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This survey of the historical highlights of
The period covered is not restricted to that which the national centennial celebrations served to commemorate, viz. 1840 to 1940. No history of this important portion of the Dominion would be complete if it did not contain an account of
To undertake the task of gathering suitable information for the projected survey, a small committee was set up by the district centennial council in 1937. It was hoped that the fruits of its labours might become available in book form not later than October, 1940, the month fixed for the holding of the local celebrations. However, when the war situation gravely deteriorated in June, 1940, the council decided to defer not only the various commemorative functions which it had arranged to hold (including a re-enactment of
The matter was not reviewed until 1946. It was then resolved to cancel the celebrations, make a grant of £1,000 towards the cost of a new bathing pavilion on Waikanae Beach (Gisborne), and reinstate the grant of £400 towards the cost of producing the historical survey. Meantime, some of the members of the historical committee had left the district and others had resigned; consequently, the original plan with reference to the compilation of the survey could not be carried out. Negotiations were then entered into with the writer to make a survey available from his extensive collection of records.
No attempt is made to give a substantial outline of the Maori history of
The designation “East Coast,” which forms part of the title of this volume, was applied by the early whalers and traders to that portion of the terrain which lies between
It is not possible to mention individually all who provided the compiler with information in the course of his inquiries, which extended over nearly forty years. Many of them have passed on, but their eagerness and enthusiasm will not readily be forgotten by him. Much was owed to prominent Maori leaders as well as to descendants of early pakeha residents. Some special acknowledgments appear in the text. Among the most obliging helpers were His Majesty's consular representatives in Spain, Portugal, Holland, France and the United States of America; the British Museum authorities; the
Invaluable assistance was given by The Poverty Bay Hearald (now The Gisborne Herald).
This outline of the district's history is dedicated to the cherished memory of those brave pioneer who were required to risk—and, in a number of cases, to lay down—their lives during the troublous times which preceded the establishment of law and order in accordance with British principles in
The author extends his sincere thanks to Messrs. Coulls Somerville Wilkie Ltd. for a number of helpful suggestions and to the staff for the great care and skill which it exercised throughout the production of this volume.
The story of early European settlement in and around Gisborne is quite unlike that which is attached to the founding of any of the Dominion's main centres. In Poverty Bay there was an entire lack of systematic planning. Its pioneers were, indeed, regarded by the natives as mere “squatters on sufferance.” Nor was the official attitude helpful. Governor Gore Browne, who paid a visit in January, 1860, was the first Vice-Regal representative to set foot in the district. The natives gave him a cold reception. In a dispatch to the Duke of Newcastle, he stated:
“What we saw at Turanga (Poverty Bay ) provided an example of the effect of unauthorised settlement by Europeans in districts where it is not possible to protect them, unless at enormous expense of men and money…. Our visit afforded one of many proofs that the demands for the acquisition of native lands [he was referring to the fact that the Europeans in Auckland had long coveted the Turanga Flats] are often made in utter ignorance of all the circumstances of the case, and are too often based on the single idea that the Government is bound to furnish an adequate supply of land which is specially coveted without reference to the views or the inclinations of the natives, whose claims are entirely disregarded…. The residents of the district have, with one or two exceptions, settled there in defiance ofSir G. Gipps 's proclamation and complain loudly of the neglect of the Government to extend its protection to them.”
In strict fact, no substantial advantage had, up till then, been gained by the traders and settlers from the establishment of British sovereignty. They were but few in numbers and far removed from the seat of government. Conditions might have been very different had the authorities not proved dilatory in bringing about a settlement of the disputes which had arisen between natives and Europeans in connection with a number of small land claims. Prior to 1855, when the first magistrate was stationed in
The earliest pakehas—” strangers” to the Maoris—who made their homes in
The disparaging name “
That the similarity between these two place-names was apt to occasion confusion, even in official circles, is suggested in a story of an amusing—and, for Tauranga Golden Jubilee Souvenir Booklet (1932), requests were made both by Turanga and Tauranga for Government buildings, and Parliament voted £2,400 to provide “a courthouse, gaol and police quarters at Turanga.” On account of a blunder, however, the building was erected at Tauranga! It was of two storeys and was held to be the second largest wooden building in New Zealand. On 16 November, 1902, it was destroyed by fire, together with practically the whole of Tauranga's town records.
Only in recent years were steps taken by the Government which tended to indicate that the name “
The residents have been just as much to blame as the authorities in Wellington for the continued use of the appellation “Gisborne Herald. A number of sports bodies and a few public institutions and business firms still make use of “
It is, however, certain that the residents were not consulted prior to the naming of “The Poverty Bay Electric Power Board” and “The Poverty Bay Catchment Board,” the latest local bodies to be established in the district. Mr. Townley was, probably, the author of the idea that the local body which controls the harbour should be named” The Gisborne Harbour Board.” In 1876, when he found that the Government intended that the county which it was about to establish adjacent to the shores of
Writing to the Standard (London) in 1906,
“Poverty Bay ,” he wrote, “is, historically speaking, almost the most important place in New Zealand.Capt Cook named it on the spur of the moment ‘Poverty Bay ’—a name which it still holds, because its residents take a delight in the irony of the appellation.” [Or, in other words, that the residents feel that the district can afford to wear the name “Poverty Bay ” with as little concern as a rich man ned display if he should appear in public in a shabby coat!]
In an address which
“Cook called the place ‘Poverty Bay ’ ‘because,’ said he, ‘it afforded us no one thing we wanted.’ This was not his first idea, however. He had intended calling it ‘Endeavour Bay ,’ and had actually written that name down. The thought of his failure to secure provisions and of his empty water-casks then triumphed, and he gave to the richest portion of New Zealand the singularly inappropriate name ‘Poverty Bay .’”
A violent outburst against the retention of the name “
” I refer to the name ‘Poverty Bay .’ I detest the name. I don't see why a place should be branded with such an odious title—all through a little disappointment on the part ofCaptain Cook over one hundred years ago. It is a libel on the place, and its residents should try to have it removed. Indeed, I would almost be prepared to carry through an Act of Parliament to blot it out—stamp it out of existence—so much do I abhor it… Strike it out! At any rate, strike it out of the address which you have been kind enough to present to me!”
On the other hand, the name “Argus (Melbourne) explained, in 1933, that Hatt, lacking financial means to exploit his find, sold out to
Several attempts have been made to arouse widespread public interest with the object of securing for the district an appropriate title. On the occasion of
Delighted with his large takings at Gisborne in August, 1887, Johnny Hall, of the “Fun on the Bristol Company,” expressed a wish to reciprocate by assisting the residents to obtain an appropriate title for their sadly misnamed district. He offered a handsome prize to the person who submitted what proved, by
When the question was revived at a meeting of the Gisborne Borough Council on 18 October, 1887, it was decided, by five votes to four, that it should be referred to a public meeting. About one-hundred residents turned up. Mr. Townley, who moved that a change in the name of the district was desirable, stressed the point that the authorities had never given an official name to the district. A strong volume of opposition was led by
Shortly after the death of
In May, 1947, the Gisborne Chamber of Commerce invited the Gisborne Borough Council to support a change in the name of the district. The borough authorities inquired from the
On the occasion, members of Cook County Council proved divided on the issue. The executive of the
The “Poverty Bay District” embraces Cook County and Waikohu County, together with the town of Gisborne.
Toi People Preceded by Mouriuri—Mystery Stone Anchor—Historic Migrations to Other Districts—Famous “House of Learning” at Uawa.
According to Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, Vol. 48, p. 435 and The Gisborne Times, 23 December, 1925) portions of the
Evidence that representatives of more than one branch of the Pacific peoples reached New Zealand in early times is afforded by the physical and cultural differences which distinguished the now extinct Moriori from the Maori. Noteworthy also is the presence of the dark Melanesian strain among the Ngai-Tama-whiro, who made their abode near the
Best claimed that, although the Maoris of the East Coast districts lay great stress on their descent from the immigrants who arrived about the middle of the fourteenth century, they must, nevertheless, be principally of Mouriuri-Toi blood: that is to say, that the coming of a few hundred immigrants to settle among a numerous population of the Mouriuri-Toi tribes could not have furnished later generations with more than a small proportion of the blood of the later migration. He added:
“Possibly, there was some effect in relation to character and mental powers consequent upon the immigrants byHoroutaandTakitimuintermarrying with the Toi folk. In any event, the Maoris of Poverty Bay and of the East Coast are, assuredly, a superior type. We haveto thank them for the preservation of most interesting accounts of old-time Maori beliefs, usages and ritual and, fortunately, this important information has found its way into the printed works of the pakeha.”
Although not a single authentic pre-Maori relic has ever been found in The Mystery of Easter Island, Mrs. Routledge, 1920, Figs. 31 and 67.)
W. J. Phillipps, of the
All the stories that have been handed down concerning the Pilgrim Fleet vary and are, at best, very imperfect. A much-debated point is: “Were Takitimu and Horouta two separate canoes, or only one vessel known, at first, by the former name and, afterwards, by the latter designation?” Some writers claim that Takitimu, before she left Hawaiki, was rechristened Horouta because of her fast-sailing qualities. Others, again, contend that Takitimu was a sacred canoe and that, as food could not be carried on her, she was sailed in company with Horouta. On the East Coast, the general belief is that the canoes were not identical and that they journeyed separately.
There is also a wide range of beliefs as to who commanded Takitimu. In Poverty Bay and on the East Coast, Kiwa is usually named as her captain. Best suggests that Tamatea-pokai-whenua (father of Kahungunu) was in charge of her. Taylor (New Zealand and Its Inhabitants) held that Tamatea-hua-tahi-nuku-roa was the chief. In a tradition given to J. E. Dalton, it is stated that the commander was Paikea (also known as “Kahutia-te-Rangi”); that he landed at Whangara, and went back to Hawaiki
Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 5) says that Paikea married Hotu-Rangi, a daughter of Whironui, who had arrived by Nukutere and had settled at East Cape earlier, and that from Porourangi and his brother Tahu-potiki (descendants of Paikea) sprang all the tribes of the East Coast and of the
Little or no support can be found on the East Coast to-day for the contention upheld by Ancient History of the Maori, that the ancestors of the Takitimu (or Takitumu). In Vikings of the Sunrise, Horouta settled between Takitimu occupied the seaboard between Echoes of the Pa, pp. 7 and 8) holds that the Takitimu as “an unimportant canoe,” which came to New Zealand after Horouta. Takitimu merely coasted along, dropping, here and there, a few people, whose blood became mixed with that of the Horouta immigrants. Incidentally, he describes Kahungunu and his contemporaries as belonging to “a comparatively modern generation.” At Whangara in April, 1939, Sir Apirana remarked: “This site is the landing-place of the first Maoris who settled the East Coast. The canoe from which they landed is not so well known as Horouta and Takitimu because it has not had so much publicity.”
In an address to the Rotary Club of Gisborne in 1934, Captain Takitimu called in at Nukutaurua (Mahia) her captain (Kiwa) left her and, with a small party, set off overland for Turanga (Horouta's captain. To celebrate the occasion they agreed that Kahutuanui (Kiwa's son) should wed Hine-a-Kua (Paoa's daughter). The descendants of this illustrious couple married with the issue of Paikea (who was reputed to have journeyed to New Zealand on the back of a whale); with those of Maia (who was said to have crossed the seas on a gourd), and with the Toi people. When the seventh generation was reached, the head chief was Ruapani, in whom converged all the lines of Maori greatness. Ruapani had three wives and, in all, twenty-five children. Among those who could claim descent from him were
During the investigation, on 6 July, 1875, into the ownership of the blocks situate along the seafront on the western side of the Turanganui River, Judge Rogan held that the original proprieter was Kiwa. He also laid it down that, in the fifteenth century, Ruapani was the head chief of the district. He added:
“Little or nothing is known of the people who occupiedPoverty Bay for nearly two hundred years after Ruapani's day. The next chief who appeared as proprietor was Te Nonoi, from whom both claimants and counter-claimants have traced their descent…. The history of the widespread wars which were carried on by the forefathers of the people in court reveals that the country at that time was in a frightful state of anarchy and confusion. It is hardly necessary for me to add that the original cause was a woman.”
Writing in Te Waka Maori o Aotearoa (March, 1878) the Horouta as “the canoe in which our [the
Whilst some of the crew remained behind to repair the vessel, the others, in two parties, set off for the south. Pouheni and his sacred band journeyed via the coast; the others, including the women, proceeded by an inland route, leaving the beach at Kereu and coming out again on the coast at Tuparoa, Anaura and elsewhere. Legendary History of the Maoris, 1880) that tradition stated that, when the party which had travelled by the inland route reached Whangara, Pouheni's band were lying about, apparently lifeless from lack of food. Their jaws were forced open with a piece of wood and they were revived.
Upon being repaired with timber said to have been procured from Maungahaumi, Horouta was sailed down the coast and beached at Muriwai in Poverty Bay.
There is (Kurahaupo, Toi said to their leader:
“Farewell! When you see a bay trending inward to the north-west, wherein are two rivers, one at the southern end of the sandy beach, and the other at the other end of the beach where it trends westward, a bald cliff south of the southern river, a ridge on the eastern side of the other river, the outspread (hora) land lying between the two rivers, a range to the south-west and one to the eastward—when you see this lay of the land, then that is the place where I stopped (halted) out at sea and inspected the place from my vessel. Now do you make your home here, for human occupation is scattered, as it also is farther south. When you enter the bay, turn your face to the south and you will see the point of land I spoke of projecting outward. Now do you name it ‘Turanga’ for me in memory of my turanga (halting) out on the ocean.”
This story, with some topographical variations, was obtained by J. M. Jury in Journal of the Polynesian Society (December, 1913). However, the Maoris of Poverty Bay do not agree with Best and Whatahora that the district was ever known as “Turanga-nui-o-Toi.” They claim that it was named “Turanga-nui-a-Kiwa (after Kiwa, captain of Takitimu canoe). Several stories have been handed down as to the circumstances in which the designation “Turanga-nui-a-Kiwa” was bestowed. One states that a canoe in which a son of Kiwa was fishing was blown out to sea and did not regain the land. The distraught father was unable to realize that he had lost his son. Day after day, he would stand on the beach, near the mouth of the Turanganui River, gazing seaward and always hoping that his son would return. On that account, the spot became known as “Turanga-nui-a-Kiwa” (“The long standing-place of Kiwa”), and was subsequently adopted as the name for the district. In another story, the district is stated to have received the name because it was the locality in which Kiwa halted after he had set out on foot from Mahia to explore the land higher up the coast.
Another name which the district is said to have borne is “Turanga-nui-a-Rua.” Best was of the opinion that the Rua so honoured might have been Ruawharo, one of the principal chiefs
Takitimu; or Rua-te-Hohonu, a reputed ancestor of the Rongowhakaata tribe, of Turanga; or even Ruapani, the eponymic ancestor of
There were, it seems, several migrations from supra). As a sequel to the slaying of Kahutapere's twins (Taraku-ita and Taraki-tai) at the instigation of Rakai-hiku-roa and, in turn, of the slaying of Tupurupuru (Rakai-hiku-roa's son), a section of the
The murder of Taraku-ita and Taraki-tai arose out of jealousy on the part of Rakai-hiku-roa, who was determined that they should not displace his favourite son (Tupurupuru) in the hearts of the people. When the children were found to be missing, Kahutapere flew magic kites with the object of ascertaining their whereabouts. Rakai-hiku-roa's action in sending up other kites to entangle Kahutapere's led to the conclusion that he was connected with the disappearance of the children.
Kahutapere proceeded to Rakai-hiku-roa's fort at Pukepoto (on Repongaere) to make inquiries, but he and his party were chased back to their own pa (Korowhio, near Ormond), where Kahutapere's two remaining sons were killed. Kahutapere then sent for Mahaki and his people to aid in avenging the murders and, in the course of the fighting, Rakai-hiku-roa's son (Tupurupuru) was slain. Rakai-hiku-roa's assailants taunted him by placing Tupurupuru's body on the limb of a tree standing within their pa and swinging it towards him, but never within his reach. Accounts vary as to the fate of Tupurupuru's body. In some versions in which it is stoutly denied that it was eaten, it is admitted that it was baked, although it is consolingly added that only cooking-stones worthy of being used—they are even said to have been supplied by the bereaved father—went to form the oven.
As the northern
“Just as the Shaftsmen of the Dawn were battling with the Rearguard of the Night,” says A. L. D. Fraser's account, “the lookout man at the pa espied what he fonndly imagined were upokohue (block-fish)floundering in the surf—a stranded feast cast up as a gift from their god, Tunui. Unceremoniously, the pa barriers were thrown down and the inmates, young and old, raced madly for the spoil. When they had got up to their waists in the water, the ‘black-fish’ arose, and, casting off their dark mats, stood armed before their unarmed, horror-stricken, would-be assailants. Blood and lives went out with the falling tide, and Heipipi proclaimed its new masters. In turn, Otatara pa (near Taradale) was overthrown and the ownership of Heretaunga changed hands and has remained with the conquerors.”
Some time afterwards, the
“Te Ra-wheoro,” which stood near
According to Dalton, the building was about 63 feet long and 26 feet wide. Several old pu korero (men of knowledge) whom he consulted told him that there was a verandah on the eastern end; that a fireplace stood in the centre of the main portion; and that the “Holy of Holies” was at the western end. Instruction was divided into two classes—celestial and terrestrial. The celestial lore pertained to Io, the Supreme Being, the primal parents and their offspring, the upper world and cosmogonic myths. Amongst the terrestrial knowledge imparted was information concerning the homeland of the race, traditions, migrations, tribal history and other matters of worldly importance.
“I found that all the families of the present day, of any consideration [in the The Southern Districts of New Zealand, p. 102).
Were Portuguese off East Coast in 1550 A.D.?—East Cape as “Cabo Da Fermoso” on British Official Chart (1803–56)—Borrowings from Sixteenth Century Maps—Prophecies by Hocken and McNab.
It was widely believed in England, at the opening of the nineteenth century, that the Dutch might not have been the first non-Polynesian discoverers of New Zealand. Indeed, some of the highest British authorities were convinced that sailors belonging either to Portugal or to Spain—or, perhaps, to both of those countries—had gazed upon the striking headlands and pretty bays which adorn the mid-eastern section of the
Not a great deal that is fresh has been written on this important subject for many years, mainly because the search for new material would involve much time, expense and difficulty. Hocken and McNab—two of the Dominion's most gifted historians—held that further research might reveal that the true story of the discovery of New Zealand has yet to be told. Unhappily, neither gained an opportunity to elucidate what both seem to have rated a first-class historical mystery.
In Transactions of the New Zealand Institute (1894) at p. 616, Hocken says:
“Doubtless before Tasman, there were voyagers who had visited New Zealand…. We are justified in thinking that there are buried in the old archives of Portugal and of Spain journals which, if found, would give an earlier account of New Zealand than those which we consider our earliest…. The iron-bound chests of Portugal and of Spain are the probable repositories of these treasures, or they may have been emptied into the Papal and monkish libraries … and may lie covered with the accumulated dust of centuries.”
Touching upon the Jean Rotz map of 1542 A.D., Dr. Hocken added:
“This strange map shadows forth the strong probability that New Zealand was known to Europeans, and most likely to the Portuguese, at least 350 years ago [i.e., the sixteenth century].
In an address which McNab forwarded to the The Gisborne Times, 10/10/1915):
“New Zealand had been on the map of the world just over a century and a quarter beforeCook rediscovered it in 1769. There is also evidence which seems worthy of consideration that it had been previously seen on more than one occasion. I believe that the information will one day be unearthed, and I further believe that I know where it will be found, but it will be only after a search that might last for years.”
Some writers infer that E1 Edrisi, the twelfth century Arabian geographer, must have had some knowledge of New Zealand because, in his Sinbad-like stories, mention is made of huge birds seen in a distant land by navigators among his kinsfolk. Colling-ridge, the noted Australian historian (Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. V, No. 2) dismisses this claim with the remark: “Those navigators would not have required to venture as far as New Zealand to make the acquaintance of birds which, on account of their great size, caused them to marvel.”
It was supposed by other early commentators that New Zealand might be the distant land, “Southern India,” which a Frenchman (Sieur Binot Gonneville) claimed to have visited in 1503 A.D. He is said to have reached “a great country situated between 50 deg. and 60 deg. S. latitude.” The people with whom he sojourned for six months in a river about the size of the Orne were “amiable”—a description which does not tally with the ungentle Maori cannibals of pre-civilization times. He took back to France one of the natives, who married into his family, a descendant being the Abbé Jean Paulmier. Not a tittle of corroboration has been forthcoming that the native was a Maori. Moreover, the course which Gonneville is stated to have steered would not have taken him into the South-west Pacific.
A voyage which the Spanish explorer
The designation “New Zealand” is stated by Curnin (Index to the Laws of New Zealand; 1885) to have first appeared as a record on a piece of sculpture, consisting of two hemispheres
Voyages to the South Seas, Vol. 3, p. 182) avers that
That the fate of this wonderful map was not as indicated is shown in a letter, dated 16 August, 1939, which the compiler of these records received, through the British Consul-General at Amsterdam, from the Municipal Archivist there. It states:
“The date of this marble and copper map can be fixed more closely as 1653 or 1654 A.D., for it was in the latter year that the marble intended for the Burgerzaal (Civil Hall), which was bought in that year or the year before, was paid for. The map now lies in the Groote Krijgsraadkamer (Chamber of the War Council) and, if my information is correct, there are now plans to put it back in its original place in the first floor of the Burgerzaal. The Civil Hall and the Chamber of the War Council are the two most important halls in the present Royal Palace”
Further interesting details (received from H. Antcliffe, 48 van Hogenhoucklaan, The Hague) reveal that New Zealand is not shown on the famous map. It was, it seems, first laid down in the City Hall and then removed to the Chamber of the War Council, where it is now covered with a wooden floor. Mr. Antcliffe added that the oldest map of New Zealand in Holland appears in Tasman's original diary (1642–43), which is in the Dutch General Government archives (Kol. aan. 63). A copy of this map is reproduced in the facsimile edition of Tasman's diary by J. E. Heeres (Amsterdam, 1898).
The British Government's action in approving what is known as the de la Rochette (or Faden) chart (which was first published in 1803, a second edition following in 1817) lent official colour to a suggestion that portion of the eastern coast of the
Several important improvements appear in the 1817 issue.
Three much older charts upon which the de la Rochette map appears to have been based are of historic interest as much to the people of Australia as to those of New Zealand. If it could be shown that they were derived from first-hand information, the honour of discovering at least portion of the eastern seaboard of Australia and of the islands to the east of it in the sixteenth century would require to be awarded to the Portuguese. It is held (Transactions of the Historical Society of Australasia, Vol. 1, p. 89) that the Dauphin chart of the French must have been compiled between 1530 and 1536 A.D. on account of two facts—(1) that it shows the Straits of Magellan, the existence of which had not become known in Europe until del Cano published the results of Magellan's voyage in 1523 A.D.; and (2) that in one of the upper corners of the map the arms of France appear with the crown open, whereas, if the map had been made in 1536 A.D. or later, the crown would have been shown arched over. In addition, the map also carries the arms of the Dauphin Henry (afterwards Henry II of France) who was born in 1518 A.D.
The map that was drawn in 1542 A.D. for King Henry VIII of England by John Rotz, the hydrographer, was, it is plain, based upon the Dauphin chart, or upon the material from which that chart was compiled. It contains some fresh details in regard to some portions of the globe, but nothing new in the case of the part held to represent Australia. Like the Dauphin chart, Desceliers' chart is of French origin. It is labelled: “Faicte a Arques par Pierre Desceliers pbre Lan, 1550.” Its outline of Jave (supposed to be Australia) also bears a close resemblance to that which appears on the Dauphin chart. This land is represented as being inhabited by elephants, camels with swanlike necks, and men with dogfaced heads. No particular attention need, of course, be given to the ornamentation, seeing that, in those days, map-makers were allowed considerable license.
