the sorry spectacle of a funeral being halted right at the cemetery side, while the chief mourner groped in his trouser pocket for the elusive tanner and the stolid gatekeeper cast his eye over the size of the funeral — a big funeral would have been a bonanza to the Road Board.
But to return to the South Gate. What were the gatekeeper's duties? For the sake of his employers and also for his own pocket, he had to count every animal and vehicle passing through the gate and keep an accurate record. It must have been one of life's most tedious jobs, for the gate had to be kept open at night — in fact it was a 24 hour job — from midnight to midnight. The keeper at times, had great trouble in keeping his lantern alight, using of course, his own oil and wicks, and anyone could have climbed over the gate in the dark. One keeper implored the board to build a little wicker gate near the house so he would not have to open the main gate in the middle of the night.
The keeper was installed in the house provided by the board, handy to the gate, for the duration of his tenure, generally only one year. For the timid Provincial Council ever alert to the howls of the public over the gate, required that the Road Board give only one year's tenure at a time in case the public clamour grew so loud that they had to revoke the law allowing toll gates.
Besides this the toll keeper had to put down £ 100 as a bond before taking over his duties as well as forward one-twelth of the rent each month. One big source of complaint was from travellers who went through the gate once on their way to work and again, when they returned to town, each day. The board had to agree that one payment a day was enough.
I don't know the names of all the keepers but the Board's minute book gave three — Mr Hopgood in April 1868, Mr Cochrane in April 1869, Mr Vercoe in April 1870 (he offered £750 rent for his year's toll keeping), and Mr Cochrane again in 1872 (a mere £ 720 this time). In the 1964 Evening Mail appeared a life story of Mrs Eleanor Patterson who had turned 94, having been born in 1870 on the York farm which lay next to the Bishop's residence. She remembered the toll gate and Mr Cochrane who really had two jobs, while his wife looked after the gate during the day. He managed the brick works in the nearby Market Reserve. Mr Cochrane is mentioned again in Mrs Sutton's History of the Chapel in the grounds of the Bishop's residence. She recalled that the records showed that he had made the first donation for the chapel in the shape of 1000 bricks (value 2 pounds 12 shillings).
But even this was not enough, I fear, to compensate for the daily hullabaloo at the Bishop's front gate, with barking of dogs, bleating of animals, and shouts of the travellers and drovers. Not only this, but his front gate was almost blocked by the temporary fences put up by drovers on both sides of the gate so that the different mobs would not be mixed while one went through and the other waited. One bishop complained bitterly about the constant noise and asked the board if it was really necessary to block his entrance with these rough-looking enclosures. The board had to admit that
One thing missing from Mr Gapper's Scale of Charges was the charge for individuals using the gate. I wondered at first but I remembered the little wicker gate built to cater for individuals and then there was that letter in the Examiner pointing out that it was wrong to expect clergymen and government officials to pay toll charges. I could understand clergymen being allowed through free as a sop to the bishop whose ears were assailed daily by the cacophony at the gate, but government servants? Who were they? Inspectors, mainly, I suppose, going through each day to annoy the Stoke farmers – scab inspectors, dog tax inspectors, gorse inspectors, you name it, they had one for everything. I would charge them double. One of them from a well known Nelson family, which I forbear to name, appeared in a case in the Examiner. At this time, there was a county regulation against animals occupying the highway, and if your cow or whatever moved along the road at less than two miles per hour it was held to be stationary and you could be fined for obstructing the highway. The inspector, in question, was hiding behind a fair-sized gorse bush somewhere on the Port Hills watching two little girls driving Dad's cows along the road to their paddock. Anyone who studies children knows that their idea of time is quite elastic – one day they arrive home from school breathless at about five past three and the next day they are happily playing down the road after four o'clock. These little girls, quite sensibly, were not rushing the cows down the road but taking them along quietly. Probably, they thought, just as I do, that it was heartless to chase the cows down the road to the milking shed, milk them just as smartly and then rush them back to their paddock. But to their dismay they were suddenly confronted by a large gentleman who appeared from behind a gorse bush and demanded their names, their father's name and address, the name of the cows, their ages, etc., probably in triplicate, and then sent on their way frightened and tearful. Dad appeared subsequently in court and was fined for his misdemeanour while in the meantime, the inspector, dusting down his riding britches and leather leggings and replacing his gold hunter in his fob pocket, made off down the road looking for further prey, satisfied with a job well done.
But to return to the toll gate and the happenings there. There remains that famous case – "The Case of the Man who Tried to Dodge Paying", duly reported in the paper. When I first read of it thought it must have been some early visitor from Otago who had been appalled at the thought of paying a bawbee for some man to open a wee gate for him. But I was wrong as the miscreant lived up the road from the gate and should have known better.
It appears that he opened a slip rail in the fence at the back of the bishop's residence and made his way down the paddock past the toll gate only to be seen by Mrs Cochrane who rushed shouting across the paddock to seize the culprit, followed by Mr Cochrane brandishing an axe. During the following fracas the miscreant pushed off Mrs Cochrane violently, and was then threatened by Mr Cochrane, who swore he would cleave his head in two if he touched Mrs C. again. Evidently one hit was permitted.
In the ensuing court case the prisoner (they always called him a prisoner even before he was committed), was represented by his lawyer one of the Adams family, who, in defending his client, stated that the prisoner was a sick man and easily excited so that he did not know what he was doing, etc. In fact all the legal jargon, so beloved by the profession today except for the one about being brought up by a solo mother. Unfortunately, both the prisoner's parents were all to evident, especially his aged father whose marauding chooks had devastated Cochrane's vegetable garden on a previous occasion. Hence the axe, I should think.
What did the jury say? They brought in a verdict of guilty, but added a rider asking for mercy. Mercy! The court didn't know the word. The sentence? One year's hard labour for perjury.
Happily most things come to an end and in the Examiner of 1879 a short passage read, "The Toll Gate which stood for many years on Waimea Road was abolished and with dwelling, fencing, etc. was sold by public auction on March 19th".
I have never seen a picture or photograph of the gate and the keeper's house, perhaps there isn't one. Maybe no one wanted to remember it.
"Newstead", now known as Renwick House, is part of Central School. It can be approached either from Manuka Street (Trespassers will be Prosecuted) or from behind Central School building. Its story contains much of the history of Nelson for it is at least 130 years old and in that time it has been: (1) The home of W. F. Maiben (2) The birthplace of Nelson College 1856–61 (3) The home of Sir David Monro 1863–77 (4) The home of Dr Thomas Renwick 1877–79 and of his widow until 1939 (5) Part of Central School since 1939. Another prominent Nelsonian, Nathaniel Edwards rented it from 1861–62.
