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Issued by the
Nelson Historical Society Inc.
Hardy Street, Nelson.
Nelson Province, 1642–1842
From Discovery to Colonisation
By A. N. Field
The Nelson doings of Tasman, Cook and Durville in their own words; whaling day episodes; the tangled tale of the founding of Nelson and discovery of the Haven; a story packed with interest, never before brought together under one cover, and much of it previously untold.
144 pages with Index
Price 4/- (if posted 4/3)
Produced for the 1942 Centenary, the sale of this book was checked by the onset of the black-out, barbed-wire period of the Pacific War. Its publishers, Messrs A. G. Betts and Son Ltd., Nelson, have generously donated 500 copies to the Nelson Historical Society. The entire proceeds go to the Society's funds.
Get your copy from the N.H.S. Secretary, c/o Messrs Wilkins & Field, Hardy Street, Nelson, and help your Society along.
The Society aims to preserve all early records of Nelson and to this end will appreciate gifts of material such as:—
The Society's rooms at the rear of the A. and N.Z. Bank, Hardy Street, entrance alongside Public Trust Office, are open on Fridays 10-12 noon, Monday and Tuesday evenings, 7.30 to 9.30.
Further copies of this Journal may be obtained from Nelson Historical Society Inc. c/o P.O. Box 12, Nelson. Price 3/-.
Vol. 1. No. 1.
Nelson District is very rich in events of historical interest dating back to the earliest contact with both Native and European settlement.
There is some evidence that the Nelson area was visited by exploring natives well before the main Maori migrations; stone implements of pre-Maori design have been found in several localities around the coastlines of Nelson.
The first recorded settlement by Maoris occurred about the year 1400 A.D., when the Ngatitumatakokiri tribe settled in Northern Nelson; as their numbers increased they spread from Karamea on the West Coast to Kaikoura on the East Coast. They remained the dominant settlers until about 1690 when, weakened by unsuccessful battles with the southern tribes, they were overwhelmed by the Ngatiapu tribe who had descended from the North Island.
The attack on Abel Tasman's boat crews in 1642 was therefore made by members of the Ngatitumatakokiri tribe. Much further investigation into the early native settlements still remains to be done before a clear picture can emerge.
Nelson was also one of the earlier localities settled by Europeans, the foundation of Nelson City dating back to 1842, from which year the historical records are, we hope, still in comparatively full existence, even if the task of gathering the important historical material into one safe resting place has not yet been completed.
The Nelson Historical Society has as one of its chief aims the early collecting and the safe storing of the vast amount of historical material that still lies in scattered places. To accomplish this aim the Society must arouse, and in the very immediate future, a realisation among all the holders of such material that every year that material is kept in separate dwellings increases the possibility of loss through a variety of agencies. So far Nelson has been fortunate among New Zealand's provinces in that those records already stored have not suffered the fate experienced in other centres, a fate made possible by the very slow awakening of various authorities to the urgent need of preservation. Locally we have noticed several trends that indicate the need for speedy action. For example, we see in the city and in the surrounding areas numerous cases where an old dwelling has been replaced by a modern residence; we fear that much information which would have been of great value to later historians has already been lost as owners cleaned out boxes of old letters, diaries, etc., lying dust-covered in the old attics.
One aspect of the Society's work is the providing of opportunity to various enthusiastic members to deliver lectures on some event or development in our Nelson story. The present brochure is the first of what we hope will be an interesting and successful series, embodying information and viewpoints of wide general interest.
(Read before the Nelson Historical Society on 28th July, 1955.)
Apart from the definite record of Tasman's discovery of New Zealand in 1642 there are indefinite indications of much earlier discovery. For example, Eccles, in Proceedings New Zealand Institute, vol. III, p. 65, discusses the claim that Arabic geographers were acquainted with the existence of New Zealand, and quotes from "The English Mechanic" for December 3, 1869, p. 279, to the effect that various Arabic geographical works of the 13th and 14th centuries (many of which have been translated) describe New Zealand as a large and very mountainous island in the farthest southern ocean, beyond and far south-east of Borneo, and as being uninhabited by man but by gigantic birds (sheemoah).
Whether this has been investigated I don't know; but it is possible that there is some truth in the statement when one remembers the ancient trade in Asia, with trade routes involving Australia. There is also the mystery of the Tamil Bell found in the North Island; and also reports of the Spaniards having visited Port Nicholson prior to Cook's time, I think. Again it is claimed that the Portuguese visited New Zealand in 1550, though there is no known official record of this.
There were few voyagers to New Zealand during the first 20 years following Cook's first visit in 1769-70; but, from 1790 onwards an increasing number of ships visited the country and trade opened, particularly with Sydney, in whaling, sealing, flax and spars. Indeed, as early as 1772 kauri spars were secured at the Bay of Islands by the Frenchmen Marion and Crozet (Mascarin); they had come from Mauritius, and, apart from taking possession of the North Island (calling it "France Australe") in the name of the French King (forestalled by Cook, of course), they named the Bay of Islands "Port de la Trachery."
It is also of interest that a cargo of spars was shipped to China even, in 1798. The first whalers were established at Dusky Sound in 1792. The ships were mainly British, French and American, though in 1793 Spanish ships, Descuvierta and Atrevida visited Dusky Sound. From 1800 onwards connection with the outer world became an established fact.