Published by the Geographer to the King, the de la Rochette
According to D. Bonner Smith, F.R.His.S. (Librarian to the British Admiralty), to whom the author was indebted for amplifying the information supplied by Admiral Edgell, the historian Burney, in 1803, drew the attention of the British Admiralty to the fact that the Dauphin chart (1530–36 A.D.) and Pierre Desceliers' chart (1550 A.D.) had come into the possession of the British Museum authorities. The Rotz map (1542 A.D.) had previously been acquired for the museum. Burney was of the opinion—based upon the information which these charts afforded—that there were reasons for supposing that the eastern coast of
Commenting on these ancient charts, Mr. Bonner Smith said:
“Documentation for these charts is wanting; it is not known who, if anyone, voyaged down to Australia and supplied the material for them. The interpretation to be placed upon them is, I think, also a matter of difficulty. Burney thought that these charts indicated only the east coast of Australia when he described them in 1803. I think that they are the authority for all of de la Rochette's legends on the Faden chart of 1803 and 1817, which would seem to indicate that the suggestion was then current that some of the legends applied to New Zealand and not all of them toNew Holland (Australia). De la Rochette may have misread Burney and interpreted part of his eastern coast to mean that of New Zealand, whereas Burney meant the whole of it to apply toNew Holland .”
On the land mass which appears to represent Australia on the ancient charts, there is no sign of the real Cape York Peninsula. The eastern coastline starts at Sumbava Island and wanders in a south-easterly direction across the site of Australia until it dips beyond where New Zealand lies, ending in 60 deg. S. latitude. A remarkable feature is that the middle section is shown with a bulge as in the case of Australia. The islands that have been claimed to represent New Zealand are in too low a latitude.
As there were but few lands to discover in the South-west Pacific, it must be regarded as a striking feature of the sixteenth century charts that those shown are limited to the major islands which appear to represent Australia and New Zealand. There is a “Coste dangereuse,” or “Costa pesillentia,” or “Costa pergosa” on the north-east section of the “Jave la Grande” of the Dauphin chart; on the “Londe of Java” of Rotz; and on the “Jave” of Desceliers. This fact is held by some investigators to prove that at least one very early navigator gained a fleeting glimpse of the
Whilst the storm over the so-called “French-Portuguese” charts was at its height, some of the critics admitted that it was difficult to account for some of the features delineated on the outline of the major land mass. Even so, they preferred to believe that any near-coincidences did not arise from knowledge gained by voyagers, but were the fruits of lucky conjecture. Burney (History of the Discoveries in the South Sea: 1803) parried any such suggestion by pointing out “that it is not easy to imagine that all of the many instances of similitude … that are to be found in the general outline of this land [Jave la Grande] were produced merely by chance.”
No other latter-day historical expert is more uncompromisingly critical of the sixteenth century “French-Portuguese charts” than Professor G. C. Henderson (Research Professor of History at the University of Sydney). Writing to the compiler of these records (18/5/1938), he pointed out, inter alia, that de la Rochette was one of the controversialists who, after
“But,” he adds, “de la Rochette's resources (such as they were) were not yet completely exhausted. He knew that the latitude and longitude of Cabo da Fermoso on the French-Portuguese charts would place it far to the east of Australia. So, in 1803, he places ‘Cabo da Fermoso 1550’ on the coast of New Zealand whereCook in 1769 had written ‘East Cape.’ Having decided on this, it was easy to find another Portuguese legend forCook Strait and he wrote ‘Gulf of the Portuguese’ and gave the date 1550. Lastly, in order to make everything clear to students of his map, he tells them that, though Tasman ‘discovered’ the west coast of New Zealand in 1642, the eastern coast ‘was known’ to the Portuguese ‘about the year 1550.’ Evidently, he was what we would call nowadays a ‘die-hard,’ and the unscrupulous ingenuity displayed in this last attempt to save his face will help any reader to understand something of the temper of the men who, in the beginning of the nineteenth century, were determined to put this young upstartCook in his proper place!”
Inquiries made by the author reveal that lively interest continues to be taken by research workers in Portugal on the subject of early exploration in the South-west Pacific.
From the British Consulate at Lisbon, under date 15 November, 1939, there came to hand the modern Portuguese viewpoint, gathered from members of the Lisbon Geographical Society.
“It seems certain,” Admiral Gago Coutinho stated, “that the west coast of Australia was visited by the Portuguese before 1550. But New Zealand was so far outside of the meridian of Tordesilhas [the line of demarcation between the Spanish and Portuguese spheres of influence in the Pacific] that it is unlikely that the Portuguese went so far to the eastward as New Zealand.”
Admiral Freitas Ribeiro emphasized the point that there exist but very scanty records of the discoveries made by the Portuguese in what was once known as the “Spanish Pacific.” He continues: “The earliest information about Australia is of Portuguese origin, as can clearly be seen from the first maps of Australia, which are preserved in England and France…. However, the Portuguese refrained from publicizing their discoveries, since the meridian of Tordesilhas divided Great Java (Australia) into two parts—the Portuguese and the Spanish—and it was not politic to aggravate with new details the irritating issue of the Moluccas then being disputed between the governments of Madrid and Lisbon. Moreover, the new land (Australia) hardly seemed to be a Land of Promise. As regards Tasmania, it is almost certain that, long before Tasman, the Portuguese had reached there. This is shown by the name ‘Pedra Blanca,’ preserved by Tasman in 1642 for the point now known as ‘Eddystone,’ and which may well be identified with the Cabo da Fermoso of the Dauphin's map. The name naturally came from the Portuguese mapstaken to Holland. With reference to New Zealand, it is probable that the Portuguese visited that land also, but I know of no documents proving the priority of any discoveries on our part. If the Portuguese did reach New Zealand (in the sixteenth century) they did not take the trouble to make the fact known, since it was situated well within the Spanish hemisphere.”
Dr. Armando Cortezao, in his reply, stated: “As for New Zealand, it is very likely that the Portuguese went there before 1642, but I have no positive knowledge. I have a note of a vague reference which might lead to a theory to this effect, but I have never had the time to follow up the trail. I trust that I may, some day, be able to do so.”
The modern Spanish viewpoint on the subject is also of considerable interest. Under date 5 March, 1940, Professor Balles-teros, of the Spanish Academy of History, Madrid, informed the writer that he had come to the tentative conclusion that Juan Fernandez and the Discovery of Australia, in which the narrative of Dr. Juan Luis Arias is quoted, and added:
“The opinion held for many years that the land which he visited wasEaster Island must be discarded. An island with a circumference of only 35 kilometres, and with an area of only 118 square kilometres could not be said to possess a coastline of considerable length. Nor does the latitude of the island, which is in 27 deg. S., agree with that given by the navigator's chronicler. Furthermore, between 30 deg. and 50 deg. S. latitude there are in the Pacific no large islands or territories outside New Zealand and the southern parts of Australia. From the foregoing, it will be seen that there are fairly solid grounds for the belief now held by certain Spanish historical students that New Zealand must be included within the range of Fernandez's discoveries and further research in this direction might bring to light facts that will convert this belief into a certainty.”
Commenting on earlier claims made on behalf of Fernandez, Professor Henderson, of Sydney, is both brief and caustic:
“I have,” he says, “read a fair amount about phantom islands and lands in the Pacific, and have always been disposed to put Fernandez's alleged discovery of New Zealand on the list. The South Pacific has been fully explored since his day, and where is the land which will answer to his description? As for New Zealand, it is, as Burney points out, 100 deg. of longitude from the coast of South America—not 40 deg.”
Startling revelations are now not likely to result from more intense research in England. Edward Lynam, secretary to the
“I can find no recorded evidence in England that either the Arabs or the Portuguese or the Spaniards ever got near New Zealand before the days of Tasman, although the Portuguese seem to have had knowledge of northern and north-west Australia at the beginning of the sixteenth century.”
Follows Search for Mythical Continent—Visit to Tahiti a “Blind” — Text of “Additional Secret Orders”—Significant Change in Course—Visit Resented by the Natives.
As the Endeavour slowly approached the east coast of the
Unlike some of the other voyagers,
“I have,” he says, “seen hundreds, nay thousands [of weevils] shaken out of a single biscuit. Sometimes, I have had 20 at a time in my mouth. We in the cabin have an easy remedy for this by baking it in an oven not too hot, which makes them walk off. But this remedy cannot be allowed to the ship's people, who must find the taste of these animals very disagreeable, as they every one taste as strong as mustard, or, rather, spirits of hartshorn. They are of five kinds….”
Parkinson strikes a very cheerful note less than a week before land was sighted:
“Though we have been so long out at sea in a distant part of the world,” he wrote, “we had a roasted leg of mutton and French beans for dinner, and the fare of Old England afforded us a grateful repast.”
The additions which had been made to the livestock at Ulietea and adjacent islands had not thriven. Becket (Anon., 1771) states that the island pigs would not eat grain, pulse or bread-dust. Hay for the sheep was, apparently, not in short supply, but some of them had loose teeth and displayed other symptoms of scurvy. The fowls had contracted a complaint which caused them to hold their heads between their legs. How many dogs were on board
General Evening Post (London) of 17 July, 1771, she had been in the Dolphin (1766–68). When the
Dr. Boswell's Johnson, by Napier, Vol. 1, p. 533) enclosing a verse in Latin, a translation of which runs:
“In fame scarce second to the nurse of Jove, This goat, which twice the world had travelled round, Deserving both her master's care and love, Ease and perpetual pasture now has found.”
With Tasman's chart before him,
It was at 2 p.m. on 7 October, 1769, that a lad at the masthead earned lasting fame for himself on account of being the first member of the complement to feast his eyes upon the shadowy outline of the eastern coast of New Zealand. The scene aboard when the welcome cry “Land Ahoy!” rang out is described very interestingly by
“At half-past one [the logbook gives the hour as 2 p.m.] a small boy who was at the masthead call'd out Land. I was luckily upon deck and well I was entertained. Within a few minutes, the cry circulated and up came all hands. The land could not then be seen from the Tops; yet few were there who did not plainly see it from the Deck, till it appear'd that they had looked 5 points wrong. Weathermost moderate. We came up with it [the land] very slowly. At sunset, myself was at the masthead. Land appear'd much like an island, or islands, but seemed to be large.”
Little is known concerning the sharp-eyed lad who first descried the land, but whose memory is kept green by the name “Young Nick's Head,” which, in his honour, Life of Captain Cook) says: “Young Nick is one of the mysteries of the voyage.”
There has been much speculation even as to Young Nick's occupation on board. In (
When the coast of New Zealand first came into view it bore west by north and
According To Admiralty chart No. 1212, prepared by Captain Hurd, R.N (Hydrographer to the Admiralty) and dated 30 April, 1816, the Endeavour was opposite Mahia, and about seventy miles out to sea, when the course was changed on 6 October from S.W. by S. to N. 70 deg. W. Her position would then be slightly farther from Young Nick's Head than from
To all who are familiar with the coast in the vicinity of
Parkinson was under the impression that Young Nick's Head was the part of the land that was first sighted. He says:
“About 2 o'clock in the afternoon, one of our people,Nicholas Young , the surgeon's boy, descried a point of land of New Zealand from the starboard bow at about nine leagues distance bearing west by north. We bore up to it and, at sunset, we had a good view of it. The land was high and appeared like an island. We regaled ourselves in the evening on the occasion. The land was called ‘Young Nick's Head,’ and the boy received his reward.”
Another voyager who believed that Young Nick's Head received its name because it was the first land sighted was James Roberts, of
Whilst Professor Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, Vol. 33, pp. 499–514), he agreed with
There is no mention in any account of the voyage of the sighting of cliffs on 7 October (the day on which land first came into view from the masthead). The Canberra logbook says that the land appeared west by north “in the form of low hummocks,” and that it was then eight or nine leagues away. Becket (Anon. 1771) uses a similar term. At sunset,
Early on the evening of 8 October,
“In the evening a pleasant Breeze. At Sunset, all hands at the Mast head. Land still Distant 7 or 8 leagues; appears larger than ever. In many parts, 3, 4, and 5 ranges of hills are seen one over the other, and a chain of mountains over all, some of which appear enormously high. Much difference of opinion and many conjectures about Islands, Rivers, Inlets, etc., but all hands seem to agree that this is certainly the continent we are in search of.”
The opening to Canberra logbook. Land was now only from two to three leagues distant. As seen by Parkinson, it was of considerable extent, with many small islands around it, and rising hills like those on the coast of Portugal. “We saw smoke ascend from different parts,” he adds, “and thence concluded that it was inhabited.”
During the night of 8 October, the Endeavour was also forced to ply off and on. Daybreak on 9 October again found her to leeward (south) of
The swivel guns were now brought up from the hold and fixed. At noon, the first attempt was made to round Young Nick's Head, but the Endeavour was driven away to the north.
Endeavour, and of sailing her into
“On a small peninsula at the north-east head [Tuamotu Island, but called by Parkinson ‘Morai Island’] we could,” he says, “plainly see a Regular Paling pretty high inclosing the Top of a hill [a pa named Uruhangenge]. For what purpose it is used many conjectures were made. Most are of the opinion, or say at least, it must, or shall be, either a park for Deer or a field of Oxen and Sheep.”
Exactly how far the Endeavour was anchored off the mouth of the Turanganui River is uncertain.
When Polack visited New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. I, p. 15) that the Endeavour was at first mistaken by the natives for a bird, and that many remarks passed among the people as to the beauty and the size of its wings. He continues:
“Upon seeing a smaller bird unfledged (without sails) descending into the water, and a number of parti-coloured beings, but apparently in the human shape, also descend, they regarded the larger bird as a houseful of divinities…. The astonishment of the people of Turanga on seeingCook 's ship was so great that they were benumbed with fear, but presently, recollecting themselves, they felt determined to find out if the gods (as the newcomers were thought to be) were as pugnacious as themselves…. Many of the natives observed that they felt themselves taken ill by only being particularly looked upon by these atuas (gods) and it was, therefore, agreed that, as these newcomers could bewitch by a simple look, the sooner their society was dismissed the better it would be for the general welfare.”
The native tradition given to Endeavour was, at first, taken to be a floating island.
Among Dolphin. Clerke had served in the war against France from its outbreak in 1756. He was in the mizzen top of the Bellona when Courageux shot away her mast and it was carried overboard.
Soon after he had dropped anchor, Canberra logbook all agree that the marines left the ship.
“We landed abreast of the ship and on the E side of the [Turanganui] River [Boat Harbour] … but, seeing some of the natives on the other side of the river, whom I was desirous of speaking with, and finding we could not ford the River, I ordered the yawl in to carry us over and the pinnace to lay at the Entrance. In the meantime, the Indians made off. However, we went as far as their Hutts, which lay about 2 or 300 yards from the waterside [northern side of Waikanae Creek] leaving 4 boys to take care of the Yawl, which we had no sooner left than 4 Men came out of the Woods on the other [the eastern] side of the River [western slopes of Kaiti Hill] and would certainly have cut her off had not the People in the Pinnace discover'd them and call'd to her to drop down the Stream, which they did, being closely pursued by the Indians….”
It was at this juncture that the first of several unfortunate slayings took place. The coxswain of the pinnace, in an attempt to intimidate the natives, fired twice over their heads. [Parkinson says that the first shot was fired from a musketoon.] The first shot caused the natives to stop and look around, but they took no notice of the second. A third shot was then fired, and it killed one of the natives [
Upon hearing the reports of the muskets,
“The native was shot through the heart. He was a middling-sized man, tattowed on one cheek only in spiral lines very regularly formed. He was covered with a fine cloth of a manufacture totally new to us. It was tied on exactly as represented in Mr. Dalrymple's book, page 63. His hair was also tied in a knot on the top of his head, but with no feather stuck in it. His complexion was brown, but not very dark.”
The boats returned to the ship at 6 p.m. Parkinson mentions that some members of the party shot some ducks of a very large size, and that
The whole of the text of the “Additional Secret Instructions” which were handed, in a sealed packet, to Captain Cook's Journal: 1893) says: “The exact text of
It seems that Wharton overlooked the fact that the gist of the “Additional Secret Instructions” had appeared in the general introduction to Volume 1 of A Voyage Towards the South Pole and Round the World, written by
In 1923, the Commonwealth Government purchased in London
The full text appears in the Navy Records Society's Naval Miscellanies, Vol. 3, 1928, p. 343 et seq., and the salient points are as follows:
“Whereas the making of discoveries of countries hitherto unknown and the attaining of a knowledge of distant parts, which, though formerly discovered, have yet been imperfectly explored, will redound greatly to the honour of this nation as a Maritime Power, as well as to the dignity of the Crown of Great Britain, and may tend greatly to the advancement of the trade and navigation thereof.
“And, whereas there is reason to imagine that a continent, or land of great extent, may be found to the southward of the tract lately made byCaptain Wallis in His Majesty's ship the Dolphin (of which you will herewith receive a copy) or of the tract of any former navigators in pursuits of the like kind; you are, therefore, in pursuance of His Majesty's pleasure, hereby required and directed to put to sea with the bark you command, so soon as the observation of the transit of the planet Venus shall be finished, and observe the following instructions:
“You are to proceed to the southward in order to make discovery of the continent above mentioned until you arrive in the latitude of 40 deg., unless you sooner fall in with it: but, not having discovered it in that run, you are to proceed in search of it to the westward, between the latitude before mentioned and the latitude of 35 deg., until you discover it or fall in with the Eastern side of the land discovered by Tasman and now called New Zealand.
“If you discover the continent above mentioned, either in your run to the southward or to the westward, as above directed, you are to employ yourself diligently in exploring as great an extent of the coast as you can…. You are also to observe the nature of the soil and the products thereof…. You are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition and number of the natives, if there be any, and endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship and alliance with them, making them presents of such trifles as they may value, inviting them to traffic, and showing them every kind of civility andregard, taking care, however, not to suffer yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always upon your guard against any accident.
“You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession of convenient situations in the country in the name of the King of Great Britain; or, if you find the country uninhabited, take possession for His Majesty by setting up proper marks and inscriptions as first discoverers and possessors.
“But, if you should fail of discovering the continent before mentioned you will, upon falling in with New Zealand, carefully observe the latitude and longitude in which that land is situated and explore as much of the coast as the condition of the bark, the health of her crew, and the state of your provisions will admit of, having always great attention to reserve as much of the latter as will enable you to reach some known Port, where you may procure a sufficiency to carry you to England, either round theCape of Good Hope , orCape Horn , as from circumstances you may judge the most eligible way of returning home….
“Given &c the 30th of July, 1768,Ed. Hawke, Py. Brett, C. Spencer.”
It is quite clear that, if
The orthography of
In this survey of Endeavour's voyage that he did not have access to these notes.
The logbook referred to in this survey as the Canberra logbook was kept in astronomical time; its compiler has not been identified. It is now in the Commonwealth National Library at Canberra, as also is the only journal of the voyage that is in
Wharton's dates in Captain Cook's Journal (1893) are adopted in this survey. Endeavour having crossed the 180th degree shortly before reaching
The handsome granite memorial to
Upon the Cook Monument in Gisborne there is the following inscription:
This Memorial Is Erected to Commemorate The First Landing In New Zealand At Poverty Bay Of Captain Cook On Sunday, 8 October, 1769.
The correct date of the landing, however, was (as Wharton explains) 9 October, 1769. Bamford and Hight (The Constitutional History and Law of New Zealand, p. 19) accept that date. They say: “… The expedition sailed south-westward till it sighted the New Zealand coast on 7 October, 1769.
The old cast-iron cannon which rests upon a concrete base alongside the Cook Monument at Gisborne attracts special attention on account of the claim made on its behalf that it is one of the carriage guns which were put overboard to lighten the Endeavour when she ran on the Barrier Reef (Qd.) in June, 1770, and were not retrieved. It was bought in 1919 by Mr. G. J. Black whilst he was on a visit to Queensland, its cost (£50) being subscribed by himself and his fellow-members of the
As Wharton (Captain Cook's Journal: 1893) says that the guns in question were made of brass, inquiries were made by the writer from the
Endeavour. It is not strictly correct to say, as Wharton does, that the Endeavour's guns were made of ‘brass.’ Brass is an alloy of copper and tin. The so-called ‘brass guns’ were made of a special gunmetal, but definitely not iron. The obvious objection to iron—that it rusts quickly— made it important that some alloy should be employed.” A cannon of the type used in
“
Polack says that an axe and a tomahawk were among the gifts which
Natives in Truculent Mood—Theft Leads to Casualties—Marines Landed as Protective Force—Fatal Raid on Canoe in Bay—Was Possession of New Zealand Taken at Poverty Bay?
Tuesday, 10 October, 1769—the day following Endeavour's six months' stay in New Zealand waters. In the morning, another native,
“Early in the morning of the 10th [thelogbook says at 8 a.m.] the longboat, pinnace and yawl went on shore again, and the party landed near the river where they had been on the night before, and attempted to find a watering-place. Several of the natives came towards them and, with much entreating, we prevailed upon some of them to cross the river: to whom we gave several things, which they carried back to their companions on the other side of the river, who seemed to be highly pleased with them and testified their joy by a war-dance.Canberra
“Appearing to be so peaceably disposed, our company went over to them and were received in a friendly manner…. We would have purchased some of their weapons, but could not prevail upon them to part with them on any terms. One of them, however, watched an opportunity and snatched a hanger from us: our people resented the affront by firing upon them and killed three of them on the spot; but the rest, to our surprise, did not appear to be intimidated at the sight of their expiring countrymen, who lay weltering in their blood, nor did they seem to breathe any revenge upon the occasion, attempting only to wrest the hanger out of the man's hand that had been shot and to take the weapons that belonged to their other 2 deceased comrades which, having effected, they quietly departed. After having taken possession of the country in form for the King, our company embarked….”
As several of Parkinson's statements—viz. that the natives appeared friendly; that
According to Captain Cook's Journal, p. 131,
The spectacle afforded by the landing of the marines must have been colourful as well as animated.
What led up to the landing of the marines is more realistically told by
“… As soon as we appeared at the river side they [the Indians] came up and every man produced a long pike or a small weapon of well polished stone, about a foot long and thick enough to weigh 4 or 5 pounds. With these, they threatened us and signed to us to depart. [In his unpublished journal, Lieut. Gore says that the Indians formed up in two lines, brandished their spears, and gave a war-dance, rolling their eyes and obtruding their tongues as they swayed first to one side and then to the other.]
“A Musquet was then fired, wide of them, the ball of which struck the water. They saw the effect and immediately ceased their threats; we thought it prudent to retreat till the marines were landed and drawn up to intimidate them and support us in case of necessity. They landed and marched with a jack carried before them to a little bank about 50 yards from the river, which might be about 40 broad. Here they were drawn up in order, and we again advanced to the riverside.”
The party at the riverside, according to Wharton, comprised
“They made several attempts to snatch our arms from us…. They were made to understand that we must kill them if they snatched anything from us. After some time, Mr. Green, in turning himself about, exposed his hanger. One of them immediately snatched it, set up a cry of exultation, and, waving it round his head, retreated gently. “It now appeared necessary for our safeties that so daring an act should be immediately punished. This I pronounc'd aloud as my opinion. The Capt. and the rest joined me, on which I fired my musquet, which was loaded with small shot, levelling it between his [Te Rakau 's] shoulders, who was not 15 yards from me.
“On the shot striking him, he ceased to cry, but, instead of quitting his prize, continued to wave it over his head, retreating as gently as before. The surgeon [Dr. Monkhouse], who was nearer him, seeing this fired a ball at him, on which he dropped. Two more men who were near him returned. Instantly, one seized his weapon of talk [talc]; the other attempted to recover the hanger, which the Surgeon had scarce time to prevent.
“The main body of them were now upon the rock, a little way in the River. They took to the water, returning towards us, on which the other three [of us], for we were only 5 in number, fired on them. They then retired and swam again across the river. On their landing, we saw that 3 were wounded, one seemingly a good deal hurt. [Polack says that a native told him inPoverty Bay in 1836 that his father, a chief, was one of those injured. A ball passed through his shoulder, but he had lived until a few years previous to his (Polack's) visit.] We re-embarked in our Boats.”
In the rough notes which
“When we returned to the riverside … Tobia (Tupaea) called to the Indians and told them that we wanted to be friends with them; him they perfectly understood and he them. We shew them several things, such as beeds and nails, and throw'd a nail over to them, but it fell short.
“One of them then swam over to a rock [Te Toka-a-Taeao] that lay nearly in the middle of the river, but would come no farther. I then laid down my arms and went to him and gave him some presents and, very soon, 2 more came. These brought their arms with them. I gave these three men most of what I had about me; but the people on the other side of the river began again a war dance, upon which, having no arms with me, I thought fit to retire, which they did not offer to prevent.