A simple two storey house was built on Town Acre 503 for Mr W. F. Maiben. In 1856 it was bought by the trustees of Nelson College and the first headmaster, Rev. J. C. Bagshaw and his wife were installed there, they provided board for one or two boys. Mr Bagshaw enrolled the first pupils on 7 April 1856 and attempted to teach them under very cramped conditions until the end of June. The next term started on 14 July in a building situated where the local radio station now stands. Meanwhile a new schoolroom complete with belfrey was built some distance behind the house and the boys moved into it early in November 1856. The total attendance that year was 42.
On 7 December 1859 the Governor, Colonel Gore-Browne laid the foundation stone of the College building on the present site, but it was not until 2 October 1861 that the move to the new building took place.
Doctor (later Sir) David Monro now comes upon the scene. He came to Nelson with the earliest settlers and built a house on his land at Waimea West. He named it Bearcroft (it was referred to as "Beerpot" by some of his bachelor cronies). He took his bride there in 1845. In 1858 with a growing family, they rented a large house in town from Alfred Fell (Sunnyside, later Warwick House). In May 1862 he bought the "Old College" for 1200 pounds from the Council of Governors. Before they moved in major alterations took place. The schoolroom was joined to the west of the house and the whole interior altered and refurbished. Large stables were built where the school had stood. The stables had four loose-boxes and provision for three vehicles and accommodation for the coachman. The belfrey from the schoolroom was mounted on top of the stables.
Why this was done no one knows but it certainly fooled many people for many years. In 1944 John Black, one of the first pupils at Nelson College, was in his hundredth year, the last survivor of the first pupils. He was taken to the building with the belfrey and declared that he had sat in that place. When the Centennial of the school was approaching there was a suggestion that the original schoolroom should be taken and re-erected in the College grounds and an architect was employed to draw up plans. By this time it was recognised that the original schoolroom was part of the main
The Monros gave the name "Newstead" to the house. The entrance to the property was then from Alton Street and Monro planted the curving carriageway with attractive shrubs and trees as well as the area around the house. They lived there happily until Monro, now Sir David Monro, speaker of the House of Representatives, died in 1877. They had seven children, five boys and two girls. The eldest boys were among the first pupils at Nelson College and had lived with the Bagshaws for sometime. The younger of these died of tuberculosis when he was 21 while the two others died in infancy. The other boy, Charlie, was the famous C. J. Munro credited with introducing rugby football to New Zealand in 1870. (On the outskirts of Massey University, some of whose land was farmed by C. J. Monro, is a memorial plaque erected by the Manawatu Football Association).
After her husband's death Lady Monro sold the house to Dr Renwick. Like Monro he had been among the early settlers. In 1872 he had married his second wife Anne Smith, he was 54 and she 28 years old. He lived only two years in Renwick House and died there in 1879. Anne lived there until she died in 1937 aged 93, so the house became associated in people's minds not so much with Dr Thomas Renwick as with Mrs Anne Renwick. When she died the property was acquired by the Government and became part of Central School.
On the 16 February 1985 the last of the New Zealand Historic Places Trust plaques marking James Cook's New Zealand landing places was unveiled at Whareatea Bay on the east coast of D'Urville Island.
The unveiling party were welcomed ashore by the tangata whenua, members of Ngati Koata, with full Maori ceremony. This was followed by a brief unveiling ceremony led by Dr Neil Begg, Chairman of the Board of the New Zealand Historic Places Trust.
The plaque reads:
"James Cook sailed the
Endeavour
from this bay on 31 March 1770
leaving New Zealand and steering
west on his long homeward voyage".
Cook's visit to D'Urville Island came at the close of his first visit to New Zealand. It was to be his only landing in what was much later to become the Nelson Land District. The following is one brief attempt to look at the historical evidence of that visit and place it in an historical perspective.
James Cook and the bark Endeavour had sailed from England in August 1768 and after rounding the Horn had visited Tahiti to observe the transit of Venus, one of the principal objectives of this voyage. The other principal objective was to assess the coastline charted by Tasman (New Zealand) and determine whether or not it had any connection with the hypothetical 'Great Southern Continent'.
Endeavour" arrived off the New Zealand coast in October 1769 and spent six months carefully circumnavigating the country. Thus by the time the circumnavigation of what he was later to call Stephen's Island was completed Cook and his men had been away almost three years. It was time to consider the return voyage to England and to replenish the ship's supplies of wood and water.
"…knowing that there is a Bay between the abovementioned island (Stephens Island) and Queen Charlotte Sound, wherein no doubt there is anchorage and convenient watering places. Accordingly in the P.M. we hauled round the island and into the bay (Admiralty Bay) leaving three more islands (Rangitoto Islands) on our starboard hand which lay close under the west shore 3 or 4 miles within the entrance. As we run in we kept the lead going and had from 40 to 12 fathoms. At 6 o'clock we anchored in 11 fathoms of water. A muddy bottom under the west shore in the second cove within the forementioned islands. At daylight A.M. I took a boat and went to look for a watering place, and a proper birth to moor the ship in, both of which I found convenient enough. After the ship was moored I sent an officer ashore to superintend the watering, and the carpenter and his crew to cut wood, while the long-boat was employed carrying ashore empty casks". (Beaglehole 1955, vol. 1:271).
The journal records that they encountered strong westerly winds and rain on the 27, 28, 29 March but despite this the replenishing of supplies of wood and water continued.
On 30 March the wind had swung to the south-east and the weather cleared. The shore parties finished their work and Cook took the opportunity to go exploring in the pinnace.
"I landed upon a point of land on the west side, where from an eminency, I could see this western arm of the bay run in S.W.B.W. about 5 leagues farther yet did not see the head of it". (ibid:272).
Cook's vantage point is generally supposed to be what was later called the D'Urville Peninsula on the northern side of Catherine Cove. Cook could clearly see down through French Pass (note the reef marked in Fig. 1) but could not distinguish that he was standing on an island. Cook noted the rugged nature of the land covered with "wood, shrubs, ferns, etc., which renders travelling both difficult and fatiguing" (ibid:272).
He also remarks that no inhabitants were seen although several huts were found "all of which appeared to have been at least twelve months deserted (ibid:272).
Joseph Banks also spent time ashore botanising. He too noted the difficulty of walking in high fern and saw the several deserted whare. His scientific interests were satisfied by finding three plants that neither he or Solander had seen before. He also noted the mineral content of rocks on the beach although not of a metallic nature. (Beaglehole, 1962:475, 476).
On the evening of the 30 March all being ready for departure, Cook held one of the few recorded conferences with his offices to determine their homeward course.