Throughout the 19th century and into the present, many of the voyages were scientific ones. Of such we can mention the Russian expedition under Bellinghausen in 1820; the French voyages of the Coquille, the Astrolabe, and of the Astrolabe and the Zelee— that is voyages of D'Urville during 1822–25, 1826–29, and 1837–40 respectively; Darwin came on the Beagle in 1830; the British voyage of the Erebus and the Terror, 1839–43, the Austrian frigate Novara, 1857–59; the Challenger expedition that visited Wellington in 1874—and reported Wellington be "a poor, dull place"; and the French and German Transit of Venus Expeditions during 1874 and 1875. In passing, it is perhaps worth noting that, because the French and Germans were at one another's throats in Europe at the time, the French went to the Campbell Islands and the Germans to the Auckland Islands where they could be undisturbed by mundane matters and commune with Venus in peace.
In the present century there have been about nine scientific expeditions; one German, one French, one American and the others British; all but one have been Antarctic or Sub-antarctic.
It would seem that the first permanent European influences that came to disturb the primeval scene in New Zealand were the result of Cook's first voyage during 1769–70. It was then, when the ships were beached for repairs, that European rats, according to the records, had free access to the
As Cook sailed the coast of New Zealand in the Endeavour in 1769, he was quite unaware that a French expedition, under Des Surville, was at anchor for three weeks in Doubtless Bay. Des Surville's was not a scientific voyage but one in search of an El Dorado, a wild-goose chase inspired by reports that New Zealand not only abounded in gold and other riches but also was populated by a curious colony of Jews. Wondering why there should have been so much interest, not so much in gold and other riches as in seeking out another race of Jews to conquer, I looked into the origin of this fantastic vision, and found a very simple explanation of it.
The curtain rose upon a certain John Law (or Lauriston) of Edinburgh, who had migrated to France in 1705 and became Comptroller of Finances to Louis XV. This man Law had a nephew (who had obviously inherited his uncle's flair). He was created Compte de Tancerville and Governor-General of Pondicherry, capital of French possessions in India. Possibly with visions of another Peru, it was the fertile imagination of this nephew that caused the speculative expedition to be entered into under Des Surville. One historical issue of the undertaking, however, lies in the fact that Des Surville named Doubtless Bay "Lauriston Bay," after his patron. The only other features of that expedition worthy of note are that Des Surville shamefully ill-treated the Maoris, that he abducted a Maori youth named Ngaiuni (who died as the ship sailed on to Peru), and that Des Surville himself met his end by drowning while attempting to land at Callao, port of Lima, in Peru.
I turn now to Cook's second voyage in the Resolution. There are one or two features not generally known, or at least not made clear. Cook had wished to commission the well-tried Endeavour of his first voyage; but she had been sent on a mission to the Falkland Islands. It is well known that Banks travelled with Cook on his first voyage, and had expended £10,000 from his own resources on it. On being commissioned to join the second voyage, he set about his preparations; but the Naval Board took exception to the superstructures he wished to erect on the ship because it was considered they would make the ship unseaworthy. Banks withdrew from the expedition and went off to the Arctic regions instead—to cool off, perhaps. It is of interest to note that it is said that even without what Banks wanted, the Resolution was overbuilt, and in danger of capsizing as she sailed from Deptford to Sheerness.
In place of Banks as naturalist to the expedition, the position was offered to the Rev. Joseph Priestley, of dissenting and chemistry fame. Concerning this offer Priestley records in his memoirs as follows:
"While I was at Leeds a proposal was made to me to accompany Captain Cook in his second voyage to the South Seas. As the terms were very advantageous I consented to it, and the heads of my congregation had agreed to keep an assistant to supply my place during my absence. But Mr Banks informed me that I was objected to by some clergymen in the Board of Longitude, who had the direction of the business, on account of my religious principles; and presently after I heard that Dr Forster, a person far better qualified for the purpose, had got the appointment. As I had barely acquiesced in the proposal, this was no disappointment to me, and I was much better employed at home, even with respect to my philosophical pursuits. My knowledge of natural history was not
It would seem that that Board of Longitude could navigate its way through life without latitude.
Dr John Reinhold Forster and his son George, both of whom accompanied Cook in the Resolution, were Germans of high attainments, the son being a Fellow of the Royal Society of London. The father had an evil temper and caused difficulties, all the more aggravated on a small ship. We do not read much about them except that they did excellent work on the voyage, but one is left with the impression that the act of the son in forestalling Cook's publication on the history of the voyage was underhand. Becoming curious about this, I managed to secure some interesting information from a letter written by George Forster setting out the case. This letter was written in 1778, after the voyage, and addressed to the Earl of Sandwich, then Lord Commissioner of the Board of Admiralty. A copy of the letter is in the Hocken Library.
The fact of Sandwich having a hand in the affair caused one to suspect that the problem was by no means onesided on the Forsters' part, Sandwich having been notorious as a profligate and a corrupt administrator. He took a leading part in that infamous fraternity known as the Monks of Medmenham. where one of his associates in pleasure was Wilkes, in whose persecution Sandwich had no compunction in taking part later. Sandwich was popularly known as Jemmy Twitcher—from a line in the "Beggars' Opera". Sandwich's reputation was such that he is the hero In a publication entitled "Adventures Intrigues and Amours of Jemmy Twitcher". However, perhaps one should not be too hard on him because he handed on to civilisation the blessing of sandwiches (named after him) which he had invented so that he could take a meal without the trouble of leaving the gaming table. But I purposefully give this sketch of Sandwich as a background to the Forsters' problems.