“Soon after this, about 20 more came over, all armed. They would willingly have exchanged their arms for ours, but would not part with theirs on any other condition, and soon attempted to snatch ours out of our hands. I got Tobia to tell them that we was their friends and only come to get water and to trade with them and that, if they offered to insult us, we could with ease kill them all. But Tobia told us plainly that they were not our friends, and told us several times to take care of ourselves, and it appear'd very plane that all they came for was to seize some of our arms. They several times seized hold of my musket and one of them at last tore Mr. Green's hanger from his side and was making off with it when I ordered him to be fired upon.”
Hawkesworth would have his readers believe that
When Colenso took up the cudgels on behalf of Parkinson (Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, Vol. X, 1877, p. 99), he knew that Parkinson, alone among the voyagers, claimed that
It was also Colenso's opinion that other records of the voyage might some day come to light which would support Parkinson's
In Tasman to Marsden (1914), p. 20, McNab also accepts Parkinson's unsupported statement that New Zealand was taken possession of “in form for the King” by
“Whilst ashore on this occasion, the country was taken possession of for King George III. Parkinson says: ‘After taking possession of the country in form for the King, our company embarked.’ Strange to say, neitherCook ,Banks nor Hicks mentions this interesting ceremony. But, outside of what Parkinson says, there is the fact that a strong body of marines and seamen had been landed in the boats and, according to Dr. Hawkesworth, who probably got it from the officers, the marines marched ‘with a Jack carried before them.’
“The presence of a body of marines with a Union Jack, when we think ofCook 's mission, is sufficient corroboration of Parkinson's statement, even in the face ofCook 's silence.Banks does not even mention theMercury Bay hoisting. The result is that Gisborne is entitled to the honour of being the site of the first hoisting of the Union Jack in New Zealand, and the date was Tuesday, the 10th of October, 1769.”
McNab, it is plain, was also under the mistaken impression that it was part of
Whilst
The director of the National Maritime Museum (London) informed the writer that that procedure was, by all accounts, customary in
If it had been intended to take possession of New Zealand for the King at
Whilst
The afternoon of the second day of
Wharton says that one of the canoes [Polack was told that they
“As they endeavoured to get away, I order'd a Musquet to be fir'd over their heads, thinking that this would either make them surrender or jump overboard; but here I was mistaken, for they immediately took to their Arms or whatever they had in the Boat and began to attack us. This obliged us to fire upon them. [Parkinson says thatCook ,Banks andSolander did the firing] and, unfortunately, either 2 or 3 were killed and one wounded and 3 jumped overboard. These last we took up and brought on board, where they were Cloathed and Treated with all imaginable kindness….
“I am aware that most Humane men who have not experienced things of this nature will Censure my conduct in Firing upon the People in their boat; nor do I myself think that the reason I had in seizing upon her will at all justify me; and, had I thought that they would have made the Least Resistance, I would not have come near them; but, as they did, I was not to stand still and suffer either myself or those that were with me to be knocked on the head.”
In
“I can by no means justify my conduct in attacking and killing the people in this boat who had given me no just provocation and was wholly ignerorant of my design and, had I had the least thought of them making any resistance, I would not so much as have looked at them; but, when we were once a long side of them, we must either have stud to be knocked on the head or else retired and let them gone off in triumph, and this last they would of course have attributed to their own bravery and our timorousness.”
“We had,” he continues, “almost arrived at the farthest part of the Bay when a fresh Breeze came in from the Seaward and we saw a Canoe sailing in Standing right towards us, and soon after another padling. The Capt. now resolved to take one of these which, in all probability, might be done without the least resistance, as we had 3 boats full of Men and the Canoes seemed to be [those of] Fishermen who probably were without Arms.
“The Boats were drawn up in such a manner that they could not well escape us. The padling Canoe first saw us and made immediately for the nearest land; the other sailed on till she was in the midst of us before they saw us. As soon as she did, she struck her Sail and began to padle so briskly that she outran our boat.
“On a Musquet being fired over her, she, however, ceased padling immediately and the People in her, 7 in all, made all possible haste to Strip, as we thought to leap into the water. But no sooner did our boat come up with her than they began with Stones, padles, etc. to make so brisk a resistance that we were obliged to fire into her, bywhich four were killed; the other 3, who were boys, leaped overboard. One of them swam with great agility and, when taken, made every effort in his power to prevent being taken into the boat; the other two were more easily prevailed upon.
“As soon as they were in, they squatted down, expecting, no doubt, instant Death, but, on finding themselves well used, and that cloathes were given them, they recovered their Spirits in a very short time, and, before we got to the ship, appeared totally insensible of the loss of their fellows.”
Parkinson's vague account differs greatly from those of
The boats, which had been absent from the ship since 8 a.m., returned at 5 p.m.
Even on the day of the Endeavour's departure from
“In the middle of last night, one of our boys [a captive] seemed to show more reflection than he had before done, sighing often and aloud. Tupia, who was always on the watch to comfort them, got up and soon made them easy. They then sang a song of their own. It was not without some taste, like a Psalm tune, and contained many notes and semi-tones. They sang it in parts, which gives us no indifferent idea of their taste as well as skill in Musick. The oldest of them is about 18, the middlemost, 15 and the youngest, 10. The middlemost especially has a most open countenance and agreeable manner. Their names are: Te Ahourange, Koikerange and Maragooete—the first two brothers.”
According to
The name of the rock in the Turanganui River was “Te Toka-a-Taiau, or Taeao.”
J. E. Dalton was told that, upon the arrival of Matatua canoe in
Thus Gisborne Times, 30/7/1902): “A red garment was laid on Harris Memoirs,
Cook in Disgruntled Mood—Threat by Large Native War Party— Timely Retreat to the Boats—“Endeavour Bay” First Name Given—Vessel in Peril off Portland Island.
On Wednesday, 11 October, 1769 (civil date), the second day after his arrival in vide his rough notes) sent an officer ashore with the marines to guard a party of woodcutters, as his ship was in need of wood as well as water. This party left the ship at 8 a.m. and landed at Boat Harbour. Probably, the wood was obtained on the lower slopes of Kaiti Hill, facing the ship. Shortly afterwards,
According to Endeavour, but, as Tupaea could make himself understood by the inhabitants, he decided that they might prove of more service if they were put back on shore, where they would be able to show their friends that they had not been harmed. It was on that account that he extended his stay by that day.
The boys expressed much joy when they learned that they were to be landed, but, when they saw the boats heading for Boat Harbour, they begged very hard not to be set ashore there. The people at that place, they said, were enemies of theirs, and would kill and eat them.
As there were no natives in sight,
The fullest account of the retreat is given by
According to
When
Describing the lads, Parkinson says that they resembled the Tahitians. One difference was that only their lips were marked with a blue colour, whereas the Tahitians were “tataowed on other parts of their bodies.” In contrast with the lads, however, the natives around Boat Harbour were “tataowed.” He also notes that the lads ate an immoderate quantity of everything that was set before them, “taking pieces at one time six times larger than we did,” and that “they drank a quart of wine and water at one draught.”
Among details which appear only in Parkinson's journal is a statement that the lads told their hosts that taro, eape, oomera (kumara) and yams, also a peculiar kind of deer [? dogs], were to be found upon the island. As the lads had holes pierced in their ears, it seemed to Parkinson that, sometimes, they wore some kind of earrings. They had some bracelets. Necklaces, too, they well knew the use of, “but they did not like our iron wares.” Nothing was found in the native houses “except a few cockles, limpets and muscle shells.” He adds: “A vast quantity of pumice stone along the shore indicates that there is a volcano within this island.”
“They are of the common stature, well made and of dark copper colour, with long black hair, which they tye upon the crown of their heads. They have thin black beards and white teeth, They tattow their faces in the same manner as the people of George's Island [Tahiti] do backsides. Their habits are a sort of jacket made of a kind of grass very course and looks like a rug or a thrummed mat.”
Next morning (Thursday, 12 October; civil date) the Endeavour sailed out of
“At 6 a.m. we weighed and stood out of the bay, which I have named ‘Poverty Bay ’ because it afforded us no one thing we wanted.”
That the voyagers had a very lean time in
“This morn,” he says, “we took our leave ofPoverty Bay with not above 40 species of plants in our boxes, which is not to be wondered at, as we were so little ashore, and always upon the same spot. The only time we wandered about a mile from the boats was upon a swamp [Waikanae Swamp] where not more than three species of plants were found.”
In his rough notes,
“However it [the bay] hath nothing to recommend it lying open to the winds from the … to the … in so much that you cannot lay near the shore with your ship to cover your men when attacked by the natives and what is worse still it affords no fresh water at least not near the shore that we could find….”
Only when
It is suggested in Parkinson's version of the leave-taking that
“This bay (which, from the few necessaries we could procure, we called ‘Poverty Bay ’) is,” Parkinson remarks, “not well sheltered from a south-east wind, which brings in a heavy sea. The natives called the bay ‘Te Oneroa.’ [Strictly speaking, the name Te Oneroa— ‘The Long Stretch of Sandy Beach’—was applied only to the beach running from the Turanganui River mouth to the westwards.] The point of land at the entrance on the E side they called Te Tua Motu.”
The Endeavour made slow progress to the southwards. At noon, she was held up by a calm three miles off-shore at a point between Whareongaonga and Tikiwhata. Several canoes made their appearance, but stood off about a quarter of a mile. A canoe was then seen approaching from the direction of
Gifts were freely made to the visitors, and they quickly parted with almost everything that they had with them, even their clothes, in return for Tahitian cloth. The occupants of one canoe, after selling their paddles, offered to sell their craft. Only two men had arms, and one sold his “patoo patoo,” as he called it. The first man who went on board said that the lads who had been guests on the ship were at home and were unhurt. He had, he confided, gone on board with so little fear because of the accounts which they had given of the treatment which they had received.
An excellent description of the natives is furnished by
“The people were in general of a midling size,” he says, “though there was one who measured more than six feet. Their colour was dark brown; their lips were stained with something put under the skin (as in the Otaheite tattow); and their faces mark'd with deeply engraved furrows, coloured also black, and formed in regular spirals. Of these, the oldest people had much the greatest quantity and deepest channel'd—in some not less than one-sixteenth part of an inch.
“Their hair, always black, was tied on the Tops of their heads in a little knot, in which was stuck feathers of various birds in different tastes, according to the humour of the wearer, but, generally, stuck into the knot, sometimes one on each side of the temples pointing forwards, which made a most disagreeable appearance. In their ears, they generally wear a large bunch of the down of some bird, milk white.
“The faces of some were painted with a red colour in oil—some all over; others in parts only. In their hair was much Oil that had very little smell; more lice than ever I saw before and on most of them a small comb neatly enough made, sometimes of wood and sometimes of bone, which they seemed to prize much. Some few had on their faces and arms regular scars, as if made with a Sharp Instrument— such as I have seen on the faces of negroes.
“The inferior sort were clothed in something that very much resembled hemp. The loose strings of this were fastened together at the Top and hung down about two feet long like a peticoat. Of these garments they wore two—one round their shoulders and the other round their waists. The richer had garments probably of a finer sort of the same stuff, most beautifully made in exactly the same manner as the South American Indians at this day—as fine or finer than one of them which I have by me that I bought at Rio de Janeiro for 36 shillings and was esteemed uncommonly cheap at that price.
“Their boats were not large but well made—something in the form of our whaleboats but longer. Their bottom was the trunk of a tree, hollowed and very thin. This was raised by a board on each side, sewed on with a strip of wood sewed over the seam to make it tight. On the head of every one was carved the head of a Man with an enormous tong reaching out of his Mouth. These grotesque figures were some at least very well executed. Some had Eyes inlaid of something that shone very much. The whole served to give us an idea of their taste as well as ingenuity in execution; much superior to anything we have yet seen.”
“Their behaviour while on board shewed every sign of friendship. They invited us very cordially to come back to our old bay [Poverty Bay ] or to a small cove which they showed us nearer to us. I could not help wishing that we had done so, but the Captain chose rather to Stand on in the search of a better harbour than any we have yet seen….”
Endeavour steered along shore under an easy sail until midnight and brought to off Table Cape [Mahia]. In the morning, when their guests noted that the ship had sailed some leagues, they began to lament and weep very much. About 7 o'clock, a canoe with an old man, who seemed to be a chief, came out and took away the ship's guests “much to their, as well as to our, satisfaction.”
The Endeavour skirted
“As I did not know but what I might be obliged to send our boats ahead to sound. I thought these gentry would be as well out of the way. I ordered a musket shott to be fir'd close to one of them; but this they took no notice of. A 4-pounder was then fir'd a little wide of them; at this, they began to shake their spears and paddles at us, but, notwithstanding this, they thought fit to retire.”
“About dinner time,” he states, “the ship was hauling round an island called by the inhabitants ‘Te ahoura’ and by us ‘Portland.’ The ship on a sudden came into very broken ground [Parkinson says that it was off the west point] which alarmed us a good deal. [Becket's account states that the shoals were met with about three miles northeast from Portland Island, and thatCook called the locality “The Shambles.” No mention of this name is made in the official account of the voyage, but the locality is so described by those on board theResolutionand theAdventurewhen they passed off Table Cape duringCook 's second expedition to the South Seas.] The officers all behaved with great steadiness and, in a very short time, we were clear of all danger….
“The island lay within a mile of us, making in white cliffs, a Long Spit of Low Land running from it towards the main. On the sides of these cliffs sat a vast quantity of people looking at us. These people probably observed some confusion in the manœuvre of the Ship, for 5 Canoes almost immediately put off from the nearest shore full of Armed People.
“They came so near us, shouting and threatening, that, at last, we were in some pain least they should seize our small boat, which had been lowered down to sound and was now towed alongside. A musket was therefore now fired over them, but the effect of this was rather to encourage them than otherwise. So a great gun was ordered to be prepared and fired wide of them loaded with Grape. [This was the first occasion on which a cannon was fired byCook on the coasts of New Zealand.] On this, they all rose in their boats and shouted, but, instead of continuing the chase, drew all together and, after a short consultation, went quietly away.
The ship lay well off Long Point (Mahia) during the night of 13 October (civil date).
Next morning, trade was engaged in with some fishermen who had only stinking fish, including crayfish, to offer. The Canberra logbook says the fish was “served to ye officers and the sick.” A large armed canoe then came alongside. Its occupants had nothing with which to trade, but
When the native fishermen returned to trade, the incident which led to the name “
On Friday (the 17th) the Endeavour came abreast of
It was in Gisborne that it was first made known in New Zealand that Poverty Bay Herald (20/2/1901), he mentioned his discovery, adding:
“I found this out only a few days ago, and this is the first time I am publishing the fact.”
Endeavour at
Although New Zealand Plants and Their Story) identifies the celery which Apium prostratum and Apium filifolium and the scurvy grass as Lepidium oleraceum, the most famous plant of the
An Ancient Native Prophecy—Brief Call at Beautiful Anaura—Earlier Misidentification as Tokomaru Bay—“Young Women as Skittish as Unbroken Fillies.”
It was a common belief among the Te Waka Maori-o-Niu-Tireni) reminded them of the prophecy:
“The divination and prophetical knowledge of our ancestors,” he wrote, “have passed away to other strange races. WhileCaptain Cook was yet in his own distant country, the Rangitauatia (our ancestor) said that, when the roots of the slow-growing hinahina tree had spread over his grave, he would hear the clattering of a foreign tongue and the noise of numbers. And so it is. We now have the clatter of a foreign tongue and ‘many run to and fro and knowledge is increased.’ Now, ye descendants of that ancestor, behold! The knowledge of which he prophesied is in the possession of a strange people. With them are wisdom, knowledge, prosperity, greatness, power, truth, advancement and all excellent things. My friends: make all haste to acquire knowledge!”
Early on the night of Friday, 20 October, 1769 (civil date), when the Endeavour was just to the north of Gable End Foreland, three canoes came off to her. Only one native ventured on board; he was given a few trifles and sent away. The ship then stood off and on until daylight, when it was decided to put into a bay, which was afterwards named “Tolaga,” but, as it was found impossible to do so then, she went on. Opposite Anaura Bay, some natives came out to greet the voyagers and pointed to a spot where, they said, there was plenty of fresh water. As they appeared to be very peaceably disposed, their canoe was followed into
Some historians came to the mistaken conclusion that it was Tasman to Marsden, 1914 ed., p. 22, McNab states:
“When oppositeTokomaru Bay on the 21st [October],Cook made another attempt to secure water and brought his ship to an anchor in the Bay.” [McNab then proceeds to narrate what occurred whenCook was, in point of fact, atAnaura Bay .]
Colenso fell into a like error:
“Te Ariuru, a large village inTokomaru Bay , will always be interesting to naturalists,” he remarks, “on account of its having beenthe place where Dr. Solander andSir Joseph Banks first became acquainted with the natural history of this country.” [In addition to mistakingTokomaru Bay forAnaura Bay , Colenso also overlooked the fact that some botanical specimens had previously been collected by the celebrated botanists atPoverty Bay .]
In Brett's Early History of New Zealand, at p. 19,
Native tradition, which is to the effect that
Parkinson also makes it quite plain that
As soon as the anchor was dropped, two natives “who from their Garbe appear'd to be Chiefs,” came alongside in their canoe and at once accepted an invitation to go on board. Both of them were old men. “One of them,”
After dinner, “between 1 and 2 p.m.,”
Towards evening,
Next morning (22 October), Lieutenant Gore was sent on shore with a strong party of men to superintend the watering, and the carpenter and his crew were landed to cut wood. On account of the heavy surf, it was noon before the first load reached the vessel.
“Such fair appearances,” he continues, “made Dr.Solander and myself almost trust them. We ranged all about the bay, and were well repaid by finding many plants and by shooting some most beautiful birds. We visited several houses and saw a little of their customs, for they were not at all shy of shewing us anything we desired to see. Nor did they on our account interrupt their meals, the only employment we saw them engaged in.
“Their food … consisted of fish, with which, instead of bread, they eat the roots of a kind of fern very like that which grows on our commons in England…. Yet, in the proper season, they certainly have plenty of excellent vegetables. We have seen no sign of tame animals except Dogs very small and ugly….
“When we went to their houses, Men, Women and Children received us; no one shewed the least sign of fear. The Women were plain and made themselves more so by painting their faces with red ochre and Oil, which generally was fresh and wet upon their cheeks and foreheads, easily transferable to the noses of anyone who should attempt to kiss them, not as they seemed to have any objection to suchfamiliarities, as the noses of several of our People evidently shew'd; but they were as great coquets as any Europeans could be and the young ones as skittish as unbroken fillies.
“One part of their dress I cannot omit to mention: besides their cloth which was very decently rolled round them, each wore round the lower part of her waist a string made of the leaves of a highly-perfumed grass. To this was fastened a small bunch of the leaves of some fragrant plant, which served as the innermost veil of their modesty. Tho the Men did not so frequently use paint upon their faces, yet they often did. One especially I observed whose Body and Garments were rubbed over with Dry ochre and of this he constantly kept a piece in his hand and generally rubb'd it on some part or other of him.
“One piece of cleanliness in these people I cannot omit, as I believe it is almost unexampled among Indians. Every house or small knot of 3 or 4 houses has a regular necessary House where everyone repairs and, consequently, the neighbourhood is kept clean, which was by no means the case at Otaheite [Tahiti]. They have also a regular Dunghill upon which all their offals of food, etc., are heaped up and which probably they use for manure.
Both on board the ship and on shore, the natives regaled the visitors with stirring dances. “Some of them,” Parkinson writes, “were very curiously tatoed. One old man was marked on the breast with a large volute and other figures. The natives … behaved with great civility, and, at night, began to heivo and dance in their manner, which was very uncouth. Nothing could be more droll than to see old men with grey beards assuming every antic posture imaginable, rolling their eyes about, lolling out their tongues and, in short, working themselves up to a sort of frenzy.”
As the heavy surf made the task of obtaining water tedious,
The Endeavour anchored within one mile of Cook's Cove.
During a meeting of the Journal of the Polynesian Society for 1930. It was then in the possession of Mrs. C. C. McKay, of Opoutama (Mahia), who was a granddaughter of “
When Marlborough Herald (September, 1909).
With reference to Gable End Foreland,
William Lockwood, senior, of
The name “Tegadoo,” which
“Tolaga” must also be classed as an erroneous form of a descriptive word and not as the Maori place-name for Life of Captain Cook, p. 109) suggests that “Tolaga” was Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century, p. 279) says that Mokena Romio, of
“New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. 2, p. 131).
“Endeavour” Replenishes Supplies—Were the Sick Down With Scurvy?—Who Dug Cook's (or Tupaea's) Well?—Inscription Cut on Tree—Furneaux's Double Visit in 1773.
Cook and his fellow voyagers spent an enjoyable time at
Early on the morning of their arrival, Lieutenant Gore was sent on shore to superintend the cutting of wood and the filling of the water casks. He was supplied with “a Sufficient number of men for both purposes and all the Marines as a guard.”
The article which pleased the natives most was Tahitian cloth.
On the evening of the second day,
That day was also memorable on account of the fact that
“We saw,”Banks writes, “an extraordinary natural curiosity. In pursuing a vally bounded on each side by steep hills, we on a sudden, saw a most noble Arch, or Cavern, thru' the face of a rock leading directly to the sea, so that thru' it we had not only a view of the Bay and hills on the other side but the opportunity of imagining a Ship or any other grand object opposite to it. It was certainly the most magnificent surprise I have ever met with. So much is pure nature superior to art in these cases! I have seen such places made by art where, from an appearance totally inland, you was led thru' an Arch 6ft wide and 7 high to a prospect of the sea. But here was an Arch 25 yds in length, 9 yds in breadth and at least 15 yds in height.” [In the early days of settlement, the arch was called “The Hole in the Wall,” or “Hannah's Hole.”]
After New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. 2, p. 130) that he was taken in 1835 to the spot by the great Uawa chief,
“Around the surface of the cavern,” Polack continues, “are many native delineations, executed with charcoal, of ships, canoes sailing, men and women, dogs and pigs, and some obscenities drawn with tolerable accuracy. Above our reach, and evidently faded by time, was a representation of a ship and some boats, which was unanimously pointed out to me by all present as the reproduction of the faithful follower ofCook —Tupaea.”
When Samuel Locke visited the cavern in 1878, the delineations had become so worn and defaced by the incessant action of the elements as to be scarcely discernible.
Another object of great interest to visitors to Cook's Cove in the early days—it has now disappeared—was what was known to Europeans as “Cook's Well” and to the natives as “Te Waikari-a-te-Paea” (“The Well dug by Te Paea, or Tupaea.”)
Professor Morris, of the University of Melbourne (Transactions of the New Zealand Institute: 1901) suggests that Tupaea might have made out to the Uawa natives that he was in charge of the expedition. It was plain from the chart published by Hawkesworth that the well was not near the watering-place. It was only a hole scooped out at most six inches deep. He agreed with
Maoriland Adventures, pp. 203–4, it is stated that Canon Stack was taken by his father to Cook's Cove in 1844, when he was nine years old. Stack says:
“On the right-hand side of the little cave,Capt. Cook had cut a basin in the limestone rock to form a drinking fountain and, on a little tree growing close by, he and his companions had carved their initials and the date of their visit. I think it was 17 October, 1769. My father carefully removed the mud and grit, which nearly filled the little basin, and trimmed the edges of the initials on the tree to prevent the bark growing over and obliterating them.”
As the period during which the Endeavour lay at
Notwithstanding that it rained without intermission on
Upon another occasion,
The native name for the island—“Pourewa”—has outlasted that given to it by
By the end of the fourth day (Saturday), the required amount of water (70 tons) had been procured, but not quite sufficient wood. Some of the men were set to work to make manuka brooms and others to collect celery to take to sea. “This plant,” Endeavour, after a stay of almost six days at
No finer description of
“The country,” he says, “is agreeable beyond description and, with proper cultivation, might be rendered a kind of second Paradise. The hills are covered with beautiful flowering shrubs, intermingled with a great number of tall and stately palms, which fill the air with a most grateful fragrant perfume…. Between the hills we discovered some fruitful valleys, which are adapted either to cultivation or pasturage. The country abounds with different kinds of herbage fit for food…. Adjoining their houses are plantations of koomara [kumara] and taro and the ground is cultivated with great care and kept clean and neat.