"To return by way of Cape Horn was what I most wish'd, because by this route we should have been able to prove the existence or non-existence of a southern continent which yet remains doubtful; but in order to ascertain this we must have kept in a high latitude in the very depth of winter, but the condition of the ship in every respect, was not thought sufficient for such an undertaking. For the same reason the thoughts of proceding directly to the Cape of Good Hope was laid aside as no discovery of any moment could be hoped for in that route. It was therefore resolved to return by way of the East Indies by the following route: upon leaving this coast to steer to the westward until we fall in with the east coast of New Holland, and then follow the direction it may take until we arrive at its northern extremity; and if this should be found impractical, than to endeavour to fall in with the lands or islands discovered by Quiros" (New Hebrides) (Beaglehole 1955, vol. 1:272, 3).
Thus at daylight on 31 March Endeavour was got under sail and with a strong south easterly behind her set out on her homeward voyage. She returned to England in June 1771.
Although earlier Nelson historians A. N. Field (1942) and Ruth Allan (1965) have discussed Cook's visit they have made no attempt to define which bay on D'Urville Island's east coast was used by Cook. Beaglehole places the anchorage in more definite terms as "off D'Urville Island just south of Old Mans Point" (1955 vol. 1:271).
However, more recently it has become generally accepted that Whareatea Bay was the anchorage although often little argument has been given in support.
Cook's statement that he anchored in "the second cove within the fore mentioned islands" (ibid:271) seems to clearly indicate the second bay below the Rangitoto Islands. A careful study of a map of the east coast of D'Urville Island suggests that this is likely to be Whareatea Bay given that the two coves are those formed by Sampson Point bisecting the coast between Old Man's Point in the north and Halfway Point in the south. There is little doubt that Whareatea offers the most protected anchorage on this coast north of Catherine Cove. It also offers a suitable beach and landing at the northern end under Simpson Point and several good fresh water streams flow into the bay.
However the clearest evidence that Whareatea was the anchorage is found in the 'Chart of Cook's Straights' drawn by James Cook from surveys made at the time of his visit (Skelton, 1955: xviii). A tracing from this is shown in Fig. 1.
On this chart Cook has marked his D'Urville Island anchorage in 12 fathoms. When a comparison is made with the modern map of the coastline in Fig. 2 there can be no mistake that the bay is Whareatea with its distinctively square outline.
In terms of New Zealand history Cook's visit to Whareatea had little practical impact. For him it was simply the closest suitable anchorage to restore the ship's supplies of wood and water and to consider his future course. His work in New Zealand on the first voyage was complete. In a geographical sense he had already defined New Zealand's coastline in his circumnavigation. His visit provided little new evidence about the ountry. He made no contact with the maori occupants of the area who were presumably in other parts at the time. The Whareatea anchorage, although fulfilling a need and despite the fact that Tasman had also anchored in the area in 1642 (just off the Rangitoto Islands), did not have the qualities of the important secure anchorages such as Ship Cove or Dusky Bay which would be used in successive visits by Cook.
It can in fact be argued that Cook's visit to Whareatea Bay has a greater significance to Australian history than New Zealand's. Having made the decision to avoid the Cape Horn route and return instead via the Dutch East Indies Cook was able to chart the east coast of New Holland (Australia) and complete the outline of that continent, one of the great achievements of his first voyage.
While it is important that we recognise the achievement of James Cook in the fields of navigation, surveying and natural history, and note with interest his brief stop on our part of the New Zealand coastline, it is also important to remember in placing his and his predecessor Tasman's visit in perspective that they were not the first to undertake such exploration in Nelson. That honour lies with the Polynesian navigators who had settled in the area at least 600 years previously.
The first railway in New Zealand was the Nelson Dun Mountain which was horse-drawn. This was one year and ten months ahead of the first steam line, Lyttleton to Christchurch, opened 1st December 1863 completed to Invercargill in 1879. Auckland to Onehunga opened 1873 but not far behind Blenheim to Picton on 17th November 1875. Actually the station was this side of Opawa River as the bridge had not been built.
First move for a rail in Marlborough came in 1860 when a man named Walter Long Wrey, who was also involved in the Dun Mountain Company, tried floating a company, but it was not until Vogel's development policy that enough capital could be raised.
The line surveyed was on the opposite side of the swamp to the road in 1871. The contract went to an English company Brogden and Sons who completed six other lines in New Zealand. Brogdens brought in many of their own men – E. Smith of Picton is descended from one. There is a record of 98 men, 14 of whom were married, with 26 children, arriving in Picton in 1872. The pay for these men was 5/- per day plus 12/- per week per family – cheap wages but they created the first rail strike in New Zealand through taking expenses from pay.
The rail was higher than the road so was not subject to floods although there were times when the trains were held up. In the big flood of 1911 the 4 p.m. train from Blenheim was stuck by a slip all night at Para. Towards the end of construction trouble was experienced obtaining rails. At this stage the Dun Mountain Company had ceased to operate and Marlborough was lucky in obtaining enough to finish the job from them. Otago were not so lucky and had to use some wooden rails which were not successful causing many derailments.
In 1873 two 20 ton engines arrived each able to haul 150 tons and with a top speed of 30 m.p.h. As a comparison by 1930 engines on lines weighed 120 tons and pulled 1150 tons. After a start in 1872 the line was opened with great ceremony on Wednesday, 17 November 1875. At 11 a.m. Miss Gwyneth Henderson, daughter of Brogdon's representative christened one engine, Blenheim. Miss C. Goulter christened the other engine saying "I name this engine Waitohi and in the words of the poet – may its course be onward and true to the line". With bottles of champagne and free rides the line was then opened by James Hodson, deputy superintendent.
The Nelson Provincial Museum Library receives enquiries for information on a variety of subjects. The resources used to satisfy these enquiries are many and varied. Personal diaries and letters, newspapers, passenger lists, records of business and social organisations, published provincial and central government records, books, cemetery records, plus illustrated material – drawings, paintings, maps and the marvellous photographic collection. Bringing these resources to bear on an enquiry can build up a composite picture which delights the researcher.
This can be demonstrated by the story of one particular enquiry which came from a woman who was to have visitors from Australia. Their ancestor had lived in Nelson and they wanted to see any evidence of his life here. They had sent a copy of an obituary from an Australian paper dated 21 May 1901 and this was the starting point. It concerned Dr John Jennings Imrie who had been born in Ayr, Scotland, in 1810. He had served in the army in India and Spain, gaining the Victoria Cross for bravery, and had then gone to Adelaide. The obituary continues: "Seeing nothing suitable in Adelaide to his fancy returned to England and went over to France where he had left his wife and two children for the time and as New Zealand was just at that time proclaimed a British Colony he went over with his family and settled in Nelson, New Zealand, they being with a few other families the first and only white settlers there at that time. He bought a quantity of land from the natives and also got a free grant from the British Government. He built the first house in Nelson, having taken the material out with him.