The Forsters were offered, and accepted, the sum of £4000 from the Admiralty to meet their expenses on the expedition—i.e., equipment, share of living expenses and general personal maintenance, and to pay anyone they might employ. Their statement of expenditure after the voyage showed that 9-10th of the £4000 was absorbed in these charges, leaving a balance of £400 between them. Apart from the £4000, the senior Forster was promised the right of drawing up the history of the expedition, and also the royalties from the sales of the publication in addition to a yearly pension after his return. This was agreed to by the Hon. Daines Barrington, acting on instructions from Sandwich. Forster senior asked that the agreement be ratified by the Admiralty Board, but Barrington replied that that was not necessary as the Lords Commissioner intended to carry out the agreement. On this basis the Forsters set out with Cook, who, by the way, "had pleaded his inability to write" the account of the voyage and "had given up all thoughts of becoming an author."
On reaching the Cape of Good Hope the Forsters met Andres Sparrman, a Swede and a pupil of Linnaeus, who was studying the botany of South Africa. He was asked to join the expedition, the Forsters to pay him £500; Sparrman accepted and Cook consented. Sparrman's account of the voyage was issued in English first in 1944 and again in 1953. In it he tells us that the Resolution, and her consort, the Endeavour, carried sawn timber from which a vessel of 40 tons could be constructed in case of shipwreck; however, this did not come about—but the nails came in useful for the purchase of provisions from the natives. He also states that the lucrative rank of purser fell to the lot of Captain Cook, who, in Sparrman's words, "could feed his company by means of beads, nails, and old iron, often of little value, instead of having to use the Government salt provisions to which he was entitled." So the purser's perquisites seem to be traditional.
But we must return to Forster's letter to the Earl of Sandwich. On the return voyage Sparrman had been disembarked at the Cape. At that port a copy of Hawkesworth's published account of Cook's first voyage awaited Cook together with information on the great profits from the sale. It was then that Cook, who had declined to write an account of his first voyage, and of his second, decided to enter the field of authorship—a decision which must have disturbed the Forsters in view of the agreement under which they had sailed.
It seems that complications commenced to set in when, on the return to England, the Earl of Sandwich visited the ship in company with his mistress, a singer named Margaret Ray; from all accounts she had considerable influence over Sandwich—not an uncommon feature of such liaisons. She was certainly very wayward on this occasion because, having taken what Forster refers to as a "violent longing to be the mistress" of some beautiful birds brought home for the King, she left the ship highly dissatisfied when she met with refusal. From that day all went wrong with the Forsters.
The original agreement with the Forsters regarding the publication of the history of the voyage and the royalties therefrom was rescinded, and a suggestion was made that the profits be divided with Cook; but that came to nothing. Then it was arranged that 2-5th went to Forster, and equal amount to Cook, and l-5th to the artist; this was agreed to.
It appears that by now Cook was taking a hand, because he later demanded half the profits, with nothing to be allowed to the artist on the grounds that the latter would be on a pension in any case. By this latest proposal Forster and Cook were to write each his part of the narrative, Forster to be responsible for the collating to make one connected history. This was actually commenced, Forster drawing up specimen sheets which he submitted to Sandwich, who, after perusal, rejected them, giving no reason.
Up to this point there had only been verbal agreements, or rather disagreements. But now an attempt was made to put the matter on a more businesslike footing. A new agreement was drawn up, signed by Sandwich and witnessed; a copy of this is appended to Forster's letter. By it Cook was to write the nautical version, and Forster, senr., the philosophical (by which I assume was meant the natural history, ethnology, etc.), and the profits were to be equally divided between Cook and Forster, while the Admiralty Board would bear the expense of the engraved plates. Later Forster, as editor, handed the manuscript of the combined narrative to Sandwich, who submitted it to Barrington with instructions to correct it. When we remember what an accomplished and fluent writer Forster was we can understand his reaction to Barrington's mutilations, which, if accepted, would, Forster declared, make "the account of the voyage" have "no more connection than a book of aphorisms." Forster refused to submit to this treatment, and Sandwich threatened to deprive him of all emoluments. The impasse never resolving itself, the threat was carried out, Forster being told that his services were dispensed with. As Forster, senr., had relinquished his permanent employment to undertake the voyage with Cook—and there being no such thing as a welfare State—he was left destitute.
It was then that George Forster, the son, wrote and published his own account of the voyage, and this appeared some time before that by Cook which, although nominally written by him, was edited by the Rev. Dr Douglas, Bishop of Carlisle and later of Salisbury. When Cook's account appeared it was a much more lavish production than Forster's, and was very well illustrated, having the financial backing of the Admiralty. Not to be outdone by Forster's beating the pistol, Sandwich authorised Cook's account to be sold below cost, at the same price as Forster's; the sales of the latter were understandably undermined, while Cook was compensated by Sandwich for the reduction in price. Altogether some 3000 copies of Cook's publication were sold at the time.
Two interesting exhibits were discussed in papers read at a meeting of the Society on 20th April, 1955 One was a painting presented to the Society by the Trustees of the Suter Art Gallery, and thought to depict Nelson's first Anniversary Day Regatta on February 1st, 1843. The other was an early chart of Nelson Haven belonging to the Nelson Harbour Board, and showing how when Nelson was founded both the waters of the Maitai and the Eastern Waimea discharged into the bay on either side of Magazine Point and the present Tahuna Beach was non-existent. The papers are summarised below, and the exhibits and the original papers, may be inspected at the Society's room in Hardy Street
This old painting, now held by the Nelson Historical Society, depicts the Regatta, 1st February, 1843, celebrating the first anniversary of the arrival of the Fifeshire. We recall that Capt. A. Wakefield, with the "Arrow", "Will Watch" and "Whitby" had arrived in November, 1841; and that Capt. Wakefield was satisfied that "there was a site for a township close to a safe harbour, and a considerable extent of good open land near." By mid-September, 1842, seven months after the coming of the first immigrant ship, some 77 vessels, aggregating 12,272 tons, had entered the harbour. A road had been built along the beach to the town, jetties erected for the landing of goods and also a bridge over Saltwater Creek. With a population of over 2,000, there were 250 good houses, 50 being built, and 230 whares or huts as temporary residences. Nelson was then a very important place; even by 1850 New Zealand figures read thus, Wellington 5479, Nelson 4,047, New Plymouth 1412, Otago 1,482, Canterbury 301—Auckland did not appear in the New Zealand Company's statistics.