“The natives, who are not very numerous, behaved very civil to us. They are, in general, lean and tall, yet well shaped, have faces like Europeans and, in general, the aquiline nose, with dark-coloured eyes, black hair and beards of middling length…. Their tataowing … looks like carving … and is peculiar to the principal men. Servants and women content themselves with besmearing their faces with red paint or ochre, and, were it not for this nasty custom, would make no despicable appearance.
“Their cloth is white and as glossy as silk. It is worked by hand and wrought as even as if it had been done in a loom, and is chiefly worn by the men, though it is made by the women, who also carry burdens and do all the drudgery. Many of the women that we saw had very good features and not the savage countenance one might expect…. They seem to be proud of their sex and expect that you should give them everything they desire because they are women, but they take great care to grant no favours in return, being very different from the women we saw in the islands….
“The men have a particular taste for carving, which they execute with as much truth as if done from mathematical draughts…. We saw many beautiful parrots and birds of various kinds … but we found no ground fowl or domestic poultry. Of quadrupeds, we saw no other than dogs, which were like those on the island of Otaheite, and of these but a few; though it cannot be supposed that so large a country as this appears to be should be destitute of deer and other kinds of four-footed animals.”
Much inquiry was made at
In his rough notes, The religion of the Natives bears some resemblance to the George Islanders [Tahitians]. They have god of war of husbandry, etc. but there is one supreme god whom they call … he made the world and all that therein is by copolation. They have many priests. The old men are much respected. They have King who lives inland; his name is … we heard of him in They eat their enemies slane in Battell; this seems to come from custom and not from a savage disposition; this they cannot be charged with; they appear to have but few vices. Left an inscription. Their behaviour was uniform free from treachery. The women may be known by their voices; they paint their faces rud. The women's faces are not tattow'd. They seem to live on the ridges of hills in the summer. We found several houses not inhabited. The frames of some of the houses are ornament'd with Carv'd work. Their carving good. Their large canoes. Animals none except dogs and ratts—the former they eat and oriment [ornament] their clothes with the skin. Plants birds and insects woods etc. Fishes in the sea.
Each day the course and distance to be inserted.
An entertaining account of some native traditions held to relate to Te Waka Maori-o-Nui Tirani in 1874. It opens with some references to the
“ThenCapt. Cook sailed to Uawa and there he saw the chief Whakatatare-o-te-Rangi [one ofTe Kani-a-Takirau 's grandfathers]; He called out to him: ‘Tatare! Tatare! Give me some provisions!’ and a supply was given to him accordingly. Then saidCapt. Cook : ‘Tatare is a chief!’—words, which, afterwards, became a proverb.Cook then gave Tatare a bright red scarf, a musket, a keg of powder and a flat lump of lead.Cook invited Tatare to make trial of his skill by firing off the musket. The gun was loaded, and the chief held it close to his cheek and fired it off, but he became so alarmed at the report that he dashed the gun down on the stones and it was broken, and then he threw it into the water.
“Afterwards, the natives broke open the keg of powder, and came to the conclusion that it was turnip seed. So they cleared away thebushes, prepared a plot of ground, and planted the supposed turnip seed. Then the people rejoiced and said: ‘Our women and children will be satisfied (fed) for the seed of food is in the ground!’ Others said: ‘Yes, true! No wonder if we rejoice! It is all so very jolly!’ And afterwards, when it rained, they said: ‘This will bring up our seed!’
“Out of the lead they formed an adze, which they sharpened carefully and put a nicely-made handle to it. And the fame of this adze possessed by Tatare spread far and wide among the tribes. At length, many assembled to examine it and witness the trial of its capabilities. On the first blow being struck upon the wood, lo and behold! it bent and doubled up. Then all the people, as if with one voice, exclaimed: 'Oh! it has not been subjected to the influence of fire. If it were heated in the fire, it would become hard. Then they said: ‘Right! Bring some wood for a fire. Let it be given much wood that the fire may burn long and the adze be well hardened!’
“So they lighted a fire and cast the adze upon it. But, wonder of wonders, it melted! Then arose a shout: ‘Drag it from the fire! We must consider some plan to perfect this adze!’ Quite a number rushed to the fire and attempted to pick out the remains of the adze with sticks; but it separated into many parts and was abandoned. And so ignorance came to its natural result!”
It seems a pity to introduce anything which might spoil such a good story, but it requires to be pointed out that no mention is made in any of the narratives of the voyage of a gift of a musket at New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. 2, p. 129) that, in 1835, he was given to understand that Endeavour's armourer, who did some forge work ashore.
Te Kani presented Polack with two spike nails which, he said, had been given by
After leaving Endeavour had to be turned to windward all day, as the wind was foul. Next morning, she was
“… from this and other Circumstances it fully appear'd that they came with no friendly intentions; and I at this Time being very buisey and had no inclinations to stay upon deck and watch their Motions, I order'd a grape shot to be fir'd a little wide of them. This made them pull off a little and then they got together either to consult what to do or to look about them. Upon this, I order'd a round Shott to be fir'd over their heads, which frightened them to that degree that I believe they did not think themselves safe until they got ashore. This occasioned our calling the Point of land off which this hapnedCape Runaway .”
Whilst the natives were within range of the ship (Parkinson says), they kept calling out: “Kaka kee no Tootwais harre yoota patta pattoo,” meaning “that, if we would go on shore, they would beat us with their patta pattoos.”
“We had now,”Banks continues, “our work to begin over again and heartily joined in wishing that it might be attended with less bloodshed than our late unfortunate encounters [inPoverty Bay andHawke's Bay ]. After a time, one of the canoes came almost close to the ship and, soon afterwards, we saw an immense canoe coming from the shore crowded full of people, all armed with long lances…. They pulled briskly up towards the ship as if to attack. It was judged right to let them see what we could do, least should they come to extremities, we might be obliged to fire at them, in which case numbers must be killed out of such a crowd. A Gun loaded with Grape was, therefore, fired ahead of them. They stopt padling, but did not retreat. A round shot was then fired over them. They saw it fall and immediately took to their paddles, rowing ashore with more haste than I ever saw men, without so much as stopping to breathe till they got out of sight.”
The only vessel belonging to either of Adventure (Resolution (
Furneaux's narrative appears in A Voyage Towards the South Pole and Round the World in 1772–75 (Dublin, 1777), which was written by Adventure struck very heavy weather and, on 4 November, whilst she was off Cape Palliser, “our decks were very leaky, our beds and bedding wet, and several of our people were complaining of colds.” As progress could not be made, it was decided to put back into
Hospitality as warm as that which
“In one of their canoes,” Furneaux adds, “we observed the head of a woman lying in state adorned with feathers and other ornaments. It had the appearance of being alive, but, on examination, we found it dry, being preserved with every feature perfect and was being kept as a relic of some deceased person.”
On 12 November, 1773, the Adventure took her departure, but, next day, another gale forced her to return in order that more rigging might be repaired. The opportunity was also seized to secure some more water and wood. On the 16th, she again sailed, and, after much delay in negotiating the eastern entrance to Resolution, but all fears as to her safety were dismissed when, on going ashore, a message to “Look Underneath!” was found cut out on the stump of a tree in the garden at Cook's Cove. In a bottle which was dug up was a message from
Becket (1771) says that whilst an officer was on an inland incursion he was beckoned to by an elderly woman, who invited him to enter an enclosure. He found more than a score of men and women seated at a repast of crayfish and kumaras, and he was invited to join them. During his stay, an elderly man and two women called and, with much graveness, formally saluted the whole company (including, presumably, the visitor) “according to the custom of the country.” A man was sent to conduct him back to the watering-place along an easier track than that which he had used to reach the spot. As they came to each ditch or rivulet, “of which
Describing the fishes that were obtained at
“Cook's Well” was visited by a correspondent of the Poverty Bay Herald in September, 1880. He says: “Portion of the rock is scooped out to about the width of an outspread hand. We uncovered the name of Endeavour. If it was, the jolly old Tars must have had a difficult job for, at present, the water to be obtained there would just about fill a barrel in a week!”
“A short distance north of the cove is ‘Hannah's Hole,’ an immense arch worn out of the narrow parts of the cliffs by the action of the seas and winds. The roof and the sides show the various strata of the sandstone rock very distinctly. Some very large fossil heads of fish project from the sides and the centre of the roof, which is very lofty.”—Poverty Bay Standard (July, 1882).
With reference to the naming of East Cape,
Untraced Brig “Agnes”—Rutherford, the Tattooed Sailor—Was He Held Captive on the East Coast?—Grave of Old Vessel Uncovered at Gisborne—A Strange Coincidence.
Not a vestige of evidence has been found to substantiate the claim made in The New Zealanders (London, 1830) on behalf of an Englishman named Agnes, with a crew of fourteen, was cut off in March, 1816, either in Agnes did not reach Tahiti from Rio de Janeiro until 1 May, 1816.]
A stir was occasioned in Gisborne in July, 1926, when the Korua dredged up portions of the skeleton of a ship from a depth of from ten to twelve feet whilst she was excavating the river diversion cut. The spot was about 500 feet above high water mark, but only 200 feet above the line of high water shown on a plan prepared in 1880 for Sir John Coode, the eminent English harbour designer. It was, at first, believed that the remains were parts of the Rio Grande, which was driven up on Waikanae Beach on 30 April, 1884, but H. E. Johnstone, who had retained her figurehead, was able to show, by photographs, that the vessel had broken up much closer to the shore. He was also certain that practically the whole of her timbers had been taken away.
Within a day or two, the Korua had passed through the grave of the unknown ship, leaving high and dry about 60 feet of her keel and the whole of her stem (which was in one piece and measured twelve feet around the curve). According to Rutherford, the Agnes carried six guns, but no sign of any such relic was found. Elderly mariners and shipwrights reckoned that the vessel could not have been of less than 100 tons. They pointed out that she had been constructed in accordance with methods which had been superseded. Wooden pegs had been used to fasten the planks to the stem. First of all, a peg had been driven home; then, it had been split and a smaller peg forced into the aperture.
As some of the timber appeared charred, the theory was then advanced that the remains might have belonged to the neverfound Agnes of Rutherford's story. These dark patches proved
Interest in the discovery was heightened when some elderly natives claimed to have heard that a ship named Agnes had met her doom in the locality. That there had been any foul play in connection with the disaster all stoutly denied. Further inquiries revealed that, on 23 June, 1867, a craft bearing that name was wrecked at the mouth of the Turanganui River; that heavy seas carried her over the rocks on to the western side of the river; and that she broke up. Shipwrecks: New Zealand Disasters, 1795–1936 gives her as a schooner of 100 tons. It was, indeed, a strange coincidence in respect of nomenclature!
As no relic of the Agnes has ever been traced, and as no tribe has any tradition relating to her, some historians discredit Rutherford's narrative as a whole. However, either under compulsion or voluntarily—most readers may prefer the second choice—he must have spent a considerable time among the Maoris in order to have secured opportunities to gather the large fund of information concerning their customs which is credited to him, even allowing that he obtained some of it from other pakehas.
It is not known whether George Lillie Craik (the editor of The New Zealanders) met Rutherford, but Charles Knight (the publisher) did so. Rutherford, who was illiterate, had dictated his story to a shipmate on his voyage back to England. A strange omission is the name of the tribe with which he claims to have lived so long. It is stated that a gale threw the Agnes off her course to the
“The land directly opposite to them was,” it is stated, “indented by a large bay. This the captain was very unwilling to enter, believing that no ship had ever anchored in it before, We have little doubt, however, that this was the very bay into whichCook first put on his arrival on the coasts of New Zealand in the beginning of October, 1769. He called itPoverty Bay and found it to lie in latitude 38d. 42m. S.
“The bay in which Rutherford now was must have been at leastvery near this part of the coast and his description answers exactly to that which Cook gives us ofPoverty Bay . ‘It was,’ says Rutherford, ‘in the form of a half moon, with a sandy beach round it and had at its head a fresh water river, having a bar across its mouth, which makes it only navigable for boats.’
“All these particulars are noticed byCook . Even the name given to it by the natives as reported by the one is not so entirely unlike that stated by the other as to make it quite improbable that the two are merely the same word differently represented.Cook wrote it Taoneroa and Rutherford Takomardo.”
Sole responsibility for the suggestion that it was Agnes entered rests, therefore, with the editor of The New Zealanders. If Rutherford had ever been in
When Captain Hovell returned to Sydney in November, 1815, he reported on the attack that had been made, on 20 August, on the Trial and the Brothers at Trial Harbour (perhaps Sydney Gazette (18/11/1815) says:
“Among a variety of information communicated to theGazetteon the 8th inst., we omitted a statement made by Mr. Hovell, of theBrothers, of his having learned from the natives of New Zealand that three vessels had been, at different periods, cut off there, no accounts of which have reached this colony, viz. one at the head of the River Thames; one atMercury Bay ; and the third atPoverty Bay ….” [TheAgnes, according to Rutherford, was not taken until the following year.]
Playfully commenting upon the fact that the Sydney authorities had never heard of the alleged outrages, McNab (Tasman to Marsden, 1914 ed., p. 94) says: “… which is quite possible, when we consider the effective methods the natives had of removing incriminating evidence.” He was, of course, alluding to the Maoris' practice of eating their captives! If, however, one of the outrages reported by Captain Hovell had occurred in Agnes had been taken at either place, such a crime could not have been completely covered up. Neighbouring tribes would have got to know, and probably would have received gifts of loot, and, sooner or later, proof would have been furnished to visiting shipmasters. It also requires to be borne in mind that, within fifteen years, some pakehas had taken up their abode in
Rutherford says that, soon after the Agnes dropped anchor “off the termination of a reef of rocks immediately under some elevated land which formed one of the sides of the bay,” many canoes went out to her, each containing about thirty women. On the first day, there was only a sprinkling of male visitors. The women remained on board all night, employing their time chiefly in pilfering. Next day, a chief named Aimy and about one hundred other natives went out in a war canoe. He set about to put the captain at his ease by sending out water and wood to the vessel. Bartering for about two hundred pigs was then entered upon. Those natives who stayed aboard on the second night cut away many ropes, besides committing thefts.
On the following morning (Rutherford continues) he caught a native stealing the dipson lead, “which, when I took it from him, he grinded his teeth and shook his tomahawk at me.” As payment for the water and wood, the chief received two muskets and some powder and shot, “these being the only articles for which the natives at that place would trade.” There were then about three hundred natives on deck, “every man being armed with a greenstone axe slung with a string from his waist.” After the midday meal, the captain, now much alarmed, ordered the sails to be loosened and set, so that the vessel might put to sea. Smoke could be seen rising from some hilltops, and natives had begun to muster on the beach from every part of the bay.
Describing the attack on the vessel, Rutherford says that the chief then threw off his mat and began a war dance. Immediately, the other natives did likewise, “dancing with such violence that I thought they would stove in the ship's deck.” The captain was the first to be slain. A like fate befell the cook, who went to his aid. In turn, the mate was fatally injured. The rest of the crew fled to the rigging. “I now sat down on the jibboom,” he says, “with tears in my eyes and trembling with terror.” Four of the crew jumped overboard, but were captured; the other eight, including himself, were driven from the rigging, seized and bound. The vessel was then set on fire, cut adrift, and allowed to ground within the mouth of the river near the end of the village.
Readers of the narrative are then told that, after the captives had been landed, the mate succumbed; the twelve survivors were tied to trees, and the bodies of their three dead companions were hung up by the heels. Touching on the plight of the survivors on the following morning, Rutherford says: “Gentle reader: we will now consider the sad situation we were in: our ship lost; three of our companions already killed; and the rest of us each tied to a tree, starving with hunger, wet and cold, and knowing that we were in the hands of cannibals.” But (so runs the story) the
“The victims,” Rutherford states, “groaned several times as they were struggling in the agonies of death and, at every groan, the natives burst into great fits of laughter. We could not refrain from weeping … not knowing whose turn it might be next. Many of the natives, upon seeing our tears, laughed aloud and brandished their merys [meres] at us.”
Next morning, after the bodies had been cooking all night, steps were taken (so the gruesome story proceeds) to hold a feast. Even before the remains had been removed from the oven, some children were observed tearing the flesh from them.
“A short time after the chiefs had assembled,” Rutherford avers, “baskets were placed before them, and they proceeded to divide the flesh among the multitude at the rate of a basket among so many. They also sent us a basket of potatoes and some of the flesh, which resembled pork; but, instead of partaking of it, we shuddered at the very idea of such an unnatural and horrid custom, and made a present of it to one of the natives.”
The six unharmed seamen, it is stated, were taken by Aimy on an inland journey towards his home. When ten miles had been traversed, a halt was made at the home of Rangadi, another of the perpetrators of the outrage. At night, whilst they were sitting around a fire, several of the women amused themselves by playing with the captives' fingers, sometimes opening their shirts at the breast and, at other times, feeling the calves of their legs, “which made us think,” Rutherford says, “that they were examining us to see if we were fit enough for eating.”
It was at this village, according to Rutherford, that he and his companions were tattooed.
“Whilst I was undergoing the operation, and although the pain was most severe,” he explains, “I never either moved or uttered a sound, but my companions groaned dreadfully. Although the operators were very quick and dexterous, I was four hours in their hands. During the operation, Aimy's elder daughter several times wiped the blood from my face with some dressed flax. After the operation, she led me to the river that I might wash myself (for it had made me completely blind) and then conducted me to a great fire.”
The stay at Rangadi's village lasted for six months. John Watson (one of the captives) was carried away by a chief named Nainy, whilst another (name not given) was left with Rangadi. The party then went on to another village (distance not indicated) where the chief was named Plama. Here John Smith was forced to remain behind. Jefferson was left at Ewanna's village twelve miles farther on. It took only one more day to reach Aimy's home.
Rutherford does not indicate, at this point, how far Aimy's
Agnes. At page 274, however, he states that, in 1826, just prior to his escape, Aimy and he made the journey from the village to Tokamardo [the earlier spelling was “Takamardo”] in two days. His remaining shipmate was slain because, inadvertently, he committed a breach of the law of tapu, but his body was not eaten. In due course, Aimy made Rutherford a chief and gave him for wives his two daughters, Eshou and Epecka.
The narrative is embellished with an account of a lengthy journey which, Rutherford says, he and Epecka took in company with Aimy. It was, he avers, made “sometimes by water and sometimes by land,” and, “in about a month,” the party “arrived at a place (subsequently described as a village) called Taranake, on the coast of Cook's Straits.” Twenty slave women, it is stated, were among the party. Each of them not only carried provisions, but also “drove before her a pig, which she held by a string tied to its foreleg.” As such a lengthy journey would have involved great hardships, also the perils incidental to passing through the domains of several tribes, the portion of the narrative dealing with it is widely regarded as a pure fabrication.
Rutherford claims that, whilst he was in the Sydney Cove; that he went ashore in a boat near Southern Cape; and that the rest of the party were slain by the natives. He added that he had been in New Zealand for eight years. The tragic incident mentioned by Caddell occurred in 1810, so that the year in which they met—wherever the meeting took place—must have been about 1818. That they did fraternize during that year appears to be supported by the fact that Rutherford correctly estimated Caddell's age at that date at twenty-four years. When Caddell was in Sydney in 1823, he told M. de Blossville of the Coquille, that he was sixteen years old when he was taken into captivity.
It does not necessarily follow, however, that Rutherford lived in the Agnes, but he places too great a strain on the credulity of his readers when he adds that it was from him that he received accounts of the deaths of his shipmates, Smith and Watson. According to his own story, these men were held captive by chiefs who lived not far from Aimy's village, i.e.
No American armed vessel that answers to the description of the Agnes can be traced by the United States authorities. Rutherford states that her master was a Captain Coffin. This was not an uncommon surname among American master mariners in those days. A Captain Coffin was in charge of the Enterprise in May, 1817—just over twelve months after the Agnes is alleged to have been taken—when she called at the Snares and rescued a party of maroons. If Rutherford was on board her, he might easily have made the acquaintance of Caddell whilst she was in southern waters.
The description given by Rutherford of the return journey from “Cook's Straits” is of interest chiefly because it serves to indicate that the locality in which he lived among the natives was not, even according to himself, as far south as
“He (Pomare) and his followers having taken leave of us,” says Rutherford, “we also left the East Cape, . . and proceeded on our journey homewards, travelling during the day and encamping during the night … In this way, we arrived in four days at our own village….”
That at some time Rutherford did run across Pomare need not be doubted, even although it is most unlikely that the locale was Asp. A whale-ship named Asp, whilst under the command of Captain Brind, used the
Stronger light on the question as to the locality in which Rutherford lived among the Maoris is shed in his imperfect account of the conflict known as “Te Ika-a-Ranganui,” which took place in the Kaipara district in 1825 between the
The scene of the struggle is described by Rutherford as “a place called Kipara [Kaipara] near the source of the River Thames.” There, he says, he met John Mawman [Marmon], who lived at Sukyanna [Hokianga], and who had accompanied Ngapuhi. If (as he suggests) Kaipara was only two hundred miles from Aimy's village, further proof is afforded that he was not held captive—if he ever was a prisoner—below Whakatane.
According to The New Zealanders, Rutherford escaped from captivity on 9 January, 1826. An unnamed American brig (Captain Jackson) was sighted off “Takomardo,” and Aimy and the other chiefs resolved to seize her and murder the crew. He was sent out in a canoe to decoy her to the land, but he warned the captain and the vessel stood off. In his Glasgow pamphlet, Rutherford states that the vessel was the American discovery brig Avenger, and he gives the date of his escape as 18 January, 1827. McNab (
The two accounts also differ as to Rutherford's movements after he left New Zealand. In the pamphlet version, it is made out that the Avenger carried him on to Brazil, but, in The New Zealanders, it is stated that he left her at Tahiti, where he stayed until January, 1827; that he then went to Sydney on the brig Macquarie; that he sailed from Sydney on the Sydney Packet (Captain Tailor), leaving her at Rio de Janeiro. In both accounts, he claims to have made the final stage of his journey to England in H.M.S. Blanche.
Colenso (Transactions of the New Zealand Institute (1868), p. 64 and p. 67), twice lists the Agnes among vessels seized in New Zealand waters in the early days, and gives Tokomaru as the scene of the outrage. In the 1878 issue, p. 109, he states that Rutherford was at the great battle in the Kaipara district between
Rusden, who was also completely deceived, states (History of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 116): “About 1825 or 1826, Hongi fought a battle against Agnes, destroyed by the Maoris on the East Coast in 1816, had been treated as a chief by the Forty Years in New Zealand, p. 251) also accepts Rutherford's story.
Mystery of the Moa, p. 47) adopts Rutherford as a witness to the silence of the Maoris on the subject of the moa when they discussed the natural history of their country with their earliest visitors. He says that, although Rutherford moved about in a part of the country where moas formerly abounded, “he does not appear to have encountered … the fabulous legends of the mountain-dwelling moas so common among the inhabitants of the East Coast.” Four years later, however, Buick, in the course of a reply to Francis Edwards Ltd., of London, on the question of the authenticity of Rutherford's narrative, stated that he thought Rutherford had been in New Zealand, but in what district or how he came to be there he did not know, nor did he think it would ever be known. He added: “How much of fact and how much of fiction, how much of Rutherford and how much of Knight and Craik, goes to the make-up of his narrative, it is equally impossible to say.”
On the other hand, if Rutherford had ever lived in or about the
The fact that Rutherford places Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century, p. 88) holds that he might have escaped either from the Trial or from the Brothers when they were attacked at, or close to,
What further heightens the probability that Rutherford lived just below The New Zealanders: “that many fine veins of coal make their appearance from the sides of the mountains in the interior of the northern island.” Nobody (it is added) had previously made reference to the existence of coal deposits in New Zealand. If Rutherford had lived on the East Coast, it is most unlikely that he would ever have heard of them. Probably, much of his story was hearsay. He might have obtained some of the material from Caddell, and he might also have run across Boyd tragedy, and, perhaps, he was enlightened upon some other matters by members of the Herd expedition, which arrived in Sydney whilst he was there.
The name “Tokomaru” does not appear on the map published in The New Zealanders.