"He shortly afterwards chartered a vessel in England and spent a fortune having her fitted out with merchandise for New Zealand and sad to relate when the vessel arrived safely off the coast of New Zealand and was in sight of Nelson a fearful storm came on and she struck a rock and went to pieces before the eyes of the owner and all was lost not a soul saved. This was his first loss, $40,000 went to the bottom. Shortly after that time the Maoris became very aggressive to the white settlers. Dr Imrie was one of the few settlers who escaped being murdered. The natives then tried to drive the whites out of Nelson. The doctor and the remaining whites built a fort and repulsed the attack of the natives on several occasions and the day before they were about to make the final attack a schooner put into Nelson on her way to Tasmania and he and his family with the rest of the settlers took refuge on board, escaping with their lives and leaving all they possessed to the mercy of the natives. He than landed with his family at Hobart and abandoned all idea of returning to New Zealand where he had been practically ruined."
This was impressive stuff to the novice researcher who now began investigations, convinced that evidence concerning Dr J. J. Imrie would lie thick on the ground!
First check the passenger lists – no Dr Imrie.
Then check the 1845 census – no Dr Imrie.
Ruth Allan hadn't heard of him either!
As a last resort check the list of early settlers in Brett's Early History of New Zealand and there he is. Two listings!
The Clydeside arrived at Port Nicholson 11 October 1841 and Early Wellington by Ward lists Imrie among its passengers. This at least gets him to Wellington.
What about J. W. Saxton's Diary? Mr Saxton knew everyone who was worth knowing. Check the index and there he is, several references.
"Thursday, 12 July 1842:Called on Mr Imrie who gave me a cheque on the bank for Mr Nicholl's goods and then walked with me to Captain Wilson's to see the sketch, assisting me to carry the board from the Depot for the second sketch.
"Wednesday, 15 February, 1843:After breakfast started to see Mr Imrie respecting the omission of half the currants in his account. Passed over the new bridge by Mr Tuckett's garden, Spanton's house, Mr Valle's and reached Mr Imrie who was at home. He recollected the transaction and amount and advised me to deliver my account to Mr Perry, from whom, he said, I must expect objections and blackguardism and that I might refer to him. After taking a glass of wine for which he drew the cork, he showed me his back premises where I saw two rabbits. He promised to give me a pair. I enjoyed from his terrace a beautiful view both of the righthand towards the sea and to the left towards Brook Street valley. He showed me a rock spring near his door. More pleased with New Zealand than I had yet been.
"Wednesday, 28 June 1843:Heard from Mr Richardson's man then going up to secure his effects that the dreadful news was substantially correct. After dinner went to town where in the morning Mr Tuckett had safely arrived. Returned with Newport who was commissioned to tell Mr Fell he was on watch for the night. I had evaded a request by Messrs Valle, Elliott and Imrie to sign a requisition for the formation of a militia.Monday, 28 August 1843:Went to Mr Imrie's and partly agreed to take one of his rabbits. He has determined to leave for Moreton Bay."
Now we're getting somewhere! From the description of the view Imrie must have lived in the Wood area and he probably left for Australia towards the end of 1843. A jury list in the Nelson Examiner of 8 April 1843 includes John Jennings Imrie, Grove Street, Gentleman. Intriguing to know what a Gentleman would do for a living! Advertisements appear in the Examiner for J. J. Imrie & Co., Bridge Street: "Arrived ex Elizabeth and on sale at the stores of the undersigned, black and green teas of fresh quality, loaf and raw sugars, coffee, flour, fine Irish butter and English cheese, lard, beef, pork, hams, oat and pease meal, rice, mustard, pepper, vinegar in bottle and cask, pickles, sauces, bottled fruits, currants, raisins, nutmegs, cloves, etc., mould and dipped candles, lamp oil and lamps, lampwick, gunpowder, iron pots in great variety, frying pans, girdles, etc., starch and blue, soap, cigars, tobacco, pipes, stationery, etc., superior pale brandy, Highland whisky and old rum in bottles, garden seeds in assorted packages, in excellent preservation. A few well-assorted medicine chests, with directions for using, very suitable for families going into the country. A choice assortment of native mats". He was a shopkeeper!
In July 1842 he advertised: "For sale, a splendid new oak boat, English built with masts, sails, etc. complete; will carry about 8 tons, very suitable for landing cargo". Then a shipping notice: Sailed 30 September 1843 brigantine Sisters for Hobart Town. Passengers Mr and Mrs Imrie and child. Proof that he had left Nelson. Perhaps there had been a property sale.
Fell & Harley advertise an auction: "To be sold by public auction by Alfred Fell & Co. on Saturday, September 2nd at the store of Mr Walkinshaw, Trafalgar Street North, town section 270, situated in Cambria Street north of the Wood, together with the dwellinghouse erected thereon, now in the occupation of Mr Imrie, containing 3 rooms and passage, brick chimney, oven, fowl and pigeon houses, etc. etc. A considerable portion of the acre is in cultivation, planted and sown, with a ditch and mound fence; it has also the great recommendation of possessing within its bounds a never failing spring of the purest bright water. The premises may be viewed any morning before the sale.
"Also the remaining unsold portion of Section No. 8 Suburban South, closely adjoining the town acres, and within two miles of Trafalgar Square. This very valuable section was selected amongst the earliest choices and presents the most eligible spots for the purposes of the small cultivator, being well supplied with timber for building, fencing and fuel, and with constant streams of pure water. Part of this section has already been sold and occupied, and proves of unquestionable fertility. A map of the district and a plan of the section may be seen at the auctioneers of whom any further particulars may be obtained.
"After which a quantity of household furniture and other effects; amongst which are comprised sofa, chairs, tables, earthenware, iron pots, saucepans, kettles, copper tea kettles and other kitchen utensils; a few books on miscellaneous subjects, spades, potato forks, hoes and other garden implements; a quantity of English-grown onion and turnip seeds, etc., etc. Terms will be furnished at the time of sale, which will commence at 12 o'clock punctually."
Not everything sold at the auction as an account of Fell & Co. lists items sold later on Mr Imrie's behalf: "Seeds, 112lb white clover £5.12.0, 181b lawn 18.0d, 18lb ryegrass 18.0d, 80lb perennial £3.0.0; 1 large crowbar 12.8d, 1 pickaxe 2.0d".