The first issue of the "Examiner", March 12th, 1842, has some comments worth quoting. "One of the principal topics of conversation among the settlers at present is the merit or demerit of our harbour … We own, in this settlement, that we cannot boast of a first-rate harbour; but it is practicable, in its natural state, for all the purposes of commerce, and is capable of improvement at no very great outlay … in light winds, without the assistance of a good boat or boats, there is a risk of being set on shore by the tide which varies in its course at different times of the tide. There is a difficulty which the experience of every month will tend to obviate more and more; the depth of the water in the channel is sufficient, being from 17 to 22 ft. at high water. That there will be occasional detention we do not doubt; but—how many harbours are there where it takes place when not prevented by the employment of steam power? Reflect on the detention between the Downs and London Docks before steam tugs were brought into use; and again, the navigation of the Hoogly … We have a good anchorage outside the entrance in 7 fathoms of water, within ¾ mile of the Customhouse; and, once inside the harbour, there is perfect security and every convenience. For the immediate prevention of accidents, it behoves us to work in unison for a good pilot establishment, which, in the course of a year's experience, if well regulated, will prevent all casualties but those arising from wilfulness or neglect; and, in the meantime, few will be deterred by the narrowness of the harbour entrance from laying a ship on for Nelson Haven if they have any hopes of profit by it."
"Ours is a better harbour than the Piraeus … It is superior to Venice … Trieste, as a sea port, is not equal to Nelson Haven. We have decidedly the advantage of Genoa and Marseilles, and are not equalled by the ports of Charleston and Baltimore."
We must admire the optimism of the writer of that article. And I sometimes think that we of this day need more of that optimistic spirit.
I deal with only certain of the natural features of the port in 1843, for these will come into a paper about to be given by Miss Jenkins.
Capt. Wakefield had landed at the foot of Richardson Street. A little to the north was erected Capt. England's jetty—he perished at the Wairau. About half way between this jetty and Green Point another wharf, Beit's was built towards the end of 1843. The "Examiner", Dec. 23rd, 1843, says: "The most important … is the erection of a wharf between high and low water mark fronting an acre on Haven Road … frontage of 120 ft. and a depth of 36ft.…to which will be appended a jetty which will be run into deep water … On the wharf a private store and a bonded store is to be erected. For this valuable improvement the public will be indebted to Messrs Beit and Sons."
This is an interesting reference; for it shows that, in those days, Haven Road extended from Auckland Point right round to Richardson Street.
The end of 1843 brought also the beginning of the N.Z. Company's wharf at Green Point—the start of our present wharf area. It is clear that Auckland Point was then the main commercial centre, with Otterson's wharf, built on open piles and running about 200 feet into the Maitai channel, dealing at spring tides with vessels up to 70 tons. It had a heavy crane.
With the background etched in we can examine more fully our picture of the Anniversary Regatta. Close examination reveals some marked deficiencies. The presumption is that the artist painted the scene from Haulashore Island—but the Port Hills are not shown with the expected accuracy. For example, it seems that he has shown the Port Hills from Green Point (which appears in the left middle distance) to south of Magazine Point; but—the original flagstaff erected on Britannia Heights is shown on the extreme right. There is a track shown along the entire length at the foot of the hills—but this track did not go past Richardson Street until some years later. There are no signs of the Custom Office, immigration barracks, or other buildings erected by the end of 1842.
The Regatta itself is thus described by Judge Broad in his "Jubilee History of Nelson". "All classes seemed determined to put their animosity on one side for this day, and to forget their hardships as well as they could … At the 'Fair', as it was called, the programme of the day consisted of guns firing from Britannia Heights and the Church Hill at 8 a.m. Regatta at 9 o'clock, under the auspices of Mr James Howard, Mr Pilot Cross, Asst. Pilot Claringbold and 'Bosen' Wilson." Mrs Allan, in her "History of Port Nelson" writes: "The first anniversary was a gala occasion with horse races and a regatta. Three boat races were held; one for whaleboats, won by Mr Gully's 'Henrietta', one for sailing boats, won by Cross in the pilot boat, and lastly an exciting canoe race won by the Motueka Chief, Piko. The course was from Capt. England's jetty to Green Point. The "Examiner", Feb. 4th. 1843, states: "Every preparation had been made by the sub-committee for this part of the amusements of the day. Captain Anglin of the 'Royal Mail' willingly allowed his vessel to be moored in the stream abreast of Capt. England's jetty, for the purpose of stretching a hawser, to which slip ropes were attached for the sailing boats to start from." After describing the whaleboat and sailing boat races the "Examiner" thus refers to the canoe race, held the following day. "Only 2 canoes were found to start; some simpleton or other, with an affectation of sanctity too ridiculous to be called wicked, and only deserving of pity, having persuaded the natives that such amusements were unchristian, and that, if they joined the race they must not come any more to prayers. It was a capital race, from Capt. England's jetty round the Vanguard Schooner, which lay off
As the report of the "Examiner" definitely names the "Royal Mail" I thought it worthwhile to check the vessels in port that day. There were three: "Royal Mail", 95 ton schooner; "Vanguard", brigantine of 61 tons; and "Catherine Johnstone", cutter of 10 tons. Now, none of these could possibly be the large ship portrayed in our picture.