Seizure of Brig by Convicts—Were Stolen Ngapuhi Women Eaten at, or Near, East Cape?—Pomare's East Coast Wife— Te Wera as Protector of Ngati-Kahungunu.
Whilst the Endeavour was at
In Nicholas's Voyage to New Zealand (1814), Vol. 1, p. 393, there appears an account of a plundering expedition which Shoupah [Te Haupa] made to “East Cape” from Thames. The narrator was a Tahitian named Jem, who had lived at “North Cape” since 1809. He told Nicholas that an expedition of 1,000 men had proceeded in canoes and attacked an unoffending people (a great many of whom they murdered and devoured), ravaged their country and burned their habitations.
Jem described the people of “East Cape” as much more ingenious and active than those of any other district. They had, he said, better homes and larger plantations, and made the best mats and war instruments, “but their unwarlike disposition and superior resources served only to expose them the more readily to the devastating incursions of their rapacious neighbours, who conspire to despoil them of that property which they lack courage to defend.” It is not possible to establish the identity of the tribe which Jem says was so ruthlessly attacked by Te Haupa. Jem told Marsden (with whom Nicholas had voyaged) that, within the preceding five years, he had accompanied three war expeditions to “East Cape.” Marsden formed the impression that Jem's “East Cape” was about 300 miles from his “North Cape.”
Some details have been handed down concerning the merciless raids which the Ngapuhi carried out along the East Coast between 1818 and 1824. Hongi, who attacked only the northern and central sections of
Traces of the widespread devastation inflicted in the Waiapu came under the notice of Christianity Among the New Zealanders, p. 174) “consist principally of those who escaped to the woods. This desolating war was undertaken, so far as I could learn, without any aggression on the part of these people, but solely for the purpose of taking slaves.”
So terrible were the raids that over a century passed before
Two raids were carried out to the southward by Ngapuhi in 1818. Morenga's was definitely a sequel to the kidnapping of some native women—chiefly Ngapuhi—in 1806 by Australian convicts, who had seized the Sydney-owned brig Venus in Tasmanian waters. Marsden says that the convicts stole two women at North Cape, one at
Smith (Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century, p. 57) states that, with the exception of et seq., he says that “one of the women left among the
In his journal, Marsden (27/8/1819) states that
Under date 15 September, 1819, Marsden says that the convicts also took away a woman belonging to Hongi's tribe and landed her “at or near the East Cape on the mainland.” Spies sent out by
To a considerable extent, the position is clarified by what
Marsden says that the place of the then recent fight was “a level space just opposite where Christianity Among the New Zealanders, p. 24) gives “Shoukori” as “Hakori,” and says that
When all the evidence is sifted, it is plain that Motiti Island was the place where
In the circumstances, it is not at all surprising that the East Coast, N.Z. Historical Records, p. 4) says: “These women were afterwards landed by them [the convicts] one near Tauranga and the other somewhere south of East Cape, where they were ultimately killed and eaten by the people of those parts.” He, too, must have been misled by Marsden's faulty geographical knowledge and, seemingly, he also neglected to make inquiries among the
Hongi sailed first to the Thames, where his force was joined by Te Haupa's. According to Marsden, Te Haupa wished to avenge three murders committed on his tribe several years earlier. Te Haupa, we are told, had long solicited Hongi's aid to punish the murderers' tribe [probably a New Zealand: Travels and Adventures) makes it plain that he penetrated to Waiapu, “sweeping vast numbers of
Hongi told Marsden that the inhabitants “between the River Thames and the East Cape” were very numerous; that he burned 500 villages; and that 2,000 men, women, and children were taken prisoner. Seventy heads were also taken back.
This raid proved a terrifying experience for the
Whilst Hongi was away in England in 1820, a Ngapuhi expedition set off from the
Okauwharetoa pa, which was attacked first, quickly fell to the invaders. Among the prisoners taken was Te Rangi-i-Paea (a notable woman); Pomare made her one of his wives. She had already had two husbands, from one of whom (Tokomauri) the well-known Potae family at
According to Smith's version, only
Among a number of fictions that have survived concerning Pomare's doings on the East Coast, none is more fantastic than that which
In 1823, Pomare and
When the Ngapuhi fleet reached Christianity Among the New Zealanders) was Taumata-a-Kura, who became the first native to spread the Gospel on the East Coast.
Pomare and circa 1828.
Upon the solicitations of
Mahia now became a place of refuge for very large numbers of southern
Early in 1824, Pomare came down by sea to Mahia to assist the Urewera and their allies to punish a northern section of
Among the pas which Pomare assailed in 1825 was that which stood on lofty Moumoukai, near Morere. When he found that its defenders could neither be driven out nor starved out (they had food enough and to spare, and a plentiful supply of spring water) he made a diplomatic offer to them. Learning that an infant was about to be born in the pa, he promised that, if it proved to be a boy, he would retire. Next day, word was sent to him that a male child had been born. Pomare kept his word, and the infant was named after him. This child was Otene Pomare, who, whilst giving an explanation in the Native Land Court at Wairoa as to how he had come by his surname, emphatically denied that Moumoukai (a hill 2,065 feet high) had ever fallen to an invader.
Whilst the Revs.
“Here, we had painful evidence of the disasters and desolation that war, coupled with unbridled passions, brings in its train. There had, at one time, been thousands of natives living in the neighbourhood. The Ngapuhi, having obtained firearms, came upon them in force whilst they dwelt in fancied security. A large pa on one of the hills overlooking the bay was besieged. Many were captured, killed and eaten. The remainder were reduced to such straits that families exchanged children in order not to eat their own offspring. In all, about 3,000 persons were cut off. The residue of the tribe, about 300, are now under the charge of native teachers of the Episcopal mission.”
What became of the Venus and her crew has never been satisfactorily cleared up. The captain of the schooner Mercury reported in Sydney that he had learned, whilst off the coasts of New Zealand, that the vessel had been taken by the natives, that her crew had been eaten, and that the hull had been burned.
Flax Sold at Tolaga Bay in 1773—Whaler Lost in 1810 off “East Cape”—Potatoes Cheap at Mahia in 1813—Opening of the “Gun Period”—French Vessel Calls at Tolaga Bay in 1827.
When the Adventure (the sister ship to the Resolution) paid her double call at
None of the early convict vessels is known to have called in at the East Coast on her return journey from Weekly News (Auckland) in April, 1937, is authentic, a whaling brig named Mermaid made the East Coast in October, 1796. She is stated to have spent five days between Cape Palliser and East Cape, and to have sailed from the
According to the narrator, the Mermaid, on her outward journey from England, fell in with the Bristol-owned barque England's Glory on 26 February, 1796, in the South Atlantic. The England's Glory had, it was stated, obtained 900 barrels of sperm oil and 7,800 sealskins off the coasts of New Zealand. It was further claimed that the Mermaid exchanged a boat-steerer suffering from scurvy for an Indian of New Zealand. The Maori was described as having a good knowledge not only of the coasts of New Zealand but also of the English language. It was even suggested that he had acted as a pilot for Endeavour!
The New South Wales authorities were forced, as early as 26 May, 1805, to take steps to prevent captains of whalers—foreign as well as English—from “dumping” Maori sailors at Sydney if they found it inconvenient to return them to their homes. It was stated in the Order-in-Council that a number of New Zealanders had been left at that port by vessels “from the East Coast of New Zealand,” probably mainly from the Bay of
New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. 2, p. 215) says that he had met Maori sailors in the whaling ports of North America.
“I saw a native of the East Cape aboard the U.S. frigateMacedonianatNew York ,” he adds, “previous to her sailing [in 1838] on her South Seas exploring and surveying expedition. This man stated himself to be a superior chief in his own country, but I knew his master and the tribe to which he was a slave. He begged I would be silent on the subject, as he did not wish to be lowered in the estimation of the white man.”
In 1810 the whaler Mary (Captain W. Simmons) foundered off “East Cape.” Her master and crew were saved by the timely appearance of the Inspector (Captain Walker). It would, of course, not be safe to assume that the mishap occurred off
The earliest season in which natives belonging to the Poverty Bay-East Coast area planted potatoes has not been traced. During the investigation to determine the ownership of the Tawhiti block—which lies between Adventure was there, they would have been in flower, and would not easily have been overlooked. Furneaux's journal is silent on the matter. Potatoes were available at Mahia in 1813.
No record as to how or when the natives of
The earliest “Captain Cookers” that found their way into
Perseverance was not offered any whilst she was off Mahia in 1813, none might have reached that district by that date.
Search for large areas of flax on the East Coast was to have begun in 1810, but the mission was a failure. In March of that year, Lord, Williams and Thompson sent a party from Sydney, under Experiment to the Governor Bligh and to have proceeded to East Cape to trade before the Experiment went on to England. Writing from the Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 303) says: “… I find by masters of whalers who have been at the East Cape this season that mats and flax are to be procured there of good quality.” On account of the delay in the arrival of the Governor Bligh, Leith's party became discontented and returned to Sydney.
Much more definite information concerning the availability of flax in large quantities at, and to the north of, Mahia was obtained, about the end of May, 1813, by a party aboard the Perseverance, which had been chartered by Sydney merchants to take its representatives to inspect the flax areas about Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 463) Robert Williams, who had rope works in Sydney, said:
“Found ourselves close in with Table Cape (Mahia). Ran 7 or 8 miles into the bay; fired off a gun. Fires were lighted on shore. Saw the natives. Mr. Jones became timid… and we stood out of the bay. Mr. Murray, having some knowledge of Table Cape, stood close round it. Saw large tribes of natives on shore, launching their canoes. Hove the vessel to.
“The natives brought potatoes and mats for trade. A spike nail would buy 1 cwt. of potatoes and a woman offered to sell her little boy for a tomahawk, but, the child crying, we could not take him, though the mother would part with him. I saw no hemp. The natives gave me to understand that they had plenty of that article ashore and went for it, but we waited not for their return, Mr. Jones thinking it not safe, but made sail along the shore. The canoes continued coming after us, trading as before…. We had every opportunity of visiting every mile of the coast as we sailed along, and I had no doubt of our being able to have collected some tons of hemp….”
As Mr. Jones (who was the representative of one of the charterers of the vessel) was anxious to return to Sydney, no landing was made on the East Coast. Attention to that locality as a plentiful source of supply in respect of flax is, however, likely to have resulted from the information disclosed in Williams's report.
Trade with the East Coast natives by masters of vessels calling in for supplies of provisions was halted in 1818, when Ngapuhi began a series of raids which covered about six years. What may be described as “The Gun Period” then opened in earnest. Doubtless, the Ngapuhi warrior
According to evidence tendered in the Native Land Court (Waiapu minute book No. 5) Pomare, on the occasion of his friendly visit to Kawakawa (
Whilst the French corvette L'Astrolabe was at Elizabeth (
D'Urville received a very warm welcome to
By 1827, a few firearms must have come into the possession of the
A few weeks before the brig Hawes was attacked at Whakatane on 2 March, 1829, she paid a visit to East Cape. John F. Atkins (Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 687 et seq.) says that a great many natives came off to her in large canoes, but could not be induced to trade. The ship's interpreter—an Englishman belonging to the
The most important account of a trading expedition to New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. 2, p. 117 et seq. He says that, on the occasion of his first visit [June, 1835], his cutter was
“Our European friends [two shore traders] bade us to beware of surprise, for treachery might be intended,” says Polack, “as during the preceding evening it had been strongly debated among the natives whether or not our vessel and ourselves should be taken as a prize, the most greedy and adverse party stating as a reason that we had, doubtless, arrived from Port Jackson (Sydney) [in strict fact, Polack was trading out of theBay of Islands ] and that it could not possibly become known in that colony (New South Wales ) whether we had perished at sea or had been lost on an inhospitable coast and that nobody being left alive to tell the tale it would not militate against the place….
“But our good fortune prevailed, as it was urged that the principal chief of the district [Te Kani-a-Takirau ] who was then absent at Turunga [Turanga, orPoverty Bay ] would be greatly enraged at the circumstance of any vessel being despoiled during his absence, also that his conduct hitherto had favoured the visits of shipping and that knowledge of such an act would spread abroad through the European residents and, in consequence of all other vessels avoiding the place in the future, the traders would also leave, and they would be wholly without European trade. These arguments prevailed.”
According to Polack, his was the first vessel ever to enter Uawa River. He describes the scene as she was being towed to her anchorage:
“The motley assemblage that greeted our arrival was one not easily to be forgotten: it followed us with … shouts, acclamations, dancing, songs made for the occasion, cries of ‘aeremai!’ [“Haeremai!” or “Come Hither!”] waving of native garments, blowing of the conch with the most discordant din, some of the natives jumping high in the air and others rushing into the water and throwing small sticks at us (a native form of welcome), not a few swimming alongside the vessel, and many other feats, accompanied by a deafening noise, until we dropped anchor.”
Polack goes on to say that the natives filled his casks with water, and, after chopping all night, brought him enough wood to supply a ship of 500 tons for twelve months. He went on shore with a carpet bag containing a variety of trifles much in repute among natives, together with some tobacco, tomahawks, hoes, etc., which were much more highly prized. Several large pigs were bought by him “at a reasonable rate.” Meantime, the repairs to the cutter proceeded. Her anchorage lay between two native settlements—one on the north bank and the other on the south bank of the river. Much jealousy prevailed between their respective occupiers.
On the fourth day of Polack's visit, the deck was crowded with natives from the northern village, who were selling nets, fishing lines and flax garments, for nails, fish-hooks, tobacco, lead,
“Rangihuia [Rangiuia] a chief of the south side, who was residing with his friends in the north village, being in disgrace with his relatives … instantly threw off his garments, tightened his belt, and, with the most ferocious gestures, vehemently demanded that his friends and all on board should leave the vessel. Seizing a rope, and indifferent to rank, age or sex, he soon cleared her. With horrid distortion of features, he then commenced a war speech, vociferating with all his might and defying the southern tribe with language and gestures equally obscene and disgusting. He then hastened on shore to the northern village, and was met by the chiefs and slaves, who were entirely naked and all armed with muskets; his fury appeared to be augmented by finding himself once again on terra firma. A war dance was commenced on either side of the river and each party, during its continuance, brandished their muskets, making further gesticulations and shouting towards each other curses of defiance.
“Rangihuia flew up and down the beach—a representation of an infuriated demon. His tongue was thrust out to its utmost length, his eyes glared with the frenzy of a ruthless fiend. No horrible grimace was omitted that could strike terror into the enemy. The muskets, which had been hastily loaded with ball, were now discharged by either party against the other; but, instead of the butt being placed against the shoulder, the pieces were hastily levelled without aim, the stock being lodged against the hip. The parties were out of reach of the flying balls; otherwise, destructive work might have ensued. However, we, being within reach of either side, suffered not a little damage to our sails. Suddenly, within ten minutes of the first gun being fired, a cessation of war took place…. Dancing, gaiety and indiscriminate intercourse followed on either side, as if nothing had happened, each boasting of his valorous exploits.”
Polack says that, had any accident happened by mere chance to any of the parties during the mad contest, he and his crew would have had to bear the brunt: the vessel would, probably, have been plundered and destroyed, and they would have been slain.
Colenso (Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, 1877, p. 146) says that Tainui (an ancestor of
“Cook's Cabbage” was a far from despised item of food at
McNab (Tasman to Marsden, p. 94) says that, at the Thames, the natives were cultivating potatoes when ships went there for spars in 1801, and, at p. 102, that, at the
Kaiuku and Its Starving Garrison—Sickly Children and Clay Used for Food— Barnet Burns on Kekeparaoa—A Blood—Curdling “Incident”—Taumata-a-Kura at Toka-a-Kuku—Testament in One Hand and Gun in the Other.
Shortly before the advent of the pioneer shore-traders in Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century, p. 327) describes the spot by the name “Puke-Karoro,” or “Kaiuku.” It is referred to by
The real test as to the date is the year in which Hirini te Kani was a babe in arms. Whilst his mother was fleeing with him, they were captured during a skirmish some distance from the fort. In the Journal of the Polynesian Society for March, 1896, it is stated that Hirini had then reached the age of sixty-eight years. He died in the following July and, in the obituary notices, 1826 was given as the year of his birth.
There is also considerable diversity on the question as to which tribes were involved. Smith suggests that the Urewera were the instigators and that they had for allies war parties of
As to the tribes represented among the besieged, there is unanimity only on the point that
Associated with the besiegers was a pakeha who was called “John the Gossip” on account of the fact that he made a practice of going into the fort to have a yarn with the defenders. It is probable that he was History of Hawke's Bay, it is stated, at page 98, that, when
It is not unlikely that “John” made it part of his business to report upon any weak spot in the defences of the fort. The besiegers also tried other tricks in order to win the day. On one occasion, they sent messengers to
The Siege of Kaiuku lasted for some months. As the fort was insufficiently provisioned, harsh rationing soon had to be practised, with the result that many of its inmates became weak and ill. Eventually, the supplies of food became so scanty that the defenders were forced to dig into the side of the cliff facing the sea to obtain a class of clay known as “uku,” which they broke up and boiled in water; hence the name “Kaiuku”—kai (food) and uku (an edible clay). Now and again, the defenders' hard fare was varied and “improved” when a good fat Waikato was caught raiding one of the plantations below the pa.
Ere long, an “S.O.S.” was sent out by
One of them, Wi Ngana, who belonged to Wainui, proved so useful to his captors that they gave him a wife (Ka Taupo). Whatanui took some other prisoners to the Manawatu district, and, in due course, they, too, were released.
Smith (Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century, p. 174) says that, whilst a pa at Mahia was being besieged,
The emaciated defenders of Kaiuku were delighted to find at daybreak one morning that the besiegers had withdrawn. Several explanations have been offered as to why they went off. In native circles, the most widely accepted reason is that Heuheu became panicky because his magician warned him to return home, lest Ngapuhi, in a raid to avenge Pomare's death, might journey as far south as Tokaanu. Smith's suggestion “that the pa eventually fell to the allies and there was great slaughter” is groundless.
Poverty Bay was the scene of a siege in the earliest days of pakeha trading. It involved most of, if not all of, the tribes from Mahia to the East Cape. The date assigned to this struggle also varies in different versions, but it is certain that the year was 1832. It seems that two sub-tribes of
According to the version held by the Whakatohea people, flax-dressing had been in progress throughout the
Ejected from Muhunga by T'Aitanga-a-Mahaki, the intruders moved to Tapatahi, but, realizing that they would again be attacked, they made their way to Kekeparaoa, on Puhatikotiko block, at the confluence of the Waihuka and Waipaoa rivers, and strengthened the pa there. Kaimoana asked
Some blood-curdling details which
“This unfortunate woman,” Burns avers, “was informed that she was to be killed and eaten. Each of the principal chiefs (amongst her captors) then began to bespeak some part of her body in her presence. One said that he would have a leg; another that he would have an arm; another, her heart, and so on, until she had been shared among them…. She was then ordered to go into the river and wash a quantity of potatoes…. Upon her return she was told that the oven was being got ready for her. She said that it could not be helped…. She was then ordered to prepare herself for cooking. I affirm positively that I saw the woman gather green leaves, lay them down on the hot stones, tie both her legs together herself and ask one of the party to tie her hands. When this was done, she took a friendly leave of two or three persons that she knew and threw herself down on the leaves. When she was over the fire, she begged some of the party to knock her brains out, but they would not. They kept her on the fire a few minutes, then laid potatoes over her and covered her up with earth—aye, before life was half gone—until she was cooked fit for eating.”
Whilst the siege was in progress, vide Gisborne minute book No. 26—said that, when Harris went into the fort, “his long boots were full of bullets.” Lambert (Story of Old Wairoa) says that he referred the statement to William Cooper, a native interpreter, who considered that it should have been translated: “a long gun full of bullets.” As an old ship's cannon was found off Tuamotu
When the attackers found that the defenders had run out of provisions, they called upon Te Awariki, who belonged both to Whakatohea and
A more important siege, which attracted most of the East Coast tribes, took place at Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century, but, at page 420, he mentions 1834 as the date. In Christianity Among the New Zealanders,
The attack upon Toka-a-Kuku was arranged by
It seems that, after the fight at Omaru-iti, Whanau-a-Ehutu and Whanau-a-Apanui went to Whangaparaoa to obtain flax from Manga-te-Waha swamp to sell to a European trader (name not
Before Ngati-Porou and their allies set off for Toka-a-Kuku, Taumata-a-Kura (the first Ngati-Porou Christian evangelist) agreed to assist only on condition that the fighting should be conducted in accordance with the principles adopted by Christian nations. His conditions were: that enemy wounded should not be slain; that no enemy bodies should be eaten; that enemy canoes that were not required for the homeward journey should not wantonly be broken up; and that no enemy food should be wilfully destroyed. All these conditions were agreed to.
J. G. Baker's account states that Taumata also said to the allied chiefs and their tohungas:
“Let me have control of this battle. My God is the God of Te Wiremu Karuwha (‘Four-Eyed Williams : theRev. H. Williams , who had been so named by the natives because he wore spectacles’). My God is Jehovah, a mighty God.”
When Toka-a-Kuku was reached, Taumata claimed the right to initiate the attack.
“Now wait for me to give the signal,” he cried. “I will fire one barrel upwards and the other downwards, for theWhanau-a-Apanui have broken the laws of Jehovah.”
As Taumata came out unscathed from various clashes, his invulnerability was attributed by his fellow-warriors to the protective influence of the new Deity Whom he worshipped. Consequently, his prestige was considerably enhanced.
Giving evidence in the Kapuarangi block case at Opotiki, Matenga Tauahikawai said that, as Toka-a-Kuku was on the sea coast, sympathizers with the defenders were able to land reinforcements and provisions for them by canoe at night. The occupants of the pa were chiefly Whanau-a-Ehutu. Whilst a Ngaitai reinforcement was approaching overland, it was joined
Nothing authentic is known as to how many were slain on either side. It is stated in the Journal of the Polynesian Society (June, 1906) that a huge whata (stage) was erected by the attackers in front of the pa. It consisted of uprights to which long poles were attached, and resembled a large post and rail fence. The bodies of slain defenders were tied in pairs by the feet and thrown over the poles, one body dangling over one side and the other hanging down on the other side. In this manner, a solid wall of dead was, it is said, formed and, on that account, the siege also became known as “Whata Tangata.” Another exaggerated version avers that, when the heads of the defenders' dead were piled up on a stage in front of the pa, “they were as thick as corn upon a cob!”
Prince Regent when, on 29 March, 1820, she became the first vessel to cross the Hokianga bar, and also when, in August, 1820, she negotiated the present entrance to Auckland. The initial “W” attached to the name “Kent” in Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. 1, p. 487, should probably read “Mr.” for, on page 485, “W. Butler” appears for “Mr. Butler” and “W. Marsden” for “Mr. Marsden.” As master of the Mermaid, Kent revisited New Zealand in 1823 on behalf of the N.S.W. Government. In 1824 he was in charge of the Elizabeth Henrietta when she stranded on Ruapuke Island. According to Smith (Wars of the Nineteenth Century, p. 44) Kent was the first white man to settle at Kawhia (1824–26). He was back at sea in 1827. In Pakeha Rambles Through Maoriland, p. 11, the year in which Kent first put into Kawhia is given as 1828. He had charge of the Lord Liverpool in 1831. In Story of Te Waharoa, Wilson says: “The first European that landed at Kawhia and penetrated to Ngaruawahia was a pakeha-Maori, a gentleman of the name of Kent, who arrived at the latter place in 1831.” He was then the husband of Tiria, a daughter of Wherowhero te Potatau, who became the first Maori King. In 1832 Kent was residing at Kawhia. He was in charge of the Byron when she was lost at Mahia in 1833 (Polack's date). He died on 1 January, 1837, and, according to the
Life and Times of Captain J. W. Harris—Trader, Whaler and Grazier—Not Mahia's Mystery Pakeha—Valuable Journal Vanishes—His Contemporaries: Their Careers.
The “Founder of Poverty Bay” was
Family tradition states that Harris, in his youth, made a voyage with an uncle who was the skipper of a China tea clipper, and that, afterwards, he joined the Royal Navy, but ill-health compelled him to give up an intended sea career. Be that as it may, he was still in his teens when he left England to join relatives who had migrated to the mother colony of
For many years, it was widely believed that a great deal of exclusive, and, therefore, very valuable, information concerning the birth of European settlement in The Gisborne Times.