And so John Jennings Imrie exits left, leaving behind a perfect illustration of the perils of family legend. He would have reminsced about his time in Nelson. They were exciting days. The hard times of getting his business established, the drama of the confrontation and deaths in the Wairau, leading to his decision to leave for Australia. The story got embroidered with the passing of time and we see the result.
From the information gathered I could write a much more accurate account of Mr Imrie's sojourn in Nelson than that which appeared in his obituary, but it wouldn't be nearly as much fun.
In 1977 the Kaikoura Historical Society produced a booklet on the history of the hotels in the area from 1854 to 1920. This document produced many amusing details and incidents but spare a thought please for those that were not amused, Kaikoura's own Temperance Movement, the Independent Order of Good Templars.
They fought the good fight from 1879 until the early 1900's when, owing to lack of numbers this branch faded out. The closing decades of the 19th Century and the first decades of the 20th saw the Temperance movement at the height of its influence. The Temperance movement had reached New Zealand in 1842 and the place was Mangunga on the Hokianga River, at the Wesleyan Methodist Station.
It was Mrs William White, the wife of one of the missionaries who was moved to propose to attempt a remedy for the prevalence of drinking and drunkenness among the natives, resulting in the serious loss of life by drowning in the river. She herself had taken the pledge in England, and it was from the medal she received at that time that she wrote in a copybook the pledge "We agree to abstain from all intoxicating liquors except for medicinal purposes and for religious ordinances." From this start came many such Temperance groups.
In 1850, at first through Provincial Councils and then through Parliament, the Temperance movement proposed popular control over the granting of licences in each district. The first of these was Otago where Justices were given the power to reject a new licence application if it was opposed by two-thirds of the local householders. Taranaki, Nelson and Auckland soon followed suit.
In 1873 the first Licensing Bill was introduced into Parliament directing the licensing authorities in each electorate to reject a new licence application on the same two-thirds demand. Temperance agitation continued through the 1870's with Bands of Hope, Lodges and Conventions in every town.
The Independent Order of Good Templars originated in Central New York in 1852 and in 1868 it was introduced into England by Joseph Malins, an Englishman who had joined it in the United States. The Templars, apart from being tee-totallers, bore a marked resemblance to the Freemasons with their secrecy, elaborate ritual and costumes, honorific titles and tradition of mutual help. The Order met an obvious need, and within six years there were nearly 4,000 Lodges, with more than 200,000 members in England alone and it supported its own Templar and Temperance Orphanage.
Rev. B. J. Westbrooke, a Methodist Minister, on his emigration from England, obtained a commission to act as a deputy for New Zealand. Upon his arrival in Invercargill he set about the work of organizing a Lodge of Good Templars. He succeeded in securing a sufficient number of signatures to apply for a lodge charter, and on September 9th, 1872, 16 gentlemen assembled for the purpose of being constituted the 'Southern Cross' Lodge No. 1 of New Zealand. Their organization was noticed in the local
In the North Island the first movement in favour of the Order was made in Wellington, the Charter being issued on May 30th, 1873, and by 1876 there were over 7,000 members in New Zealand.
The link with America seemed likely at one time to prove a source of weakness for a split in the parent society on the treatment of negroes spread to Great Britain and then to New Zealand in 1878. This resulted in two Grand Lodges working in New Zealand for ten years, but the problem was resolved and the Lodges became united in January 19th, 1888, in Wellington.
Kaikoura founded its own lodge on January 10th, 1879, with a handful of members that were to be plagued with the problem of a meeting place. Owing to the ritual involved in the meetings a private house was unsuitable, and as the number of members fluctuated, and therefore so did the finances, the Lodge was continually changing its rented accommodation. For a number of years they rented the Masonic Lodge room on the Esplanade, where Waterman's Supermarket now stands. In 1886 the Good Templars tried to rent a classroom at the town school for their meetings but were refused, and so they stayed at the Masonic Lodge Room, the rent now having increased to one pound per month. This proved too expensive and on May 11th, 1895, the Town Hall was engaged at a shilling per week. The Town Hall then being Gordon Fisher's old garage in Brighton Street, which was blown down on August 1st, 1975. This arrangement lasted until 1898 when a letter was received from Mr S. W. Maxton, custodian of the Town Hall: "I let the Lodge the Hall at 1/- per week as their numbers were reduced to 9 or 10 and they could not pay more, but as they have now increased to about 30 I think they should pay 2/-. At any rate please consider the 1/- per week cancelled from the above date."
A minute book of the North Star Lodge in Kaikoura showed a membership in 1897 of 21 brothers and 13 sisters. Two brothers having been suspended for "breaking the pledge". Entertainment at the meetings after the formal business had been concluded was varied and included parlour games, sisters' nail driving contest and a brothers' sewing competition. Some evenings members were requested to 'sing, recite, give a speech or otherwise a fine of 3d.'
One can only pause to wonder at the account received by the lodge on July 11th. 1898, from S. W. Maxton, General Storekeeper and Auctioneer, for repairing a table broken by the Lodge Minstrels — 5/6. 'Fruit Banquets' were held once a month, members exchanging pieces of fruit at the end of the business session, this was also done on 'Surprise Night' with small gifts. Meetings were held every Monday at 7.30 p.m. and the business part was always very formal in full lodge regalia.
New members were only admitted after a successful ballot had been conducted and on admission to the Lodge had to make a solemn pledge to abstain for life from using or giving to others as a beverage any intoxicating
If a member confessed to violation the Lodge could take direct action and ballot upon any penalty as reprimand or fine, or would appoint a committee to investigate further and report as to a penalty. In the case of nonconfession a formal charge was laid, and on the member's guilt being established and any penalty short of expulsion being inflicted and met, the Lodge restored the member without fee, using the special Restoration Ceremony and singing the Restoration Ode.
There were many suitable hymns for Temperance, "275 Gems of Song" in fact, all "recommended for their respectability, piety and sentiment."
After a member had proved his worth and refrained from drinking alcohol for six months he or she could apply for a degree. These degrees were conferred at special meetings and called District Degrees and made a member now eligible for election to office. Office bearers could also then apply for Grand Lodge degrees as they progress with their temperance.
A second temperance movement was started in Kaikoura in the 1880's, the name of this one is not known for sure, but it is presumed it was a Band of Hope. A small hall was erected in the Suburban on the northwest corner of the junction of Mt Fyffe and Postmans Roads, but owing to lack of numbers this group faded out.
In 1881 Sir John Hall's government introduced an act intended to go some way towards the prohibitionists' demands while protecting the vested interests of the trade. The Act closed the pubs on Sundays, introduced elected licensing committees and gave residents in each electorate a right to prevent the granting of new licences every three years. This resulted in a virtual freezing of licences for nearly 70 years. Naturally, prohibitionists elected to licensing committees refused to re-new licences.