So our conclusion is that the painting, although pleasing to look at, can be regarded only as an impression of the first regatta—and certainly not very valuable from an historical point of view.
All of us who have read Mrs Ruth Allan's "History of Port Nelson" should find much of very great interest in this chart of Nelson Port in the very early days. As less than eight years had elapsed since Captain Arthur Wakefield had decided on this site for the proposed settlement of Nelson it is not surprising that there was no light house; and that the small sailing ships, very much at the mercy of wind and uncharted tides, were so frequently wrecked.
Mrs Allan writes:—"H.M.S. Acheron, making for the Admiralty a survey of N.Z. coasts, spent from 24th August to 5th September, 1849, at Nelson. The resulting Admiralty chart, drawn by Capt. J. L. Stokes, and published in 1850, shows both the outer fairway and the entrance well marked with buoys and beacons. Vessels entering the inner fairway lined up the shore beacons, or they kept the door of a white store in line with the chimney of Mr Stafford's House.
In 1854 Capt. Drury, of the Pandora, added further details. The copy we are looking at is based on the original 1849 chart with Capt. Drury's additions. Touching his work Mrs Allan says:—"H.M.S. Pandora arrived in Nelson on 22nd Oct., 1854, and surveyed the entrance to the Waimea river. Capt. Drury recommended that buoys be laid down so that ships could take refuge in the river mouth, when unable to enter the harbour."
Looking closely at this chart we note:—the obvious absence of the Cut (which came some 60 years later); Arrow Rock (or Fifeshire Rock) then much higher than now; Haven Road, leading not to our Rocks Road but to a steep scarp of rock cliffs; and further round, south-west of the cliffs, an area of boulders and a little sand (not our present Tahuna sands, but much more inland); water, as we can see covered all our present sands area —and this was river water. Particularly noticeable is the course of the Eastern Branch of the Waimea. On its right bank, that is its East side, among low swamps we see the solitary cob house of Mr Edward Green, who had come out on the Lord Auckland in 1842; the ground floor of his house is at present the home of Mr Richards.
As far as we can judge, this eastern branch, in 1849, flowed over the site of the present motor camp, or perhaps over the rather depressed area between the camp and the outer sand hills. Mrs Allan, p.1,2, says:—"When the N.Z. Company settlers arrived in Nelson, the Waimea river discharged most of its waters through an eastern outlet, sweeping over the Tahuna Beach (i.e., what is now Tahuna Beach) and along the foot of the hills between Tahunanui and Magazine Point. Across the mouth lay the huge Waimea sandbank, known to navigators as 'The Flats'."
Only the beginning of this huge sand bank, reaching about ten miles across Rabbit Island, appears on our chart. The Maitai river, with the tidal water from the Nelson mudflats, met the outflowing Waimea stream about 800 yards west of the harbour entrance; the resulting swirl at their
Old Nelsonians used the term "Western Entrance" for this mouth of the Eastern Waimea, to distinguish this anchoring region from the more usual, more eastern harbour entrance. And now not ships but motorists are to be found sheltering in the region of the "Western Entrance".
Other interesting places on this chart include:—Thompson's house, painted white to aid navigators; the low-water track round the Rock Cliffs; the red and white shore beacons, opposite the tip of Haulashore; the white store and Mr Stafford's chimney, so often used by pilots; Beit's Jetty, and just beyond Green's Point; and up the hill, standing 265 feet above water, Signal Staff.
Returning to the Waimea River, we think back to the problems facing Wakefield and the Expedition men— where to find a site of 1,100 acres for a town, suitable suburban land, and 150-acre farms for those settlers already at sea, sailing for a yet unknown "Nelson". The Waimea plains promised a fair amount of farmland; and the simplest way into this region was up the eastern branch by boat. J. S. Cotterell, later killed at the Wairau, as one of the surveyors of Waimea West block, arranged for a jetty, "Cotterells' Landing", which he made the base for his surveys. According to Mr J. Stewart, the site was at the boat sheds on Pearl Creek, below Appleby Bridge; and one cargo, a prefabricated house built in England for Mr C. Dillon, was taken up this eastern branch by whale boat, unloaded at Cotterell's Landing, and then jolted across country on a bullock waggon.
Another interesting trip was that made when Bishop Mules, then clergyman at St. Michael's, Waimea West, took his bride, Miss Laura Blundell, to her new home, in 1870.
Later developments were to make our chart very much out of date. As Mrs Allan says (p.52): "So long as the eastern outlet of the Waimea River was set near Arrow Rock the scour was sufficient to maintain the bar at a constant level." But, suddenly, the Waimea took unto itself a new channel; "By 1881 the old Eastern outlet was dry at ordinary spring tides." From then onwards the Ta huna Sands, for many years known as 'Green's Sands', began to build up; but the process was a slow one. In the late eighties the sea still reached the tea-rooms site; until the First World War the Beach road fully deserved its name.
And so, when next surveying the lovely bathing beach from the top of the hills, let your imagination carry you back one hundred years, when that most useful river, the Eastern Branch, provided a waterway for the settlers of the Plains and a safe anchorage for wind-tossed sailing ships.