Historical students were keenly disappointed to find that the so-called Harris Memoirs did not allude to a number of very important events with which Harris had been associated. There was not a word about the moa bone which he took to Sydney early in 1837 and which led to confirmation by Professor R. Owen, of London, that huge birds had once ranged New Zealand. Only bare mention was made of the establishment of the whaling
A journal which Memoirs. Most likely, it was lost when the family home at Opou was destroyed by fire by the
Strange as it may appear, the Memoirs do not give the name of the vessel which conveyed Harris and two subordinates—Darling. Ro. Carrick (Historical Records of New Zealand South, p. 179) lists this schooner as one of the vessels which made voyages out of Sydney to New Zealand during 1830–31, but he does not give the dates of their sailings. Her captain's name, we are told, was “Stewart” [
Inquiries were kindly undertaken on behalf of the writer by the Librarian of the Mitchell Library in Sydney to ascertain what voyages the Darling made between Sydney and New Zealand and, on 12 April, 1940, the following information came to hand:
“There is no record of the schoonerDarlingsailing for New Zealand between August, 1827, and February, 1831.The Australianof August 17, 1827, states that she sailed from Sydney two months earlier for some part of New Zealand, and, having encountered heavy gales, was obliged to put in at theBay of Islands . In 1830, she seems to have been trading to Van Diemen's Land. She sailed for New Zealand on 13 February, 1831, but the newspapers give no details, not even the captain's name.”
Mr. Montefiore, testifying before a Select Committee of the House of Lords (1838) explained that the reason why he visited New Zealand in the Argo in 1830 was that he had some intention of forming extensive commercial establishments throughout the [North] Island. Whilst he was at Kawhia [1 November, 1830]
Elizabeth (Elizabeth got back to Sydney on 14 January, 1831.
As Harris, together with Ralph and Burns, reached Harris Memoirs), it is highly probable that they signed their agreements with Mr. Montefiore on 12 February, 1831, exactly two years later than Burns's date, and it seems certain that they left Sydney on the Darling when she sailed on 13 February, 1831. This, then, is the date which is omitted by Carrick, who, however, supplies a list of the vessel's cargo, which was as under:
“4 bales of woollens, 1 box of leather, 9 cases of muskets, 8 cases of ironmongery, 1 case of hardware, 1 cask of oil, 32 casks of powder, 1 box of colonial pipes, 1 puncheon of rum, 5 baskets of tobacco and stores.”
With the above-mentioned stock-in-trade, Harris, it seems, set up his first trading station in
The Darling did not leave New Zealand waters until 6 July, 1831. Upon her return to Sydney, a month later, her captain's name was recorded as “N. Stewart,” the “N” clearly being a mistake for “W” on the part of the official who made the entry. In this connection, Harris junior, on page 5 of the Memoirs, says:
“If I remember rightly my father came on a vessel commanded byCaptain James Stewart [he meantWilliam Stewart ], who had previously discovered thatStewart Island did not form portion of the mainland. Captain Stewart came to stay with his old friend [Captain Harris ] in 1850, or at the close of 1849, dying in 1851, and is buried in the old garden at Tapatahi (Opou) at the south-east end.”
Upon the occasion of the Darling's next voyage to New Zealand, she left Sydney on 3 October, 1831, under a Captain Skelton, and the Sydney Gazette announced that Montefiore and Co. had disposed of her. It is plain, therefore, that Harris, Burns and Ralph journeyed to
The pioneer trader at Mahia cannot now be identified, but it is certain that he was not Harris. Polack (who was there in 1835 and 1836) says (New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. 1, p. 315) that he was a shipmaster; that he introduced a horse for his own use; and that, when he quitted the country, the natives, who had become very much attached to the animal, would not allow him to take it away. He adds: “… and it yet remains with Apatu” [a chief, who died in 1853]. The work mentioned was published in 1838, and the date of this pakeha's sojourn was then placed at “some years back.”
There are some vague references to this trader in the report of the Hereheretau No. 2 block case (Wairoa Native Land Court minute book, No. 3), which was heard at Wairoa in 1888. His name is given as “Henare,” or “Hare,” and it is stated that he put into Waikokopu in a vessel named “Pane te Rahi” (“Fanny,” large). Two chiefs, Waaka Torowhiti and Kowhai, made a trip with him to Sydney. When Rangiowaho, of Ngaitahaupo tribe, died, Te Wananga (11/1/1875) said: “It was his ancestor, the Kowhai, who put the pakeha at Kaiuku (Mahia) who was called ‘Hare’ (Harry).”
According to the witnesses, “Hare's “first visit took place about the time at which
Lambert (Story of Old Wairoa) was mistaken in suggesting that “Hare” was
The chief who became Harris's protector in
Along the northern shore of
On the seaward side of Awapuni Lagoon stood the remains of Pa-o-Kahu. This pa was described to the writer by Through Ninety Years). It was, he said, one mile long, and he had been told that it was built as “a city of refuge for the whole of Turanga in case the district should be invaded by the Waikato tribes.” The south-western shore of
It is not quite certain that Harris was the first European shoretrader in Harris Memoirs.
Another interesting point which emerged from the testimony given before the Commission was that, in 1840, Simpson had for an assistant a negro named Pompey. Matenga Waaka (born circa 1850 and an ex-clergyman) told the writer that Pompey had a half-caste daughter, who became six feet tall. He gave her name as Tohu, but other accounts suggest that it was Huhana (Susan). Pompey went off to Mahia whaling.
Shortly after Harris arrived, he moved his trading station from a spot at Awapuni near where the municipal abattoirs now stand to the western bank of the Turanganui River. In the Royal Geographical Society's Journal for 1832, p. 135, there is an item as under:
“Hawke's Bay : At Turanga, in this bay, is a flax establishment, with five or six white men resident.”
This is, plainly, a reference to Harris's establishment at the side of the Turanganui River. Turanga is, of course, not in
East Coast, N.Z. Historical Records, p. 5) says that Harris's occupation gave him great influence, and that he used to speak of himself as having been “monarch practically of all I surveyed.”
“The original building in which Harris lived and stored his goods,” he adds, “was of the same unsubstantial character as those which the natives occupied; but, notwithstanding the eager demand that there was on all sides for the articles which he had to dispose of, his rights of property were thoroughly respected. Nor had he ever any reason to complain of the treatment he received…. The natives fully recognised the privilege which they enjoyed in having a pakeha, and were exceedingly careful not to do anything that might have the effect of driving him away, even though he might have done what, under different circumstances, might have cost him his life.”
In June, 1841, when Captain Campbell, of the Minerva, came ashore to visit Harris, there was a six-roomed cottage and a two-storey trading store, besides other buildings in wood, on the property.
It was probably in 1832, or early in 1833, that Harris took unto himself for wife Tukura, a first cousin of Rawiri Te Eke, and, therefore, a woman of considerable rank. Hirini te Kani, a son of Rawiri by his principal wife, succeeded
An amusing incident, which indicates the amount of care that Harris required to exercise in his dealings with the natives, is thus described by
“Paratene Turangi had a son about eight years old whom Harris saw one day beating his mother with a great stick. Shocked at such undutiful conduct, he gave the boy a slight blow to make him desist. Upon this, there arose an angry clamour from all sides in which no one joined more loudly than the boy's mother. He had struck a chief's son—an unpardonable offence! Harris listened to the volumes of wrath which were uttered by one and another, not knowing what his fate might be. After much steam had been blown off, Turangi himself stood up and commented for some time on the gravity of the offence, concluding with a reference to the ignorance of the pakeha of the respect which was due to the son of a great chief. ‘What else,’ he said, ‘could you expect from an ignorant pakeha?’ So the trouble ended.”
None of
Some years after Harris had obtained his whaling station site at Papawhariki, complaint was made by some of the former owners that he had not paid enough for it. He explained that Rawiri and others had given the block to him in trust for his half-caste sons. According to the complainants, the consideration had been only a mare. When the matter came before a tribal meeting, Rawiri, it is stated, asked: “How many descendants have there been from the mare?” The progeny were enumerated. “Enough!” cried
The foundations of farming in
That the block was “Opou” and included Tapatahi was made plain when the matter came before Commissioner Bell in 1859.
Harris junior says that his father obtained three working mares from the
Some years after the death of Tukura, Harris remarried, his second wife (as is stated in the chapter dealing with “Whaling”)
An oak which Harris planted at Tapatahi (Opou) in 1837 to celebrate the birth of his son Henry is, to-day, the oldest and the largest English tree in circa 1700 A.D. by Rerekohu, an ancestor of Hati te Houkamau.
In Exploration in New Zealand, McClymont, at page 25, states: “On the East Coast, Harris established himself at East Coast (N.Z.) Historical Records. If his home had not been destroyed by the rebels in 1868, it is certain that much more information concerning his activities would have survived. Not only did
No further details concerning the shadowy trader Cooper (Kupa) appear in the minutes of the P.B. Crown Grants Commission. The records of the Native Land Courts make no mention of him. No one named Cooper—apart from
There was a trader (later a whaler) named Cooper on the Bay of Plenty coast prior to, and for some time after, 1840. Te Hata told the Seth Smith-Hone Heke Royal Commission when it was inquiring into the ownership of Tunapahore and adjacent blocks (minute books 2 and 4) that Cooper was the name of the first pakeha who settled at
Nothing has been ascertained with regard to
Simpson might have succeeded the untraceable Cooper as a flax trader at Muriwai. It would be Simpson whom
A copy of the agreement which Log of the Barque Australian, etc., which is in the
Writing to Captain Rhodes under date 24 August, 1840, Simpson said:
“I am doing very well in regard to trading. I have at present upwards of 100 pigs, besides corn. Potatoes: I am not buying any. A great deal of the corn is shelled. I am very busy killing—at work day and night—and have no doubt but that, at the time you return to me, I shall have six or seven tons of pork, with, most likely, as many hundred bushels of corn. I have been trying to get the natives to dive after the pork [apparently some in a sunken craft], but cannot persuade them to go down after it and, therefore, I do not believe it will ever be got.”
When Mr. McLean visited
Known to the natives as “Tame Puti” (“Tommy Short”), Harris Memoirs it is stated that, soon after Harris settled in
Thomas Halbert junior (born in 1863) told the writer that his father was born at Newcastle-on-Tyne; that he was of Anglo-Scottish descent; and that he landed at
Whilst Halbert was at Mahia he had for an assistant a pakeha who had landed from the same vessel. Cannibalism had not then been completely given up there. One day, they found portion of a human body which had been sent as a gift to their hosts by a neighbouring tribe, but they feared that, if they buried it and the grave was found, that method of disposal would lead to suspicion falling upon them.
Upon his return to
It was probably in 1834 that Halbert took up his residence at Muriwai. He had married again, his second wife being Pirihira Konekone, who belonged to T'Aitanga-a-Mahaki tribe. They quarrelled after she had become an expectant mother, and she went to live with Lazarus (Raharuhi), who, having no children of his own, gladly adopted her infant at birth. The child was named Otene Pitau, and he became a leader among the natives at Pakirikiri. Otene married Mere Whiti Hone (a sister of Tom Jones). He died at Manutuke on 13 August, 1921.
Halbert then associated with Mereana Wero, also of T'Aitanga-a-Mahaki tribe, but she was quickly displaced by a rival named Riria Mauaranui. So disgusted was Mereana by being slighted in such a manner that she took a negro for husband; there was no issue of the union. In turn, she entered into another marriage to become the mother of Peka Kerikeri. Riria, who belonged to T'Aitanga-a-Mahaki, bore a son. The Gisborne Times on 16 February, 1916.
When Halbert went to Turanganui in 1837 to assist Harris to operate his whaling station, he retained his home at Muriwai. Its position is shown on a marine survey plan of the East Coast which was compiled in
Trent. His neighbours then, according to evidence given before the P.B. Crown Grants Commission in 1869, were William Morris,
Upon purchasing “Pouparae” in 1839, Halbert went to reside there for the purpose of rearing pigs for export. During the hearing of his claim to the property, he stated that
Halbert's fifth marital alliance was with Kaikeri, who belonged to Rongowhakaata tribe. This proved a much more durable marriage, the issue comprising several children: Keita (Kate), who became the wife of James Ralston Wyllie, and, after his death, the wife of M. J. Gannon; Mere, who became Mrs. Heany, and, later, Mrs. Donald Gordon; Maata (Mrs. Cuff); and Sarah (Mrs. Cunningham), who was the mother of Moana Paratene, a sister of whom married
It fell to Halbert's lot to have still another wife, Maora Pani, who also belonged to Rongowhakaata tribe. [She had been married previously to Tiopira, and a child of that union became Mrs. J. Woodbine Johnson.] Their children comprised:
Death in a terrible form overtook Halbert one dark night in April, 1865. With two brothers named Yates, he had been drinking on board a schooner that was lying in the Taruheru River near Makaraka. On their way back to the landing-place, their flat-bottomed boat overturned in a shallow, but very muddy, spot. According to a correspondent of the Hawke's Bay Herald, all three were wearing heavy sea boots. One of the Yates brothers got ashore, but the other (George) and Halbert sank so deep in the silt that they could not extricate themselves, and had so to remain until the tide rose and death put an end to their sufferings.
A schooner named Fanny (45 tons) was in the Sydney-New Zealand trade in the early days. According to Present State of New Zealand (New Zealand Association: 1837) she passed through Kaipara channel on 6 January, 1836, and was one of the first vessels to do so.
In 1840 there was a trader named Storey at Pakirikiri.
Barnet Burns's Exploits—His Flight From Mahia in 1832—Was He at Siege of Kekeparaoa?—Fresh Light on Kidnapping Incident at East Cape—Plan for an English Colony at Tolaga Bay in 1836.
Although neither Life in Early Poverty Bay (1927).
When W. L. Williams returned to
In his booklet, Burns describes himself as an English sailor, but in one of his entertainment handbills he gives Scotland as the land of his birth. He says that he left England on the brig Walna in 1827, and that, after a short stay at Rio de Janeiro, he went by the barque Nimrod to Sydney, where he held a situation in the “Bank of Australia” for about two years. Then he shipped on the brig Elizabeth for a trading voyage to New Zealand and was away for eight months. Upon his own showing, therefore, the date on which he affirms that “I. Baron Montefiore”—he meant
According to Burns, there was not then any other white man on Mahia—“not one residing within 100 miles of me.” “So here I was,” he says, “among a set of cannibals, trusting wholly and solely to their mercy, not knowing when they might take my trade [goods] from me, and not only my trade, but my life…. Then, for the first time since I took my fancy to visit New Zealand, I felt frightened at my situation.” He gives the name of the chief who protected him as “Awhawee,” and claims to have married one of his daughters. [His wife at vide Burns, but early in 1832, vide Harris], a vessel arrived from Sydney. When the natives learned that her captain had instructions to close the station, they became “quite cross and inclined to plunder.” He explains that he did not leave by the ship because his wife was on the point of lying-in.
Describing his flight from Mahia, Burns says that during the absence, at some distant plantations, of the majority of the tribe with which he was living, some members of a neighbouring tribe threatened to steal the goods which he had been permitted to retain. He calls this tribe the “Wattihabitties.” [Whatu-i-Apiti, a
Burns tells his readers that, three weeks afterwards, he established himself twelve miles farther inland. Light on this point is shed by
“I think I mentioned to you the circumstances of Mr. Harris having located a man named Burns on portion of the land in question [Pouparae, which lies a few miles to the north-west of Gisborne] and that this man Burns took possession of the ground and cleared off a quantity of the bush growing on it without any molestation, and without even the slightest objection being raised by any of the natives to his residing there without their leave. Mr. Harris, I understand, is prepared to make a statement on oath to this effect. [No trace of earlier systematic bushfelling inPoverty Bay has been found. The year was 1832.]
It is stated by Burns that there was a white man at Wherowhero (Muriwai) whom he wished to visit, but he was prevented from doing so on account of an unsettling report to the effect that an outside tribe consisting of six hundred men had entered the district, and was about twenty miles off. [These intruders were Whakatohea and were dislodged from Muhunga, near Ormond, by T'Aitanga-a-Mahaki in 1832.] Burns avers that he went with the force which routed them. An intended ambush, he says, was spoilt by a dog, which had wandered away. He adds that only four slaves were taken, and that they were “killed and devoured.”
His next venture was a flax-buying trip in company with some of the tribe to which he was attached [T'Aitanga-a-Mahaki] to a place twenty-eight miles distant named Mutu. [
Soon afterwards, according to Burns, the
Burns next recounts the circumstances in which he moved to Onawa [Uawa, or Prince of Denmark—on the Sydney-New Zealand run. However, it would seem that it was Harris who sent him there. In the Harris Memoirs, p. 5, it is stated that a trading branch was started by Harris at
During his stay of “nearly three years” at
“This part was the place where I enjoyed happiness. It was the place where I was tattooed—at least where the remaining part of my face was marked—and not only my face but my body. I do not mean to say that I was tattooed altogether against my will, as I submitted to have the latter part done. In fact, I thought within myself that, as one part of my face was disfigured, I might as well have it done completely, particularly as it would be of service to me.” [Native accounts state that Burns was tattooed at Loisel's Beach (nearTolaga Bay ) and that he gave a musket to Te Aperahama, ofTokomaru Bay , for performing the work.]
An interesting—perhaps, the true—version of the episode relating to the carrying away of some Waiapu natives to the Elizabeth (
A party headed by Burns set off to ransom the captive sailors, who were held by “Cotahrow, one of the greatest tyrants in that part of New Zealand.” He threatened to slay them in retaliation for Byron.
Prior to Burns's departure from
Burns left Bardaster (Bardaster was on the East Coast about that time, and, resuming her voyage, via
Tattooed from head to foot—his face and thighs permanently ornamented in the Maori fashion, and his arms and chest decorated in the manner so dear to sailormen—Burns, like Rutherford, attracted widespread attention in England. He proved a first-class showman. The Hocken Library (Dunedin) has two specimens of the handbills which he used in connection with his entertainments. Upon the occasion of his appearances at Ward-wick, Derby, in April, 1842, he was described as being “beautifully tattooed,” and it was stated that he would be “dressed in the costume of New Zealand”; narrate “the various battles in which he was engaged”; exhibit “the head of a New Zealand chief, his opponent in battle”; and answer any questions. Burns's numerous descendants on the East Coast will be interested to learn that he was assisted by “Mrs. Burns,” who was billed to perform “several airs and waltzes on the musical glasses.” The charges for admittance were: Front seat, 1/-; children, 6d.; and back seats, 6d. A promise was given that the lecture-room would
Some further information concerning Burns appears in correspondence filed in the Public Records Office in London. There is a copy in the
Burns is described as a native of Liverpool, where he was born in 1807, and as “a smart, active man, naturally quick and intelligent, who has received a plain education and who conducts himself in a very becoming manner.” He went to sea as a cabin boy when he was thirteen or fourteen years old, but left his ship in the
Uawa (spelt “Youkawa”) is described by Morgan, on behalf of Burns, as a very valuable and very beautiful part of New Zealand. It is covered, it is stated, “with most fertile savannahs and with valleys which are clothed in the richest verdure, and through which run rivers of most excellent water, and where timber and flax of the first quality and in great abundance may be procured mainly for the trouble of collecting them.” Burns, it is added, had left at Youkawa his wife and two fine children [Hori had been born since], beside valuable property in spars, flax, etc. to a large amount. He was known in New Zealand as “Ahordi” or “E'Hori” (George), “from the name of our late revered sovereign, which name is much respected by the natives, who call the English ‘George's race,’ believing us to live in tribes like theirs, and that George is the principal chief.” Living as a chief, and being tattooed, Burns had great advantages, great power and great privileges which he could not otherwise have possessed.
According to Morgan, Burns had the sole control of the eastern side of the Alligator [1834] a canoe, which had his own likeness curiously engraved by the natives upon the figurehead. This canoe, he believed, had been presented to the King. Whilst in England, he particularly desired to be introduced to the notice of His Majesty, as the first question which the natives were sure to ask upon his return would be whether he had seen him.
After putting forward a plea, on behalf of Burns, that missionaries should be sent to Uawa, Morgan proceeds:
“A small colony of steady tradesmen and artisans, particularly carpenters, would meet with employment and great encouragement under Burns's protection, wanting only their tools and a few trifling articles to ensure them a competency, and they would soon alter the face of this fine country and the conditions and manners of the inhabitants. Agricultural implements might also be sent out with great advantage, as there is plenty of good land to bring into cultivation, and the natives themselves would soon learn to use them, by which means the beautiful and fruitful soil of New Zealand would shortly produce, almost spontaneously, wheat and all other corn, pulse and vegetables cultivated in England, so as soon to vie with, if not excel, those of the Mother Country…. Burns has a well-wooded district under his control, and has only to raise a hand to have thousands of loads of the finest timber cut and transported to the coast for the use of H.M. Navy, or for any other purposes for which it might be required…. He is, for a time, engaged in assisting an agent on theIsle of Wight , who is translating the Scriptures, or part of them, into the language of New Zealand, after which he will be happy to have the honour of waiting upon H.M.'s Secretary for State for the Colonies….”
The High Commissioner for New Zealand (
Amotawa's father's name is given in East Coast genealogies as Ihiri and her mother's as Aria.
Who were “Riki,” “Punga” and “Tapore”?—Runaway Sailor Consigned to the Oven—Bill Ward and His Colonizing Record—“Katete,” a Tapu Victim.
Strangely enough, pride of place for being the first pakehas to live among the East Coast natives requires to be awarded to three who cannot be identified. They were known to the natives as “Riki,” “Punga” and “Tapore.” Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, 1890, p. 459 et seq.) says that he was informed that they arrived before the days of the flax trade [which commenced in the late 1820's]. They had, he said, come and gone of their own accord.
Even before the days of shore-trading, a few sailors from whalers took up their abode among the natives. With the advent of trading vessels, the runaways became more numerous. A surprisingly large proportion were foreigners, mostly citizens of the United States. Only one pakeha—a sailor named Taylor, who was known to the natives as “Tera,” or “Tiera,”—suffered the horrible fate of being required to form the “tit-bit” at a cannibal feast in this portion of the Dominion. Nothing has been learned as to his antecedents.
In Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century, p. 419, Smith says—apparently on the authority of New Zealander at Whakatane in retaliation for the attack made on the Hawes on 2 March, 1829, the Christianity Among the New Zealanders) merely states that “on that occasion an Englishman was killed.”
A much fuller version of the episode appears in Story of Te Waharoa. Probably the author (J. A. Wilson) obtained it from his father, who was the first Anglican missionary at Opotiki (28/12/1839). It states that Ngarara was one of the leading chiefs of Whanau-a-Apanui tribe, which became enraged on account of his murder having occurred with the connivance of the captain of a pakeha ship and resolved to obtain utu (satisfaction) by slaying a pakeha.
As the nearest pakehas lived at
“One poor fellow,” Wilson says, “was instantly killed, but the natives complained that he was thin and tough and that they could scarcely eat him…. The other European escaped in a marvellous manner. He fled and attempted to climb a tree. The native who pursued him, a Ngaitai man, cut off his fingers with a tomahawk and tumbled him out of the tree. We suppose the Maori preferred to make a live man walk to the kainga to carrying a dead man there; otherwise, another moment would have ended the pakeha's life.
“During the brief interval, our pakeha turned his anxious eyes towards the seas, when lo! an apparition. Was it not mocking him? Or, could it be real? Yes, it was a reality. There, walking the waters like a thing of life, a ship—not a phantom ship—approached, as if sent in his hour of need. She suddenly shot round Wharekahika Point, not more than a mile off, and anchored in the bay. ‘Now,’ said the pakeha, ‘if you spare me, my countrymen on board that ship will give a handsome ransom in guns and ammunition.’
” … As the Maoris wanted guns and ammunition, they took him to the landing-place, a rocky point, to negotiate the business. Presently an armed whaleboat neared the shore (the ship was a whaler) and the pakeha advanced a pace or two beyond the group of Maoris to the edge of the rock. He said to those on the boat: ‘When I jump into the water, fire!’ He plunged and they fired; he was saved and the natives fled, excepting such as may have been compelled to remain on the rock contrary to their feelings and wishes…. The unfortunate pakehas were proteges of Makau, alias Rangimatanuku, a Whakatohea chief, who had fled from Opotiki whenNgati-Maru devastated that place. Makau lost several men in this affair and always considered himself an upholder and martyr in the cause of the pakeha.”