Then in 1893 the government introduced yet another Bill, the result was a law providing a three-issue triennial poll on local option (retention, reduction, abolition), with a provision that the latter two alternatives each required a three-fifths vote to be carried.
This system resulted in 12 separate districts going "dry". On Wednesday, December 6th, 1899, at the General Elections, Kaikoura voted retention 195, reduction 76 and abolition 121. A great show of strength for the prohibitionists but under the law, not quite enough. In an attempt to reach the younger age group Temperance Societies all over New Zealand urged that School Committees adopt the Temperance Lesson Book in the classroom, but Kaikoura opponents claimed that the syllabus was already overcrowded.
Later it was agreed to if "some of the more numerous subjects of little practical use now taught were set aside". Also bowing to pressure the Christchurch Press on September 9, 1899, started a Temperance Column where members of the society could voice their opinion. The fact that they never went unchallenged made very interesting reading and showed that feelings were running high.
By the late 1890's the suburban Temperance group disbanded leaving the hall empty, and this prompted the Good Templars in Kaikoura township to look for a suitable section. A piece of land in Torquay Street was rented from the School Commissioners in Christchurch and the hall was removed by Mr Sandford, a carpenter, for the sum of 23 pounds 10 shillings to this site on November 21st, 1898. Unfortunately, having now solved their problems of a meeting place, membership started to drop off. As the licensing laws gradually changed in New Zealand so too did the strength of the Temperance movement.
In the polls of 1902, 1905 and 1908, the no-licence vote was more than 50 per cent throughout the country. Prohibitionists soon realised that the three-fifths restriction was cheating them of victory and that a national poll on prohibition versus continuance, with a bare majority vote, means total victory. This was granted in 1911 but still with the three-fifths restriction, so, although gaining 55–83 per cent of the vote they were denied victory. The only victory to be had was during World War I when after a long campaign, the hotels were closed at 6 p.m. A 50–50 vote, prohibition versus continuance, was finally held in 1919, at first the prohibitionists held a lead of 13,000 but the forces still overseas soon changed that, a possible retribution for closing the hotels at 6 p.m. while they were away.
After 1919 the prohibition vote showed a steady decline and along with it the Temperance movement. The North Star Lodge of Kaikoura has long since closed its books but let us remember them with this quote from one of their magazines: "Alcohol is a poison, but every year it is getting more difficult to diagnose the effects of it on the brain because those who have brains are giving up the use of it".
I well remember my first ride in a motorcar. It was at Wakapuaka in a one-cylinder Reo car in 1908.I think my interest in things mechanical began at that moment. At school I was thought to have some mechanical ability so was sent to what was then the Nelson Technical School where I did a two year engineering course. I left with a good testimonial from my tutor and looked for an apprenticeship. I was fortunate to secure one with W. G. Vining whose garage was where the Montgomery car park is situated. (I regret that the name Vining is not perpetuated in some way, they were there much longer than Montgomery was). W. G. Vining was one of the earliest motorists and by 1918–20 speedy transport was coming into its own.
The apprenticeship was for five years, wages started at fifteen shillings a week, after six weeks I got one pound and they rose by five shillings a year. When I became a tradesman my wages were four pounds seventeen and sixpence.
One day Mr Vining showed me an old Model T Ford which he said was a good buy at fifty pounds. It was a 1917 model and I bought it. Imagine a youngster of seventeen with a motor car in those days, others were lucky to have a bicycle. I was extremely popular and had plenty of friends both male and female. In those days very few people could drive and those who could were almost considered to be gods. Mr Vining would sell a car, one of us would take it to the purchaser and stay to teach the farmer to drive.
I remember one time when the salesman wanted to deliver a car to Pangatotara. He set out and I was to follow him. It was getting dark when we reached Wakefield, then we went over the Dovedale Hill. The road in those days has to be imagined — it was more like a goat track. At about midnight we reached the farm where I stayed a few days teaching the farmer to drive. In this way I got a good knowledge of the country districts.
Mr G. bought a car, a Chevrolet Superior. He was a miner at Puponga where some half dozen men worked a coalmine. We left on a Sunday, at that time the All Blacks were overseas and had played on the previous afternoon so we stopped at the Takaka Post Office to find out how they had got on. (With no television or radio the notices displayed at Post Offices were the first news we had of such important events.) We reached Collingwood, went on and safely crossed the Pakawau River, then it seemed to me we ran out of road. When I asked where the road was my companion pointed ahead to what was really a mud flat. "Surely you are not going to take this car over that?" But he explained that it as the only way to get home! I put her into low gear, rammed my foot down and through we went. I spent about a week teaching Mr G. to drive, making sure that he could negotiate the mud flat.
I went back to Collingwood in the "mail car", a terrible old four cylinder Cadillac which was very late that morning, the reason was that they had been towing it all round Collingwood to get it to start. It could only be stopped on a hill where it could run down to start again. After lunch my
Another time Mr Vining said "Poor old Mr X, he's in real trouble, he's been to Lake Rotoroa and his car has broken down, we must do something about it". I left town about 4 p.m. and reached Korere where Mr X lived about 8 p.m. Next morning we set out for Lake Rotoroa and found the car had a broken propellor shaft. The only thing to do was tow it back to Nelson. Those were the days of open cars, they did have windscreens but they were little protection with the road ankle deep in dust. Every ten miles I would stop to see if Mr X was still alive and to dust him down. Eventually we reached Nelson and he had survived.
Believe me, life was never dull in those days! A car had an accident in Collins Valley. The problem was a bent chassis, in those days the chassis stuck out in front with springs under it. There were no breakdown trucks so a boy and I loaded up the old jalopy with a big sheet of iron, half a bag of coke, a big kerosene burner, a tin of kerosene and all my tools. We took the radiator and mudguards off and dismantled it, put a wet sack over the carburettor to stop it catching fire and then built a fire around the chassis, laced it up with a piece of wire and put blocks of coke around it. We lit up the burner which roared like an aeroplane. It was almost like an oven and, after about twenty minutes or half an hour when it was red hot we raked away the fire and straightened the chassis. Then all we had to do was put it together again — simple!
There were several service cars based at Vinings and now and then they would be overloaded so they would hire a car from Vinings. I had to change quickly and off I would go with a load of passengers for Motueka, Riwaka or even Blenheim. Of course there was no nonsense such as having to get a driver's licence, it was accepted that if you worked in a garage you were an expert driver, it was only necessary to look the part.