(Read before the Nelson Historical Society on 20th April, 1955.)
I have in the main part of what I am to say relied on information drawn from the minutes (1) of the Board of Trustees of the Nelson Trust Funds, made available to me originally by Dr Bett, now in the Dominion Archives; (2) of the Council of Governors of Nelson College; written auhority to examine is in my possession.
Perusal of these minutes indicated that they were not prepared for the complete enlightenment of research students.
I think that in any discussion about Nelson and its beginnings we should bear in mind that there were 3,100 free emigrants; but that the allotments of land sold were in the hands of 238 absentee landlords and the 80 landed proprietors who really emigrated.
From among the 80 the Trustees of the Nelson Trust Funds were appointed, the body first concerned with the establishment of Nelson College. When the new school was definitely launched legal arrangements were made for its permanent control and administration. A Council of Governors consisting mainly of the trustees was set up and a deed of foundation provided. This received the sanction of Parliament in 1858.
In the establishment and developing of Nelson College two bodies were concerned: (1) The Board of Trustees of the Nelson Trust Funds; (2) The Council of Governors of Nelson College. The first meeting of the Board of Trustees pursuant to proclamation was on February 2, 1852. It was announced that land was to be set aside for College purposes: 17 ½ acres (2 blocks to the south of the present site and 1 block back from main road) with endowments at Motueka, Massacre Bay (Motupipi) and Wairau. An acre of land at the north-east corner of Trafalgar Square came under the control of the Trustees and there was a grammar school site where the Hospital now stands §§942/948 (and 6 acres §§677/687 in Vanguard Street).
The first indication in the minutes:
June 28/1853. "That the Board do take into its consideration at its next meeting on Friday next, July 1st, the subject of education and the educational institutions." The Board had much to do besides considering educational matters. It, however, created a trust of over £8000 invested at 10%. Towards the end of 1854 a sub-committee was set up to consider the best steps to secure a master for the High School, and it was decide to procure a prospectus and the regulations of the Hobart Town High School and College at Bishop's Bourne. In 1855 the January meeting was adjourned as only 3 turned up owing to "the late earthquake". At the March meeting (March 1, 1855) it was resolved "That in the opinion of this Board it is desirable to take immediate steps for the establishment of a permanent high school." Fell, Wells, Picard, Monro were a committee for this purpose and their report was adopted 13/3/55. The Board met on the site (17½ acres) to consider site, clearing, ploughing, fencing.
April 17, 1855. A plan of the ground was considered. The tenders of Jones for ploughing and that of Ockley for clearing were accepted. Hawthorn was discussed as a hedge.
July 2, 1855. Dr Monro's recommendation of the centre of the ground as the best site was accepted. Advertisements: 1. for a design of a school of lath and plaster out and in to hold 100 pupils; due date November; premium of £40; 2, for fencing grounds, ditch, bank, post and 2 rails.
November 21, 1855. The design of Clarke (Motueka) was placed first and the tender of Shephard for fencing was accepted.
December 10, 1855. David Burn was asked for an estimate of the cost of Clarke's design. A suggestion was made that temporary classes should be started.
January 1, 1856. "That as a considerable time must elapse before the College buildings can be erected and fit for occupation the Board, considering the great want which presently exists of teachers in the higher branches of education, deems it desirable that immediate steps be taken for the appointment of a master." Elliott and Fell were to find a suitable building.
January 8, 16, 30, 1856. The Rev. John Charles Bagshaw (who had come to Nelson from Adelaide in April 1855 and was an officiating minister in the diocese) was called into conference with the Board and after lengthy discussions at several meetings he was appointed to enrol pupils and organise a school which was to be non-sectarian but to open and close with prayer.
March 20, 1856. The Church of England schoolhouse (Bishop's School then in recess) was rejected. Mr Mabin's house in Manuka street and 1 acre of land was bought for £1630, opening day decided as Monday, April 7. Arrangements were made for the speedy erection and furnishing of a school room.
April, 1, 5, 20, 1856. A suggestion was discussed to buy 4 acres adjacent and make this the permanent site. A strong memorial against the change of site caused the matter to be dropped. In August hawthorn hedges were planted round the 17½ acres.
October 25, 1856. The application of the Waimea District for a grammar school was refused.
In 1857 a building committee was set up and Beatson became architect. Meanwhile 17½ acres was laid down in grass. A proposal (April 1) to buy 5 more acres to reach the main road was rejected.
April 22, 1857. It was decided to erect a large school and classrooms on College property and to erect or procure a house adjacent for a master and 12 boarders, Fell and Greenwood to find a house.
December 1, 1857. Tenders for timber for building were laid on the table (The nominated Governors received the Deed of Foundation).
December 14, 1857. The secretary is instructed to write to the superintendent of the province saying that the Board of Trustees would be much obliged if he would inform them whether in the event of the Board offering a piece of land of equal value to 3 acres Nos. 1028, 1030, 1032 reserved for a lunatic asylum opposite Mr Snow's (later known as College House) he would recommend the Provincial Council to agree, the object being to secure an unexceptionable site.
Meanwhile, a deed of foundation having been drawn up, 5 of the 7 Trustees with 4 other gentlemen become a Council of Governors for Nelson College. Building, land, mortgages and cash (£2170) to the total value of £20,000 passes to the control of the Governors (David Monro, William Wells, Charles Elliott, J. W. Barnicoat, J. W. Greenwood, John W. Saxton, C. Bigg-Wither, Alfred Domett, H. C. Daniell).