Still another account of the occurrence was given to the writer in 1928 by Potene Tuhiwai, an elderly native of
One of the most colourful figures on the East Coast in the very early days was Bill Ward. How and when he arrived there are matters upon which his descendants disagree. From all accounts he had been a seaman, but, whilst one story states that he was employed on a warship which he deserted at the
During the hearing of the Mangahauini case (Waiapu N.L. Court minute book No. 27), Matiaha Pahewa stated that he was born in the year following Hongi's raid [1818]. In 1829, when he was “a young man,” he and Bill Ward (a European) saw a native baked and eaten at Te Ariuru (
In 1882 Ward claimed to be “The Father of the East Coast.” With great pride, he was wont to enumerate his numerous descendants. He was, indeed, almost persuaded to approach the Government for monetary recognition in respect of his colonizing efforts! Full of years, he quietly passed away at
Some difficulty was at first experienced by the writer in ascertaining the identity of a pioneer who was known to the East Coast natives as “Hori Punehu.” One witness described him in the Native Land Court as “the red-headed, freckled, blue-eyed pakeha.” When Mrs. James Walker, of
In the early 1860's (Mrs. Walker continued) Isaac Walker, with a nephew (James Walker) came over from Australia to the East Coast. The uncle, who took for wife Matere, went in for cattle-raising and from Maraehara (on the north bank of the Waiapu River) he sent a lot of fat stock to the Auckland market in later years. James Walker married Maria, a daughter of George Taylor, and, in 1869, there was born to them a son, who was named James after his father. This son she (Mrs. Walker) had married. In turn, they had had the son James of whom she had said: “There's a Punehu!” James Walker senior was the first pakeha to be charged rent at
Taylor assisted an American named William Martin to build a small craft at Reporua in the early days. A landslide enveloped the vessel and he narrowly escaped death. Martin, who had married Hariata Whakatangi, moved to Thames, but, eventually, he returned to the United States, taking with him his two half-caste boys. His daughter, Hariata, became the mother of the Akuhata family at
When he died in Gisborne on 29 December, 1885, the Poverty Bay Independent stated that he was born in 1807, and that he
The only pakeha who, according to the natives, lost his life on the East Coast on account of committing a breach of tapu (native sacred law) lived at Omaru-iti (
“In almost all Maori villages,”Dr. Wi Repa said, “there were sacred places upon which nobody was permitted to set foot. Such places were called ‘ahi taitai’; ‘umu pururangi’; and ‘kurepe.’ ‘Ahi taitai’ was the special prestige earned by a spot on which the navel cord or placenta of an ariki or other important personage had been buried. If anybody trespassed on it, he or she would become afflicted with a complaint not unlike an abscess caused by germ infection. ‘Umu pururangi’ was the umu (oven) where a tohunga had performed some purification rite, or had steamed the boil of some individual of noble lineage. Trespass on such a spot would lead to the offender's mara (cultivation) being visited by a plague of giant caterpillars. The ‘kurepe’ was much the same as the ‘umu pururangi’.”
According to Dr.
“The story,”Dr. Wi Repa added, “need not be true and, no doubt, it was a fabrication. But it has fixed the victim's place in the annals of the East Coast. Whenever anybody defied, or even disputed ordoubted, the mana of such places to cause death, the fate of Katete was invoked to prove the efficiency of such spots as death-dealing factors. Katete did not leave any descendants on the East Coast.”
Mariner, whaler, boatbuilder and ferryman were the occupations which, in turn, Telephone (Gisborne) stated that it was believed that he was related to an English military officer of like name. Waddy's half-caste daughter, Lucy Hame, who died at Puatai in 1936, was in her nineties.
According to old land claim 318 c/924, two brothers named “Nimrod, which carried live pigs, potatoes and corn to Wellington. In 1853 he was master of the cutter Ira, which was trading between
During the early 1870's, Robert Waddy provided a ferry service, by boat, on the Uawa River. On 16 March, 1874, the Poverty Bay Herald described him as “a very respectable old man,” and added that it was a matter for keen regret that, in carrying out his duties, he frequently became the victim of attacks by drunken Maoris. In an obituary notice, the Telephone said that Waddy had always claimed to have a monopoly of the ferrying business, but by whose authority nobody had ever been able to ascertain. The only ferry regulations in his day were the conditions which the old man saw fit to impose and the charge that was levied was the amount that he deemed proper! Accounts vary as to how he lost his life. He had built a boat to which he had attached handles, or shafts. The general opinion was that it became unmanageable
Omanuka, that pretty little spot just to the north of
It was a sad day for the old sea salt when Jean, his devoted Scottish wife, passed on. In order that she might still be near him, he buried her in a coffin made with his own hands in his very tidy little garden at the back of his home. As the lonely years crawled by, the old chap became uneasy on account of a belief that when, in turn, his end came, he might be buried only in a flax mat. So he built himself a coffin and rested content when his native neighbours assured him that, when he died, they would put his body in it and inter it beside that of his wife.
But, after all, poor old Captain Duncan never occupied his home-made coffin and his remains were not interred in the picturesque spot at Anaura which he loved so much. In 1876 the superstitious natives of Anaura held that their white neighbour, by the exercise of witchcraft, had been responsible for the death of the old chief Pita, and they threatened to take his life. These were the people who had beggared him in bygone years by neglecting to pay him what they owed him. A subscription list went the rounds of
Before
Shortly afterwards, Bristow became the husband of Ani, the widow of Kento (Keneto) the Dutchman. He was the master first of the Julia and then, in turn, of the Fancy and the Zillah, which were engaged in the Auckland-East Coast trade. Ani had eight children. A daughter born on the Zillah was named after that vessel. Two of the sons, Henare and Leonard, became well-known sheepfarmers in the
Among the pioneer pakehas at
Second youngest of the Gilman family of ten, Mrs. Hall (previously Mrs. W. F. Hale) of Mangatuna, who was born in 1860, told the writer that her father was born in Kent on 25 April, 1814. When he was six years old, his parents migrated to Maine (U.S.A.). He became an apprentice in his father's furniture factory. As there were other Nathaniels among relatives who had also migrated, he was called “Charles.” Some years later, his Uncle Goodhue took him to Boston, where he was taught navigation. In 1835 his uncle put him on board a schooner which was sent “blackbirding” off the African coast. The vessel was captured by a British man-o'-war and sunk.
In 1836 Gilman came out to New Zealand in a whaler of
During a visit to Auckland in 1864, Gilman remarried, his second wife being a half-caste Hindu, whose father was an officer in an Imperial regiment stationed there. When she arrived at
Buffalo when she was driven on shore at Whitianga (
Natives Prove Born Cultivators— Poverty Bay's Exports in 1830's—Amusing Evidence Given in England—“Slaves Used to Grow Crops”—Development of Native Lands—East Coast Enterprise.
Poverty Bay had become a large trading base some years before the first of the Dominion's cities was founded. When the demand for dressed flax began to dwindle in the middle 1830's, the natives turned their attention more seriously to the cultivation of maize as well as of potatoes, and to the breeding of more pigs for export. Commercial relations between pakeha and native had, by then, developed to an appreciable extent.
That the natives of the East Coast were born cultivators was noted by Endeavour was at
The most elaborate description of the native plantations at
“Their plantations,” he says, “were now hardly finished, but so well was the ground till'd that I have seldom seen, even in the grounds of Curious people, Land better broken up. In them were planted sweet Potatoes, Cocos and some one of the Cucumber kind…. The sweet Potatoes were planted on small hills, some in rows and others in quincunx, and all laid out most regularly in line. The Cocos were planted on flat land and had not yet appear'd above ground. The Cucumbers were set in small hollows or ditches, much as in England. These plantations were from one to two to 8 or 10 acres each. In the Bay, there might be 150 or 200 acres in cultivation, though we did not see 100 people in all. Each distinct Patch was fenced in, generally with reeds placed one by another so that scarce a mouse could creep through.”
Whilst the Adventure was at
Polack, who first visited the East Coast districts in 1835, was greatly impressed by the fertility of the soil. In New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. 1, p. 257, he says:
“The country aroundPoverty Bay andHawke's Bay is formed of alluvial soil. These places, which contain the most fertile land that may be imagined, lie useless among the natives, apprehensive as they are of meeting with an enemy before they can finish the labours of planting and, if they have succeeded in planting, are fearful of being deprived of the fruits of their toil.”
In The Tasmanian Journal of Science (1842), Colenso is equally laudatory with reference to the excellence of the natives' work as cultivators.
“The taro plantations at Te Kawakawa [Te Araroa , E.C.] were,” he says, “in nice condition and looked very neat, the plants being set out in quincunx order and the ground strewn with white sand, with which the large pendulous dark green and shield-shaped leaves of the young plants beautifully contrasted. Small screens, formed of the branches of manuka, to shelter the young plants from the violence of the northerly and easterly winds intersected the ground in every direction. Of the taro plant, the natives possess two kinds—taro maori and taro hora, neither indigenous, and only the former introduced by the present race.”
As an article of food for themselves, and as a trading commodity, pigs were held in high esteem by the natives.
Some documentary evidence relating to the extent of native agriculture in inter alia, into conditions in New Zealand. He had, he said, disposed of his trading station in
Questioned as to whether he thought the natives were likely to become good agriculturists, Mr. Montefiore said: “Certainly; they cultivate uncommonly well now. They fence in their lands and cultivate with regularity. Their potatoes are cultivated better than those grown by many of the settlers in
“By whom was the maize which you imported fromPoverty Bay cultivated?” Answer: “By the natives.”
“You know that the land on which it was grown was cultivated by the natives?”
“Yes; we are agents for the person who is now carrying on such cultivation. I have no doubt that he possesses a large territory there.” [In strict fact, Harris, at that time, held only the small allotment upon which his trading station at Turanganui stood and the small portion of Opou which originally bore that name.]
“He is an influential man and is settled there?”
“Yes; he consigns to us his shipments of maize, flax, whalebone, etc.”
How it was possible for this trader to get the natives to grow so much maize also puzzled members of the committee. “Does he [the trader] use slaves to cultivate his land?” Mr. Montefiore was asked. His reply was: “No doubt of it; and, from his high connection, he can command as many as he pleases.” [It could not have been known to the witness that, if a trader desired to have a crop grown, he would require only to consult his native protector, who would arrange with his tribe to have the work carried out and would personally supervise operations.]
Continuing to draw upon his vivid imagination, Mr. Montefiore told the committee that the trader had married a chief's daughter, or, perhaps, the daughters of two or three chiefs [Harris did not become a polygamist, as did some of his fellow-traders.] Mr. Montefiore also averred that, when the natives went to war, or had their tumults among themselves, they locked up their trader in a fort and made him a neutral until they had decided their quarrel, when they brought him back to his old station. [During the only serious trouble which occurred in
Comment on the final section of Mr. Montefiore's cross-examination is unnecessary. He was also asked:
“Does he (the trader) find that the can casily get his land cultivated?”
“Yes, to any extent.”
“There is no indisposition on the part of the natives to work for compensation?”
“No; I think not.”
“There would be no necessity to send Europeans to cultivate the land?”
“No; not if they can compel the slaves there to work.”
The first maize planted in the Poverty Bay-East Coast area was probably imported by one of the earliest shore-traders, although, of course, it might have been a gift from a shipmaster. In the early 1830's that cereal was being extensively grown. Salmon (Rovings in the Pacific) says that, in 1840, it was being cultivated even in almost inaccessible spots at [?]
With a friend, Salmon paid a visit to Rangitukia. They ascended a high hill to obtain a view of the Waiapu Valley. Every small hill was found to be under cultivation in some degree. Much of the land had been cropped in potatoes, and ripening maize crops were in abundance. On the highest hill, they met an aged woman who had just ascended with two baskets of potatoes which, it was reckoned, could not have weighed less than 80 lbs. in all. She did not seem to be incommoded by her burden “and commenced her descent with less appearance of fatigue than probably we did.”
Upon taking up his temporary residence in
Early in the 1860's, the natives' enthusiasm for agriculture and pig-raising waned. Inquiries by Europeans for large blocks for sheep-runs were becoming more numerous. Some of the natives might have gained the impression that sheepfarming was about to become the paramount industry. But what was probably a much more decisive factor was that unrest was becoming more intense among them. The East Coast War (1865) gave production a very severe setback, and when the
As sheep-raising was a type of farming with which the natives were not familiar, it made only a limited appeal to them at the outset. They found that much more capital was needed to establish a sheep farm than to engage in agricultural pursuits. As a consequence, the policy of leasing large areas to Europeans came into favour. However, it was the natives who provided nearly all the labour required to establish the sheep-stations which soon began to dot the fertile hills and valleys. They assisted to fell the bush, clear away the scrub, split posts, erect fences, lay down the pasture and make the roads. Fortunate, therefore, were the early settlers in having at hand native neighbours who were genuine sons of the soil and needed only guidance to become first-class station workers. Most of the labour to operate the sheep-stations on the East Coast has since been supplied by the Maoris.
In a statement which
According to Sir Apirana, the solutions offered for this fundamental difficulty had been made only during the previous twenty-five years, and had been based on the experience of only one district, the East Coast. He instanced, first of all, the plan of providing for the incorporation of the
Next came the consolidation of interests plan, which aimed at gathering into one location, or, if that was found impossible, into only a few locations, the scattered interests of individuals or of families. Commencing in 1911 with the Waipiro blocks, the principle had been extended until, by 1931, it applied to native lands in five counties on the East Coast and in the
“It is now,” Sir Apirana continued, “a stupendous undertaking…. Wherever it has been applied, the Maori communities have been insistent that it should be carried out with speed and vigour…. Consolidation is the most comprehensive method of approximating the goal of individual, or, at least, compact family, ownership.
Whilst the schemes of incorporation and of consolidation were being put into practice, steps were also being taken to vest in statutory bodies other lands that were held communally, and power was also being taken to administer them as farms for the native beneficiaries. A system of leasing to selected native-owners was also put into operation with limited success. Sir Apirana commented:
“The accumulated effect of the application of these devices, in conjunction with education and other factors, in the impact of western civilisation on the culture of the Maori people has been to break down the wall of conservatism and to force a resignation to methods which appeared drastic but which emphasised settlement of the lands as against niceties of title.”
Under more recent legislation, difficulties as to title are not permitted to stand in the way of the development of suitable areas. Power is given to Maori Land Boards to use their funds for the development of lands for settlement and authority is given to the Native Trustee to use funds in his account for a like purpose. Funds may also be provided by the Minister for Finance through the Native Land Settlement Account. Further, it has been made possible either for a Maori Land Board or for the Native Trustee to farm special blocks on behalf of the beneficial owners. Even earlier, the foundations had been laid on the East Coast for the training of natives to enable them to become industrious settlers.
The Ahuwhenua Cup (donated by Lord Bledisloe for competition among Maori farmers to encourage agricultural efficiency) was won in 1936 by W. Swinton (Raukokore), in 1938 by H. J. Dewes (Horoera, E.C.) and in 1948 by
The title “Native Trustee” has been officially altered to “Maori Trustee”; that of “Native Department” to “Maori Affairs Department”; and that of “Native Land Court” to “Maori Land Court.”
Did Ferris Lead the Way?— John Hayes and His Obscure Partner—Identification of “Mr. Rabbit-Nose”—Enterprising Hemi Petiti.
It has not been found possible to set down the exact order in which the earliest shore-traders made their appearance on the East Coast. The first at the southern end seems to have been Wherihi (Ferris), who, according to the Harris Memoirs, made his home at L'Astrolabe called in 1827, there would have been some reference to the fact in the account of her stay. Moana Tautau (who was born at
When Polack paid his first visit to
It is practically certain that Ferris's business rival in 1835 was
John Hayes (
Many guesses have been ventured as to the identity of Hayes's mate “Ropiha.” Quite a number of families bearing that surname are to be found in the
When the Omaewa case came before the Native Land Court, Judge Heale, in his notes, gave “Robson” as an alternative for “Ropiha,” although it would seem that the correct Maori form for “Robson” should be “Ropihana.” The Rev.
A tattooed pakeha named Robson lived on the
“… We sailed from Sydney in 1826 on theCaroline(Captain Swindle) for Campbell and Co. (We) were 9 months out from Sydney. We parted company with thePartridgeand shaped our course for theBay of Islands . We touched at Tanner's Island; we went on shore to trade … then sailed for theBay of Islands . We touched at theBay of Plenty ; there we traded for pigs and potatoes. Our trade with them was muskets and lead. There was a man living among the natives; he was a prisoner of the Crown, or what iscommonly called a convict. He was sent to Moreton Bay on board the Mercurybrig. There was mutiny on board; they took the brig and put in at theBay of Islands . Several of the prisoners went on shore to get some provisions. Captain Duke, belonging to the whaler called theSea Eagle, captured the brig and took her to Sydney. The prisoner who made his escape went in the name of Robson; he got tattooed like the natives.”
Nothing has been traced that would identify Heberley's Robson as Hayes's companion at Omaewa in 1834, nor as to the manner in which the Ropiha who was associated with Hayes lost his life.
Hayes, who had a trading station at
It was part of the arrangement that, if a price could not be agreed upon in respect of salt pork, it was to be shipped to Sydney at £4 freight rate, or to
Writing from Eleanor. He advised the firm that the vessel was too large for the New Zealand coastal trade, and added: “Should you not deem it advisable either to buy a smaller vessel or send the Eleanor with sheep (provided no offers of freight are made) I shall have to wind up all [our affairs] on the [East] Coast, which would be attended with loss, as we have gone to a great deal of expense in erecting houses and to keep possession of the land.”
Among Rhodes's records, which are in the Eleanor at
In the 1850's, Hayes was living at Reporua. He had two sons, John and Pene (Ben), who were half-brothers. Some weeks before
In Early Maoriland Adventures (
According to Canon Stack, the trader was called “Rabbit-nose” by the natives on account of his habit of “twitching his nose like a rabbit.” In a footnote,
“Mr. Rabbit-nose” was
When maize was first grown on Taumata-o-te-Whatiu No. 1 block, some of the crop was taken to Atkins. Kereama (one of the growers) took only a small quantity, and, as Atkins was not prepared to give him, in return, all the goods that he demanded, he helped himself to Atkins's stock-in-trade. A chief threw a spear at Kereama, and then both fired off guns, but neither was hit. Eventually, Kereama recompensed Atkins.
Whilst Atkins was engaged in cutting up trees on Pouhautea, he accidentally set fire to some kiekie (a species of fruit-bearing creeper). As compensation he was forced to part with a piece of calico, two blankets, three pieces of duck and a cask of tobacco. He had had to give a spade for a tawa tree and a piece of dress stuff, half a cask of tobacco and two red serge shirts for some rimu and kahikatea trees.
In the 1850's, Atkins went in for cattle-raising on Te Herenga. After the East Coast War (1865), the native owners demanded a cow from him for the right to graze his stock. When it was handed over to them, they mutually agreed upon the order in which her calves should be allocated to the various hapus. The natives then began to collect rent regularly from their tenants. It is believed that
One of the most enterprising of the early traders on the East Coast was The New Zealanders, p. 276) in charge of the sloop Blossom whilst she was engaged on the survey of the
Peachey made his appearance on the East Coast circa 1840 in the rôle of a trader. His first trading station was on the southern side of the Awatere River. Hamahona Puha (Waiapu N.L. Court minute book No. 25) claimed that his grandfather erected Peachey's store at
With other Europeans, Peachey, for a time, engaged in whaling at Poverty Bay Standard in 1873: “This old man, years ago, used to land large quantities of liquor, and sell it to all and sundry. At that time, the natives did not know that it was unlawful for anybody to sell liquor without a license.”
Peachey adopted the eldest son of a whaler named William Kento, a Dutchman, who was knonw to the natives as “Keneto,” or “Piri Tatamana” (“Billy the Dutchman”). In his diary (21 September, 1849) the
“A report reached me whilst I was at Anaura,” he says, “that Kento (a Dutchman) and Dolton (an Englishman) were crossing the Waiapu River on horseback, and got out of their depth. Dolton crossed safely on his horse, but Kento and his horse were carried down the stream.” [This is the first instance that has been traced of the death of a pakeha by drowning in the Waiapu River.]
Kento had married Ani, a woman of high rank. He left two sons, Wiremu, who took the name “Peachey,” and Werepu (“Whirlpool”). Werepu received his name on account of the fact that his father had died by drowning. A similar fate overtook Werepu. Accompanied by Tiopira Hani (a cripple) and Tuhaka Kore, Werepu (who was partly blind) went out to sea fishing on
Returning to Tawera told the Hawke's Bay Herald (30/5/1863) that the natives had told them that they were determined to drive away the magistrate (Mr. Baker) if he attempted to visit the district. They had also been warned that they would be required to pay for the grass and water which their horses and cows consumed, and even for the water which their fowls and ducks drank! When they had indicated that they did not intend to make any such payments, a threat was issued that they would be deprived of some horses. The firm closed down when the East Coast War broke out in 1865, and Peachey went to Auckland.
In 1866, Peachey once again took up his residence at
A Spaniard (born in America) was among the earliest traders in the Waiapu district. His name was Manuel, and he was known to the natives as “Manuera” and to his fellow-pakehas as “Charlie the Spaniard.” He had deserted from an American whaler. In 1850, Porourangi treated him as head among the Waiapu traders. His principal wife was Tapitu. Their daughter Peti married a Portuguese trader named Lima. In 1874, Manuel lived at Port Awanui and had a branch store near the Waiapu River. Charles Christian, another Portuguese, was known as “Poriki” by the natives. He lived sometimes at East Cape and, at others, in the Waiapu district. Ani Kanara, his wife, was reputed to be ninety-seven years old when she died at Gisborne on 18 November, 1925.
Born at Liverpool in 1822,
Moving to Poverty Bay, Goldsmith opened a store at Kairoro. In 1865 it was plundered by the Hauhaus. He was on active service both in 1865 and 1868. On the morning of the massacre, he was in Turanganui,
Mercury when he assisted the
Essex in 1821. His second whaling cruise to southern waters was in 1829. In 1837 he was master of the Trent, which was in the Sydney-New Zealand trade. On one occasion, whilst he was at Mahia, he was visited by Hapuku and his father-in-law (Puhara) of Antelope, which was on the Auckland-East Coast run, and, as late as 1865, he was in command of the cutter Aquila.
Early Purchases in Poverty Bay and on the East Coast—Alleged Deal at Hicks Bay in 1825—Trouble in Establishing Titles—Natives Adopt Obstructive Tactics.
Prior to the erection of the colony in 1840, only a small number of land transactions had taken place between Europeans and natives in
Only about thirty claims were presented when the Rogan-Monro Commission sat at Gisborne in 1869. Others had either been rejected by earlier commissioners, or had been abandoned. As part of a plan to have all the early transactions quashed, objections were raised by natives to each of them. In every case, inquiry was directed to ascertain the date when the property had passed from the natives. Some of the original pakeha buyers were dead; others had left the district; and, in a number of instances, properties had changed hands several times. It was pleaded, in some cases, that the agreements had been produced before Commissioner Bell in 1859, and that they were among the public documents which were lost when the White Swan foundered on 29 June, 1862, about seventeen miles south of Castlepoint. In some other cases, it was explained that the missing documents had been destroyed in homes set on fire by Hauhaus in 1865 or by
The earliest claim in respect to a purchase of land on the East Coast dates back to a transaction which was alleged to have taken place in 1825. It was put in by
All the other early claims to land on the East Coast were also rejected. Frederick (later Sir F.) Whitaker unsuccessfully put in a claim to 2,000–5,000 acres at “East Cape” which, he stated, had been bought by Captain Thomas Bateman on 16 December, 1839, for £100. Bateman swore that the original document was lost when the Trent was driven ashore at Coromandel in November, 1843. Whitaker did not say how or when he came by the property. Pre-emptive claims by John Hart and William Christie to lands at “East Cape” were also disallowed.