I have mentioned that my first car was a model T Ford. In those early years of motoring it was Henry Ford who made it possible for ordinary people to own cars. He was the great pioneer in the motoring world. He built the first Fords, known as "Tin Lizzies" during 1909–11. In 1914 when there was a slight recession in America, he paid his workers $5.00 for a nine hour day while others paid $3.75 for a ten hour day. He was able to do this because he pioneered the assembly line method of construction which greatly speeded up production. He was therefore able to sell cars in New Zealand for 176 pounds which was at least 50 pounds cheaper than any other make. The "Tin Lizzie", which could be any colour one chose so long as it was black, was the subject of jokes and ridicule. Henry Ford himself encouraged the publication of book of Ford jokes.
Despite the ridicule it sold and revolutionised transport for the ordinary poorer man both in America and abroad. Of course it was a very basic vehicle, no such luxuries as a speedometer, windscreen wiper or self-starter. They would be extras. Most people had what was known as the "armstrong starter", and, if you saw a man with his arm in a sling, it was most likely that he was the owner of a car with an "armstrong" starter and that he had tried to start the car with the spark too far advanced.
I was most fortunate that my early years as a mechanic were supervised by Philip Vining who was most meticulous and thorough. His father, W. G. Vining, started in the motor industry in the early years of the century and owned a number of cars including two 12–15 horsepower Cadillacs. He has the distinction of being the first person to make the trip from Nelson to Christchurch by car. Cars had been driven infrequently from Nelson to Blenheim and from Blenheim to Christchurch but W. G. Vining was the first to make the through trip.
With his wife, daughter and son he set out in his Cadillac at eleven o'clock on a pouring wet autumn morning. They had a late lunch at Rai Falls and pushed on to Havelock where the car was refuelled and a large umbrella purchased (for 4 shillings and 6 pence) — this proved to be an inspired move! Rain continued, but they reached the turn off to the Tua Marina
Next morning they left in better weather and were soon in Starbrough, now known as Seddon, and went on to Flaxbourne which had refused to change its name after Sir Joseph Ward cut up part of the Estate into farms. Here they were told they would never be able to cross the Flaxbourne Hills as there was deep mud and fresh gravel, but, with the help of a friendly roadman who showed them how to use tussock to make wheels grip, they reached the Ure River. In spite of all the rain they had encountered the river was dry, they could not even get a drink of water! They pushed on to the coast with Cape Campbell on the left and visited at Woodside homestead, then on to Kekerangu feeling confident despite the greasy section known as the "slips" — and still a treacherous part of the road. All went well till they were about ten feet from the end when the car bogged down hopelessly. They used the roadman's trick, but despite all hands digging mud from around the wheels and heaving on the block and tackle (which was always carried by motorists in those days) they were unable to move it, so Mr Vining set out for the Rutherford Homestead some three miles down the road and returned with several men and an enormous carthorse. About 9.15 p.m. four tired but happy motorists arrived at the Rutherford Homestead, they were again regaled with tales of the awful roads ahead, but by now they took advice with some reservations.
Next morning they left in perfect weather, but more adventures were ahead. After a couple of miles they came to the Devil's Elbow — a nasty piece of work — which was reputed to be negotiable only on horseback, but, using tussock and dry flax and all pushing, they were finally on the top and stopped at the 'Shades' for a rest. Here there were more tales of terrors ahead, but, after lunch at Clarence Bridge they pushed on to the Hapuka River where some Maoris came to their assistance. A huge crowd gathered and, after two people crossed in a gig, the horse was brought back and harnessed to the Cadillac. All went well till the middle of the river when the car stuck against boulders. Two cylists offered to move the obstruction and, after an hour's delay, the car came up the bank with water pouring out in all directions. Against all expectations the car started and the six miles to Kaikoura were covered in great style.
During the overnight stop a coach driver was most emphatic that the road to Christchurch was impossible, but they set out next morning in brilliantly fine weather. A horse pulled them through the Kowhai crossing and Stormy Creek, but the car managed it alone at Crib Creek, the soft sandy creek and river bottoms caused the most trouble. At the small Linton rossing the car bogged down badly, but with sacks, planks and manuka managed the crossing. Friends at Linton Downs gave them dinner and lent them
The next day the Vinings left with two men and two horses to tackle the famous Conway Cutting, this took several hours, then on for nine miles to the Upper Mason. In places horses pulled and the car pushed and they made good time.
After the previous few days the trip from the Waiau to Christchurch was easy going, Waipara crossing caused few problems and the next day at 10 a.m. they rolled into Cathedral Square, just six days after leaving Nelson.
The early hotels that came into being soon after the arrival of the settlers in the country districts had to be very much more than places of refreshment and accommodation. They became the very hub of each small community. Typical of these would be ones in the Wakefield area.
The "Wakefield Arms" situated at Lower Wakefield, on what is today the property of Mr Barry Bryant, was established in 1853, perhaps before, but it is not until Thomas N. Trower applied for a bush licence in 1855 that we find where it stood.
Thomas was a son of Robert Trower of Woburn Place, London, and had arrived on the Fifeshire listed as a gentleman of 22 years. Mary Ann Cole, a widow with two sons arrived on the Lord Auckland, she and Thomas were married in 1844. By 1849 they were farming in 88 Valley.
During his term as proprietor the coaches commenced the run from Nelson, collecting and discharging passengers and goods at the hotel. The advertisements for this service had the warning — River Permitting. Another advertisement I noticed advised in 1856 that the opening game for the Wakefield cricket team would take place at the Wakefield Arms.
David Warnock became the proprietor in April 1858 and during his time the Oddfellows Lodge — "Mansion of Peace" — was formed at the hotel 10th August 1859. Joseph Wagstaff was the proprietor in 1867 when stock sales commenced in the yards at the back of the hotel. But it was '68-'69 that the big event, that was to draw large crowds for about the next 10 years, began — the "Waimea South Steeplechase".
The centre of this great attraction was the Wakefield Arms. The course was laid off three miles in extent, commencing on the Nelson side and running parallel with the road, crossing at Hooper's Store to return down the left side and passing through Mr Fowler's paddock where a deep drain presented the worst problem of the race, falling into this meant the inevitable loss of the race. There were 24 fences in the given distance. R. M. Smith of the Forest Inn, and John Disher had refreshment tents so the folk of the Waimeas could not complain of the lack of those necessary sinews of a race meeting. Hodder's coaches left Nelson 9.30 sharp and returned at the conclusion of the last race. Later when the train had commenced they ran a 'special' each race day that stopped opposite the course.