January 14, 1858. The change of policy foreshadowed by the Board of Trustees is proceeded with and the whole block on which the College now stands together with the closed portion of Ngatiawa Street (16½ acres) is secured party by exchange and partly by payment.
January 12, 1859. Tenders were called for excavation.
A school (wooden) was built. The house on Riding's section was used as a master's dwelling till 1866 when it was let to Lowe for 7 years at £100 a year. Later it was known as Jickells. A reservoir was formed on the Littlego Stream and when this was interfered with by Taranaki refugees the Governors bought from Mr Hodgson the acre of ground still in their possession and known as the Water Acre. The Manuka Street site, dwelling house and schoolroom was sold to Dr Monro for £1200.
After protracted negotiations the Governors selected 11 sections of Crown land in the Amuri District near the Conway River in exchange for its
Fortunately just before the Great Fire the Governors bought the property variously known as Snow's, Shorts, McKee Wrights (3/5/1904, £950).
The more recent acquisitions will be within the memory of those present.
- The Jones property between Vanguard Street and Tipahi Street (O.B. Association and Council of Governors).
- The property fronting on Ngatitama Street and part of Ngatitama Street. Minister of Education (Hon. H. Atmore).
- An area on the flank of the Grampians. Minister of Education (Hon. H. Atmore).
Note on the Courthouse Acre, Trafalgar Square.—There was a very long controversy over the ownership of this acre. It caused the Governors much concern and various methods of testing ownership were devised. At one time when the Council was short of funds, a by no means uncommon thing, an effort was made to sell the acre to the Provincial Government. On 10/6/64 the Council gave orders for an advertisement to be inserted in the newspaper offering the acre for sale on a fixed date.
In the end the ownership lay with the Board; the acre was assessed at £1650.
Minutes p.271 14/3/1878. "That land in Trafalgar Square granted to the Trustees and vested in the Council of Governors be conveyed to the Crown for use as part of a public square.
The Dun Mountain is about fourteen or fifteen miles from Nelson city, and is the highest point in the Mineral Belt—a belt of igneous rocks which stretches from D'Urville Island down to Tophouse, near Rotoiti. These rocks are of unique geological interest. They were thrust up, while in a molten state, from miles below the overlying sedimentary rocks. There is a great diversity of minerals to be found on this belt. Rodingite and Dunite are both of a very unusual composition and are to be found nowhere else. Other minerals of interest are ores of copper and chromium. An attempt has been made to mine both these, but both ended in failure. The story of these mining projects goes back to 1856 when samples of copper ore were sent to England for analysis. There the ore created such a favourable impression that the Dun Mountain Mining Company was formed in London. An engineer and staff of labourers and railway plant were sent out. The mine did not turn out to be profitable, however, and it closed three years later—in 1859.
The company, having given up hope of a profit from copper still hoped to mine chromate of iron successfully, and early in 1861 work was started on the railway itself. On July 24th, 1861, the Dun Mountain Railway Act was passed by the General Assembly of New Zealand, and within twelve months of starting, the first railway in New Zealand was completed and opened with much ceremony on February 3rd, 1862. It was horse-drawn, as the Act forbade a locomotive in the city and forbade any speeding above 4 miles per hour!
An extract from the "Examiner" (23/4/62) described the project well: "The whole range of mountains … is rich in mineral wealth and only awaits capital and labour to develop it. How best to use it and get it to the Port from these inaccessible mountains is the problem. Fortunately the matter of carriage has been solved for us by the Dun Mountain Railway Company, whose railway, constructed at a cost of about £2000 per mile, rises in 14 miles to 2800ft., coiling like a snake around the face of almost precipitous mountains, down the sides of which a hundred tons of chrome ore are weekly conveyed by the laws of gravitation to the outskirts of the town, and thence are drawn along by horses to the Port for shipment, at an expense of about 10/- per ton for carriage. The amount shipped is limited only by the number of horses required to pull the empty trucks up to the mine…" (Before the railway was constructed the Company paid £6 per ton for packing the chrome ore down and found it impossible to get any quantity of ore delivered at that price.)
In England this chrome ore was used for the dyeing of cottons in the Lancashire mills. From the salts of chromium it was possible to obtain yellow, "rosaline", and "a new colour called mauve". Chrome iron ore was considered an indispensable raw material, the use of which must yearly increase. To quote from the "Examiner" (30/4/62): "Our friends need not be at all apprehensive that the demand for chrome iron ore will decrease, or that the Home market will be overstocked by Nelson shipments for many years to come; especially while our Local Provincial Government exhibits such apathy and shows so little desire to assist in developing our mineral wealth in chrome and copper…" The Provincial Government was receiving much criticism as the time for it lack of energy and enterprise. It was interesting to find that, even then —a hundred years ago—Nelson was spoken of as "Sleepy Hollow".
The Company did more than mine chrome and copper. It supplied firewood, timber, slates and limestone for the city. It had its own limestone kiln, the remains of which can still be seen at Fourth House. These "houses" of which practically nothing remains today, were the homes for the employees. Third House was where the overseer lived, and where the horses were stabled and the timber stacked.
At the end of 1862 we read that the prospects of the Company were better than anyone had ever expected. They had a capital of £80,000 and in January a new reef of chrome ore of considerable extent and richness was discovered. Why, then, a month later, had the mines ceased working? The answer to this is—the American Civil War! This stopped the export of cotton, closed down most of the cotton mills in the north of England, and threw thousands of people out of work. The demand for chrome ore ceased, and after only one year of activity, during which several thousands of tons of chrome ore had been shipped, the Nelson directors were asked to ship no more. It was thought this stoppage would be only temporary, but apparently no chrome ore was exported after February 1863, and the mining of chrome and copper was finished.