In the best racing tradition there was a fenced enclosure for the horses — Levi James sold hay and water at 1/6 a head. So great was the crowd that many could not gain admission to the grandstand. Charles Elliott was judge, Joe Baigent the clerk and the starter was John Gaukrodger. Horses were entered from all over the Waimeas. McRae's Bess, Blundell's Deception, Baigent;s Sultan, Knapp's Te Kooti, Paap's Blossom, Hatilow's Physic, Redwood's Bones, Monro's Rustic, Dillon's Quick Silver, and Bryant's Minnie were those mentioned in the reports and one added that the rather long intervals between races had been filled by the band, giving some gentlemen the opportunity to display certain steps which had not previously been introduced. Obviously a lot of fun was had by all.
The hotel operated until about 1879. Some of the later proprietors were Joseph Andrews, R. Chamberlain, F. Day and J. F. Plank. In Mr Plank's day the place was known, unofficially, as the "Carpenters Arms". Mr White of the brewery was the owner for some years.
Late in 1879 an advertisement in the Colonist offering the "Olde Ale House" at Wakefield, the "Wakefield Arms" and 25 acres for immediate possession, but in late 1881 the Rev. Bowden advertises for a house suitable for a private boarding school, then opens his "Brierley Farm Academy" in the old hotel in 1882. The school was of short duration but the Rev. T. A. Bowden continued to live there with his family for many years. I think the final owners of the old building were members of the Hill family. I have never been able to find a photograph of the hotel only of the front door.
"The Forest Inn". Situated in Upper Wakefield, on the left going south, just over the Jemmy Lee bridge. It was August 1856 when John Fowler begged to inform the public that he has opened a house where every accommodation can be afforded to travellers. A good assortment of ready made cothing, good stabling and paddocks for horses and cattle. Orders taken for timber of every description. Henry Hubbard, Thomas Menary, Thomas Hunt, Charles Gentry, G. A. Hollister and R. M. Smith were some of the proprietors over the years. Robert Martin Smith would have been the longest serving of these 1866–1881. He was an only child of S.T. Smith who came out with Captain Wakefield, and later came to Wakefield as a school master. In 1870 Robert advises his new "Forest Inn", 2 sitting rooms, a billiard room, comfortable bedrooms. In later advertisements he states that a horse and trap will meet every train. I have been unable to find out if he did indeed build a new inn or just enlarge the old one.
In this hotel in 1873 a meeting was held to form the Masonic Lodge of Waimea South, it was named for the inn "Forest Lodge", and they continued to meet there until they built their own building in 1882. Stock sales were held in the yards and continued for some years after the hotel closed. It was obvious by 1885 that the place was on the downward trend and by 1887 Mr Harley had bought Dragers accommodation house as the "Forest Inn" is now history, reports the Colonist".
Mr Louis Charles Drager was born in Hanover 1839 and married in Nelson to Ellen Frances Giles in 1864. In 1868 they had opened an accommodation house in Wakefield, on Part Section 85 in what is today the main street. Louis was a scholar and a very fine musician, under his baton the local band reached great heights and it was with very real regret that the people of Wakefield farewelled the Drager family in 1887. Around 1879 the building was enlarged on the right hand side, John Scott was the builder. Then in 1902 it was again enlarged this time by Henry Baigent. A much more extensive alteration, it had been the intention to demolish the original part, but they had hardly begun when it caught fire and they were lucky to save the rest. There have been a few more changes over the years but basically it is the same building that reopened in 1903. Following is a list of the proprietors since it became "The Wakefield Hotel".
Manager: John A. H. Kelly. Built 1904 all corrugated iron, all under one roof. It was 450ft × 60ft. Kilns were rotating types 60ft long by 6ft in diameter, weighing 80 tons. 3 Krupp ball mills, the same as used for gold quartz; 2 Askam cube mills; 2 boilers, 130hp, 1 Haslam engine 225hp for cool grinding mill. According to 1906 N.Z. Encyclopaedia: Output 22 tons per day. Henry Kelly in H. & Hills says 300 tons per week.
Employing 40 to 50 men but at its peak up to 200 on three 8-hour shifts, travellers on the road or rail witnessed a hive of activity night and day. Many of the workers lived in Koromiko and so influenced Koromiko community life. Under the baton of Mr McVicar a brass band was formed including other Koromiko men, Taylor and Randall being two of them. Later in 1906 a Mr Avery took over as bandmaster. Through the men working here Koromiko was also able to field a good cricket club.
The Papa rock used had been noticed years before the works were established and considered some of the best material in New Zealand for cement manufacture. The rail running through the middle section was also ideal — there was a siding and station on the northern end. A dam was built in a bush gully above the rail and a culvert carried water to the works. The Papa rock was carted by dray to the kiln and thoroughly burned by a hot coal fire. Then it was drawn out and placed in a rotary furnace being burned and crushed.
When the project was first started it was thought cement would be made from 3 parts Papa and 1 part lime. However the correct mix proved to be the reverse — 3 parts lime and 1 part Papa. Transportation costs of lime from Takaka were the cause of the company going into liquidation after only three years.
Limestone was brought from Takaka in the scow Magic which was often delayed by lack of wind in the Sounds and was sometimes towed in by the Gannet (Captain Iain Bowden). On berthing, stone was shovelled into big cane baskets and tipped into rail wagons. Three engines were used to get these loads up the elevation — two at the front and one at the rear. At the siding the two front engines pulled away and the rear engine pushed the train to the cement works landing. Here the cargo was loaded into smaller trucks which were pulled up to the kilns by horses. They were tipped on the ground and broken up by hand operated spawling hammers before being thrown into the kiln to be mixed with the Papa. In its heyday it was about the biggest industry in Marlborough.
This kiln was started in the 1880 by a Mr Entwistle. Unlike the Tua Marina works it had two round kilns joined together by a flue instead of one oblong kiln. The motive power for pugging the clay was supplied by a horse pulling on a long pole attached to a cog wheel. The horse had to be blindfolded otherwise it would stop if anyone approached.
W. T. Daikee, who landed in Nelson in 1855 and is a great-grandfather of
While at the elevation a light tramway was built across the road to bring out wood, though his kiln was mainly fired with coal brought from Shakespeare Bay. This mine was dsicovered in 1875 although a seam, probably part of the Shakespeare Bay deposit, had been worked on Mt Freeth up a gully past the cement works as early as 1865.
As far as I can ascertain Daikee procured his clay from Tua Marina and Nolans Crossing. In 1899 Daikee received permission from the Picton Road Board for clay from Witts. At this time he started the Tua Marina works. Gibson, who worked for him sat the Tua Marina works in 1903, then A. Bary who worked for Gibson took over in 1907 later taking over the elevation works in 1920. He was last to work it and Jock Thompson bulldozed the remains away.