The passenger service to the Port, however, continued to run for fifty years, and there was an excursion to the mines, too, that was popular. In 1907 the lines were pulled up and the old track now forms one of the loveliest walks in New Zealand—eight miles of it through beautiful beech forest. (Little else remains of the Dun Mountain Mining Company, which failed after only twelve months of intensive operation, because of the American Civil War.) The only man who did not lose money from the venture was Mr Thomas Cawthron, who eventually bought the area and gave it to the city of Nelson. And so we have Cawthron Park, many thousands of acres of beautiful native bush quite close to our city.
Note: The Handbook of N.Z. Mines, 1887, gives the following tonnages for export of chrome ore, most of which came from the Dun.—1858-'61, 179 tons; 1862, 3,843 tons; 1863, 595 tons; 1864, 768 tons; 1865, —; 1866, 281 tons.
Following on a suggestion made at the annual meeting of the Society, an occasional column of Notes and Queries on Nelson History has been supplied to the "Nelson Evening Mail" by a member of the Society writing under the nom de plume "Rambler". The instalments to date appeared on August 11 and 28, September 21 and October 3. A selection from the items is given below.
The queries produced a number of interesting replies, not all of which have yet been published. One query, for instance, as to the date at which the French Pass bridle track was constructed brought to light the fact that Miss Dinah Brough possesses the diaries kept by her father, the late Mr Jonathan Brough, for thirty-four years Nelson overseer for the Public Works Department, during which time he supervised the construction of roads and tracks into outlying areas all over the Province, including the French Pass track. The diaries abound in interesting references to bygone conditions in the different localities. Mr Brough was born in Cumberland, and after spending some time on the Victorian goldfields, arrived in Nelson 1866, dying here in 1927 at the age of 88.
Constructed in 1900–1901, and having been a boon and blessing to local settlers for 55 years, the original French Pass bridle track is now being replaced by a motor road. When it was put in hand the only formed track in the area ran from the Rai up the densely forested Ronga Valley to the then populous Maori village of Whangarae, on the western shores of Croisilles Harbour. The new track took off from the old at the head of the valley, crossing the range to Okiwi Bay, then climbing again and sidling along bush-clad hillsides to the Croisilles-Pelorus saddle, and thence to the Pass, with one descent en route to sea-level at Tosswill's, in Garn's Bay. Its over-all length was 35 miles. A branch track was made from Okiwi to Whangarae and on to Onetea, and others soon after to Wairangi and to Elaine Bay and Tennyson Inlet.
Work on the French Pass track began with labour from Nelson, but on the local Maoris appearing on the scene and sitting down and watching the pakehas, Mr Brough suggested they should try their hand at it. Thereafter, the Maoris and the local settlers did most of the work. The resulting influx of money immediately saw the Maori homes at Whangarae in possession of sewing machines and other domestic amenities previously unknown. To the European settlers, the sea ceased to be the sole means of access, an uncertain means on exposed coasts. Mr Brough wrote in his diary that before the track was made a visit by boat, even to a neighbour in the next bay, might result in a weather-bound stay of several days. As soon as the track was completed, 100 head of cattle were driven out over it, to the substantial and continuing advantage of their owners. Mr Brough, in his labours in Nelson's outlying areas, seems to have been like Father Christmas, bearing a bagful of benefits for all and sundry. His handiwork, fortunately for Nelson, was of a kind not removable by any succeeding Government.
In her recent "History of Port Nelson", Mrs Ruth Allan mentions the schooner Eliza, 11 tons, Rolph master, as the first vessel to sail out of Nelson Haven, from which she took departure on November 6, 1841, and also lists as the first vessel built in Blind Bay the 12-ton schooner Erin, registered on December 9, 1842, J. Rolph and J. Hoare, owners, built at Aorere by Rolph and E. Flowers, 1842, and wrecked near Cape Palliser in 1844. The wreck is recorded in Wheatley and Ingram's "Shipwrecks: N.Z. Disasters" (1952) with information that she was built at Aorere, Massacre Bay, by "Joseph Ralph and Eyra Blowers". In A. N. Field's "Nelson Province,
The Historical Society would welcome any information about the early history of Nelson's Masonic Hotel, recently demolished. An upstairs bedroom in what seems to have been the original building was the starting point of the great fire of November 7, 1867, which spread from the Masonic to Everett's Bank Hotel next door in Hardy street, and also gutted the offices of the Union Bank, leaving the tall, brick structure still standing, an empty shell, the attached manager's house, however, being saved. On the Trafalgar street side every building was demolished as far as Buxton's, which was saved by its brick walls, the firm's rear store only being destroyed.
According to the "Examiner" report, the Masonic then destroyed was a very old wooden building with a shingle roof. The records show that the land was allotted in 1851 to F. D. Bell and Thomas Renwick, who sold two years later to George Aitken, who in turn sold to Morrison and Sclanders, from whom the property was acquired by Thomas Field, brewer, in 1863, his estate in 1900 selling to Robert Gilmer, who had conducted the hotel from 1878 and continued to do so until 1902, when he in turn sold to Henry Baigent, whose widow a year or two back disposed of the property to its present owners. After the fire Mr Field erected the once-familiar red brick building, which Mr Baigent, on taking over, renovated and extended, also re-facing the exterior with cement and erecting the balcony.