Two claims were made by
The earliest purchase of land in
When the Poverty Bay Crown Grants Commission sat in 1869, Paratene and Kahutia were dead and Paora (a younger brother of Kahutia) opposed the claim. He averred that Harris had received permission merely to occupy the land. If the claimant had paid any money for it, he (witness) would have been given a share. Asked if he had any witnesses to support his protest, Paora walked abruptly out of the court. Henare Turangi (a relative of Paratene) upheld the claim and
A property known as “Wai-o-ngaruwai,” which stood at the junction of the Taruheru River with the Turanganui River, was acquired by
Harris described the land as under: “Bounded on north side by the Wai taruharu River; on the east side by that part of the river called Wai Turanganui; and on the south and west sides by a native fenced village [Heipipi].” He added that he had built a weather-boarded store, cottage and other buildings and fences on the land. Samuel Loane bought the property on 15 May, 1857, but it fell back into
The claim which was most strenuously opposed was that which was made by Captain W. B. (“Barney”) Rhodes to a block of 300 acres, lying between Karaua Creek and the edge of
Matenga Tamaioreao testified that the sale was made by himself and others, without consultation with the chiefs, because he had been left out of the distribution of goods made by another buyer in payment for another property. “I sold it,” he added, “in mistake or foolishly (pohehe); the land was not mine to sell.” Raharuhi (“Lazarus”) Rukupo confirmed this statement. The sale, he said, had taken place whilst he and other chiefs, together with between 200 and 300 members of the tribe, were away negotiating the sale of another property. In consequence of the sale, one of the vendors had been driven away. Witness's predecessor (Te Waaka Mangere) had refused to accept any portion of the payment.
The counter-claimant (
It was held by the Commission that Mrs. Wyllie's claim must fail on the ground that Te Whare was one of the party which had previously sold the land to Rhodes and because the deed of gift to her was executed immediately prior to the donor going openly into rebellion. An area of thirty acres (including Pakirikiri) was cut out and awarded to
One of the most important land deals, at the outset of pakeha settlement in
When the transaction came before Commissioner Bell in 1859, the native witnesses agreed that
On 26 July, 1841, Halbert sold the block to the
An interesting feature of a land claim which
The goods which formed the consideration were valued at £341/9/- and included:. 500 lbs. of powder at 2/- per lb.; 40 iron pots at 10/-; 12 pairs of trousers at 5/-; 12 shirts at 5/-; 5 red shirts at 7/-; 4 pieces of print at 40/-; 20 handkerchiefs at 2/-; 56 lbs. of pig lead at 1/-; 9 gross of pipes at 12/-; 20 pairs of superior blankets at 60/-; 20 wood axes at 7/-; 20 hoes at 7/-; 20 spades at 7/-; 560 lbs. of tobacco at 5/-; 10 muskets at 25/-; one superior d.b. piece at £12; and sundry other property subsequently tendered.
Clayton indicated on his claim that he had erected several buildings for the curing of bacon, the preparing of pork and the collection of corn [maize] and that he had put down a quantity of land in grasses on which cattle were feeding. [There is no earlier reference to the sowing of grass in Poverty Bay Standard stated:
“Those of the tribe who had not been consulted, and who had not derived any monetary benefit from the original transaction, subscribed £330 which was paid to Campbell [in 1851], and he then carried out a promise to cancel the sale to himself in favour of the natives. Subsequently, the land went through the Native Land Court and Rapata Whakapuhia, who had not subscribed to the fund to redeem the land, sold it to Major Westrup for £150….”
Clayton also submitted a claim (gazetted on 27 January, 1844) in respect of one acre more or less which, he stated, he had bought on 10 January, 1840. The land was described as being situated in
Daniel Cooper (of Cooper and Holt, of Sydney) was conspicuous in the establishment of Australia's dairy export trade. Upon receiving a knighthood he left Australia in 1856 to settle in England. For the personal use of himself and his family on the voyage he took with him some salt butter in earthenware jars. The experiment proved so successful that he arranged with the settler to whom had sold a dairy farm for regular shipments to be made to him in casks. It was then worth 1/6 per lb. in London, but only 4d. per lb. in Sydney.
According to Terry's New Zealand (London: 1842), Daniel Cooper claimed to have bought 2,246,000 acres in New Zealand. The Rev. (later Bishop)
“I take this occasion to send for the information of His Excellency the Governor some account of a most nefarious transaction which took place in January last, being an attempt on the part of aCaptain Rhodes , of the barqueEleanorof Sydney, to dupe the natives out of a tract of land extending fromPort Nicholson (Wellington) to the northern side of Ahuriri in Hawke's Bay and, again, from the north bank of the Wairoa River to the north of Table Cape (Mahia). For this land, embracing a coastline of about 160 miles, and intended, no doubt, to extend as far into the interior as may be convenient, property to the amount of about £160 has been paid to the natives…. Most of the native proprietors have never been consulted, and the transaction should not be recognised.”
Shore-whaling Begins in Poverty Bay in 1837—Sport Thrills the Natives—Mahia's Evil Reputation—Whalers and Natives Plunder U.S. Brig “Falco”—Incidents on the East Coast.
The “Father of Shore-whaling in Martha, which reached Sydney from
In March, 1837, Harris set out from Sydney on his homeward journey in the Currency Lass. During the previous month the Marion Watson had left Sydney for Poverty Bay with a cargo of two barrels of rum, one case of gin, five kegs of tobacco, three chests of tea, three bags and one hogshead of sugar, eight casks of pork, twelve of beef, two of salt, one of peas, 100 lance poles, twelve casks of bread, 100 tons of empty casks, and seven casks of flour. Doubtless, this cargo represented purchases made by Harris in connection with his projected whaling-station.
Whaling must have been in full swing in Harris Memoirs that, in that year, “only whalebone was sought, as there were [?] no casks for oil.” Before a Select Committee of the House of Lords in 1838, Through Ninety Years, p. 35) says that
The station was shifted to Papawhariki (on the mainland opposite Tuamotu Island) in November, 1838.
Returning to Papawhariki in 1843, Morris married Puihi, of Wahanui (Ormond), whose guardian was a chief named Te Mauhara. In 1844 he went whaling at Whakaari (H.B.). A trypot which he left there was retrieved in 1916 by Mr. Russell Duncan and a party from Napier. Morris's next station (1846) was at Handbook of New Zealand (1848), he had three boats and employed twenty men. In 1848 he moved back to
Billy Brown was the last of the pioneer whalers to operate in and about
Harris, it is stated by his son, had an interest at the start in the Mawhai station. Espie, however, claimed to have bought the site (100 acres) in 1838. It lay on the southern side of the peninsula and, being well sheltered, it was frequently used, in later years, by small craft when they were unable to land cargo at
Whaling was first engaged upon at Mahia and Waikokopu in 1837, when an invasion by whalers from the Hawke's Bay Herald in June, 1868, “An Old Colonist” [probably F. W. C. Sturm] says that two whale-fisheries were established there in that year—one by Ward Brothers at Waikokopu, and the other by Captain Wm. Ellis at Te Mahia [probably on the southern side and opposite Waikokopu] and as a consequence, a number of pakehas collected there.
“Most of the whites,” he states, “had each a domestic establishment, with an aboriginal lady at the head of it, and the good old plan ofhaving a pet chief who took you in charge and, whilst plundering you himself, preserved you from others was still in vogue. ‘Messieurs the Whites’ led a pretty considerable, careless, reckless. Godless kind of life, drinking and gambling, having, in these halcyon days, full liberty of action.”
Harris junior was under the erroneous impression (Harris Memoirs, p. 7) that whaling did not start at Waikokopu until 1838, and that Captain G. E. Clayton conducted the first station there. He also suggests that his father had an interest in the concern either at the beginning or shortly afterwards. If, however,
Dinwiddie, in Old Hawke's Bay, says that, after the first season the Wards retired and Ellis took over their station. Thomas Bateman, of the Early History of New Zealand, p. 176, that the whaling station which Clayton operated at Waikokopu had previously been owned by Greenaway and Batman [? Bateman], and that it was destroyed by fire in 1839, “Captain Clayton having only just taken possession.” Greenaway was, probably, George Greenaway, merchant, of the
Mahia became the principal whaling base on the mid-eastern section of the The New Zealand Spectator, referring to a report that an escaped murderer was believed to be
When the U.S. brig Falco (Captain Moseley) was wrecked at Table Cape on 27 July, 1845, Europeans from the whaling stations assisted the natives to plunder her. The New Zealander (15/9/1845) states:
“These ruffians rushed on board and hemmed in the captain and the officers on the quarter-deck, threatened them with violence, broke open the hatches, got into the hold, and either destroyed or carried away much of the cargo. The mail bags and boxes were taken and allletters likely to contain enclosures, as well as the government dispatches, were opened. Some were seen in the hands of the natives, who were offering them for sale: a large one for ten figs of tobacco, and so on in proportion down to an ordinary-sized letter for one fig. What the plunderers thought was not worth taking they destroyed. The whites were even more eager than the natives, and seemed particularly pleased as they tore open the government dispatches…. They then began to strip the hull, and to remove the spars and standing rigging … and this was done to prevent the possibility of the vessel being got off. Had the whites held aloof, and been disposed to save the ship and the cargo, the natives would never have made an attack on the vessel.”
When Archdeacon W. Williams arrived on the scene he convened a meeting of the natives. Some members of the whaling fraternity also put in appearance and made uncalled-for reflections upon him. Many of the natives seemed desirous of giving up their booty, which, they said, they would not have taken had they not been urged on by the whites. However, for the articles which they returned they demanded as much as they were worth! Most of the stolen letters, which included correspondence for almost everybody of note in Auckland, were returned.
Friendly natives had to be called upon to protect Mr. Williams because some of the Europeans had threatened “to drink his blood.” Upon it becoming known that an attack might be made on Perry's store (where the U.S. Consul's treasures had been placed for safe keeping), a nightly guard of two hundred natives was set. “The fisheries,” it was added, “are now all broken up, as almost all the whalers have retired into the bush to enjoy their portions of the spoils.”
The native custom of regarding half-caste children as belonging to the mother's tribe was enforced in the case of a son of Sam Delamere (Teramere), who whaled with others at Whitianga (near the mouth of the Motu River), at
Determined to get custody of his son Ned, Delamere arranged with the master of a coastal craft to kidnap the lad, who was then about seven years old. After the skipper had been on shore at Whitianga on several occasions, he settled in his mind which lad was Ned, and enticed him on board by promising to take him to see his father. However, by supposing that, at Maraenui (the next port of call), the residents belonged to another tribe, he fell into a serious error. Ned was recognised there and had to be given up. The father never resettled in the
Whalers all along the coast from Whangaparaoa to Mahia experienced a peak year in 1874. Scarcely a day passed without a school of whales being seen. In one week
Whilst Major Ropata was being tried by a runanga for trespassing on Waipiro block to shoot birds, the proceedings were interrupted by loud shouting outside the meeting-place. A boat in pursuit of a whale had come into sight. Ropata saw that the boat was proceeding in the direction of his home, and he protested: “When will the boat stop? There are boundaries on the sea as well as on the land! “As a sequel to his action in laying this complaint, he was not fined. Narrating the incident in the Native Land Court (Waiapu minute book, No. 16), he admitted that he had said that, if his party had been attacked, he would have slain its assailants. “But,” he added, “I did not also say that I would have cooked and eaten them. At that time the cooking of people had gone out of fashion.”
When the Rev.
It deeply shocked Mr. Taylor to find that a man of Espie's upbringing was content to adopt such a primitive mode of living. “Mr. Espy,” he says, at page 99 of his journal, “is the son of a naval surgeon of great respectability in Van Diemen's Land [Tasmania]. [His father was
In 1841, Espie was married to Ethel [? Downes]. It was common gossip, in later years, that his bride, who was only sixteen or seventeen years old, had been left at Minerva in June, 1841, after an uneventful voyage. The marriage ceremony was conducted by the
A third venture into matrimony was made by Espie, but, after three children had been born of the union—once again two girls and a boy—this wife ran off with the master of a schooner which came into the Taruheru River to lift a cargo of wheat. As Espie suspected that his wife was on board the vessel, he armed himself with a gun and went down to the loading-bank at sailing time. The skipper popped Mrs. Espie into a cask. Invited to search the craft, Espie neglected to examine the cask! Espie told the skipper that, if he had found his wife on board, he would have shot him. This was the schooner's last visit to
Known to the natives as “Morete,” William Morris was born at Black Rock, Cork, in 1815. He was the only son of Captain William Morris, of the Coastguards. That he left his homeland at an early age is shown by a letter which is held by his descendants. It is dated “Black Rock, 1 May 1841,” and was written to him by a sister, Jemima, in reply to the first letter which any member of the family had received from him since his departure. She writes of her delight in hearing from him “after such a lapse of years.” A warm invitation was extended to Morris (11/9/1843) by another sister, Maria, to return “to tread once more Irish soil and taste the native sweets that only your native air can afford, for we have enough for ourselves and our families and to spare.”
Whilst Morris was whaling in
Writing to Morris from Waitangi in June, 1849, Colenso said: “Since you left our neighbourhood I have very often, indeed, had you in my thoughts … for I proved you to be a good neighbour, and am still indebted to you for many acts of kindness.” Again, in October, 1852, Colenso wrote: “I scarcely ever walk on my verandah and look towards the Cape [
In 1852, when Morris had a store at Wherowhero, he was again lured by the old cry: “There she Blows!” and took up whaling at Waikokopu. He remained there until 1856, when he returned to
Among the stories which were narrated to the writer by Thomas Bartlett (born at sea between Wherowhero and Mahia in 1848) was one which indicated that Morris's acumen was well matched by his obstinacy. On one occasion, whilst search was being made for a dead whale off Waikokopu, Morris, who was blind in one eye, espied a dark object under the surface. He called upon his harpooner (Nepia Tokitahi) to strike. Nepia told him that it was only a rock, but, being unwilling to disobey, he projected his harpoon. The rock was afterwards known as “Tokitia,” and Morris was unmercifully chaffed over his mistake.
With his hair reaching down to his waist, “Billy” Brown (Wiremu Paraone) was a conspicuous figure in the eyes of visitors to Early Gisborne. After the death of his wife (in the middle 1860's), he refrained from having his hair cut. His fellow-residents became accustomed to what they regarded as merely an eccentricity on his part. Members of his family had questioned the propriety of his decision; his reply was that he could not think of any better way of showing his respect for his late partner in life than by constituting himself a living monument to her in the way that he was doing.
Brown was born in England circa 1802. Writing to the Colonial Secretary of New South Wales (30/11/1840), he said: “I have lived in this island for about four years.” It seems that he had slipped ashore from a whaler on the eve of her departure from
Shortly after the death of his wife, Brown set off on an intended visit to England. He had wished to take two of his sons with him, but the elders of their mother's tribe would not acquiesce, fearing that he might not bring them back. When he got to Melbourne he began to miss his children, and he retraced his steps. One of the largest feasts ever held in
The elder of Brown's daughters,
Mere Kingi's first husband, Komere (a brother of
Some dramatic experiences befell Tom Ralph (Tame Rawhi), whom Journal of the Polynesian Society (March, 1910, p. 16), he was landed there from the Ameri Kiwata (“Admiral Gifford”) in November, 1831; that he was called Tame (Tommy) by the natives; and that he took unto himself two wives. Taranaki was, at that time, being invaded by Waikato tribes under
Daniel Henry Sheridan (Sydney Monitor, April, 1833) says that the Maniapoto tribe deserted Mokau to share in the spoils at Pukerangiora. As only two old men and a decrepit woman had been left behind, the
Polack, who met Ralph at New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, Vol. 2, p. 57) a strange incident in which Ralph figured at Maihia (Mahia), whither he had moved from Kawhia. A chief named Werowero quarrelled with a neighbouring chief, who threatened to cut off his head and sell it to the pakehas. Werowero decapitated his “enemy,” and secreted the head in Ralph's whare. When fatty matter mingled with the food that he was cooking, Ralph was puzzled. To his disgust, he found that Werowero had placed the head within his chimney!
Upon giving up whaling at Mahia, Ralph worked for Joseph Carroll on Hurumoa, and, subsequently, had charge of the ferry at Wairoa. He ended his days at Whangawehi.
P.B. Independent said of him: “He was quite a respectable old gentleman, and was generally liked.”
John Anderson (an Englishman) was one of the whaling fraternity at Mahia before he moved to Anaura in the late 1840's. His wife was Peti Karotapapa. Two sons, John and William, were born at Mahia, and Henry and Peti (Betty) at Anaura. Anderson became a trader at Anaura in connection with
Dart which traded out of Sydney to New Zealand. The skipper of the Eric, the first American vessel to engage in bay whaling off the
One of the earliest whalers at Mahia was
Much amusement was afforded passengers on the Southern Cross one day in October, 1890, when they observed, off Tuparoa, an elderly native couple, with the help of a lad, towing a small dead whale ashore. The find was sold to
There was considerable excitement at East Cape in January, 1885, when the American whaler John Winthorp put in, a mutiny having broken out. Eight men got away on one of her boats, but they surrendered when they were overhauled by an armed crew in another boat. Before the ship proceeded on her voyage the mutineers were flogged and put in irons.
A serious mishap occurred off Pokotakino in August, 1888. Two boats' crews had made a strike upon a whale. With a wicked swish of its tail the monster smashed one of the boats to matchwood and stove in the other. A native who was drawn under was not seen again. Accompanying boats rescued the survivors, and when the injured whale rose to blow it was secured.
Some of the whaling-stations on the East Coast were owned by natives and natives were attached to all the pakeha-owned stations. Tuparoa proved a profitable location for J. E. Dalton and his crews in the 1880's.
Ex-Cannibals as Evangelists—Taumata-a-Kura and Matenga Tukareaho—Native Chapels Before Mission Stations—Strict Observance of the Sabbath.
Strangely enough, the natives inhabiting the seaboard between
Thanks to the missionaries, a small batch of East Coast captives was released in 1833 as a sequel to a fortuitous happening. The English whaler Elizabeth (
Accounts differ as to whether these
When Rukuata and his companions were put on shore, the Active. She ran into a southerly off Fortitude was required to take timber and stores to the new mission station at Puriri (Thames), and it was decided to extend her voyage to East Cape. She took about sixty natives, of whom thirty were
In Christianity Among the New Zealanders, Fortitude reached
“I have never before seen such a wild-looking set,” Mr. Williams remarks. “… They were exceedingly friendly … Rukuata and his companions soon began to relate their adventures, for their relatives had heard no tidings of them since the ship had carried them off. They told them some of the customs of the missionaries, carefully distinguishing between us and the foreigners they had hitherto had to deal with.”
Mr. Yate told the British Parliamentary Committee in February, 1836, that the natives were astonished to find their long-lost relatives on board. Nothing could possibly have exceeded their gratitude. It had been believed that they had been murdered upon
On the following day, the visitors, accompanied by a large number of natives, went by sea to Waiapu, halting at Rangitukia, where was situated the outer and well-fortified pa of the Waiapu Valley, which was capable of mustering 560 fighting men. Referring to the service held in the evening, Mr. Williams says:
“There were upwards of 500 men, women and children at prayers. It was the largest assemblage I had yet spoken to in this country. Many old priests were present, but they showed no disposition to cavil, nor any symptom of fear lest their craft should be endangered; on the contrary, they seemed ready to listen to any new thing which might be told them.”
Next day, a visit was paid to the inner pa at Whakawhitira (about ten miles off) which, it was said, had attached to it two thousand fighting men. Many of its fighters were also away. “This village,” Mr. Williams says, “is very large and very well
Sunday (12 January, 1834) was the first Sabbath observed by the East Coast natives under the auspices of European missionaries. Rukuata and his friends made the arrangements for the services, which were held at Rangitukia and Whakawhitira. About five hundred natives were present at the former place and seven hundred at the latter. As there was no bell, the people were called together by the sound produced by the business end of a European hoe being struck by another piece of metal.
“There was, as yet,” Mr. Williams records, “no prospect of forming a mission station among these interesting tribes, for the simple reason that there was no one to undertake the work; but an important step had been taken, for the district had been explored and there was sufficient proof that it was a promising field for future occupation.”
Mr. Yate's description of the native menfolk who attended the service at Whakawhitira bears out what Mr. Williams says concerning the wild appearance of the East Coast natives:
“Some of them,” he says, “had their beards plastered with red ochre and oil; others, with blue clay and a deep mark of red ochre over each eye, which, together with the tattooing, gives them the most ferocious aspect which can be conceived, strongly resembling some of the pictures of Apollyon in the older editions of Bunyan'sPilgrim's Progress.”
The missionaries went on by sea to Table Cape (Mahia) before returning to the
Although Rukuata is credited with having made the arrangements for the religious services which the visiting clerics held on the East Coast, it was Columbine some months earlier.
As soon as he got back home, Taumata, who had attended the mission school at Waimate (
For his new rôle as an evangelist, Taumata was ill-equipped.
Among the self-appointed native teachers, Matenga Tukareaho was not less remarkable than Taumata-a-Kura. He, too, had been a great warrior and a cannibal. Prior to the opening of the first mission station in
It is certain that the native who had been at the
Prior to his visit to the
Relying upon Matenga's presence among the strangers as a guarantee of good faith,
After the slaying of
When Matenga's religious fervour subsided, he reasserted his former rights as a rangatira. He was a signatory at
The identity of the natives who paved the way for mission work in
It was not until January, 1838, that the East Coast was again visited on behalf of the
The Revs.
“I found the natives very numerous when compared with those of this portion of the island [Bay of Islands ], and at all the pas, both at East Cape and at Turanga, all seemed perfectly prepared to receive Christian instruction. Their repeated and strong solicitations for teachers are a loud and imperative call that the field should no longer be neglected…. The demand for books was great and general, and it was truly distressing to be obliged to turn applicants away when we had no longer the means of giving relief. I distributed, in the course of my journey, 500 slates and a few early lessons and catechisms. Books I had none….”
Some early visitors were under the impression that
Ill-fated Turanga Station—Huge Church Blown Down— Bishop Selwyn's First Visit in 1842—Hauhaus Drive Missionaries Away in 1865.
Prior to the establishment of mission stations along the East Coast from
Kaupapa—about nine miles to the south-west of Turanganui (Gisborne)—was chosen as the site for a mission station. Mr. Williams considered that Aquita at
On 31 December, 1839, Mr. Williams, together with Mrs. Williams, their son James Nelson and the infant Anna Maria, also a nephew, Henry (the youngest son of the Jess. According to W. L. Williams, the party received a very warm welcome, which, in large measure, compensated for the inadequacy of the accommodation which had been provided for them—a mere shell of a building, constructed in native fashion. It had walls of raupo attached to a frame of wood, and its roof was thatched with toetoe grass. There were no doors or windows, no partitions or flooring—and it was swarming with fleas!
Interesting sidelights on the early missionary days in Notes on Early Life in New Zealand (Hobart, 1903). Upon their arrival, the captain, it seems, became uneasy about the position of his vessel. When he was about to lift the anchor preparatory to shifting to the other side of the roadstead, the natives (who had come off in crowds) got the notion that he intended to make off with Mr. Williams's goods. They overpowered the crew and took all the cargo ashore in their canoes!
“We had,” Clarke says, “little peace for the first week. Hundreds of natives surrounded the house and, all night long, kept shouting in unison: h-a, ha; h-e, he; h-i, hi; h-o, ho; h-u, hu, and so on through half of the primer spelling book. I think they fancied that it was part of the missionaries' karakia, or worship. We had brought down a small primer in sheets and had given away half a dozen copies. And this was the result!”
It is pointed out by Clarke that, in the early intercourse between the pakehas and the Maoris, many, if not most, of their quarrels arose from sheer ignorance of each other's ways. One very frequent cause was the inadvertent, or careless, violation of the laws of tapu. The burial-places, or, rather, sacred groves, in which the bones of the dead were deposited, were carefully guarded against violation. He adds: “We became at last recognised peacemakers in their intertribal quarrels. Even if a fight were going on, our persons were sacred, and we were allowed to pass to and fro between the contending parties, they sometimes deliberately suspending their firing that we might pass unharmed.”
Christianity Among the New Zealanders) states that, upon settling in
During the autumn of 1840, Mr. Williams (accompanied by George Clarke) visited the East Cape district, where even more progress was manifest than in
“Our first surprise,” he continues, “was to see two ugly old savages—nearly naked, plastered with red ochre and reeking with shark oil from head to heel—at the sides of the door, each brandishing a murderous club, and, as far as looks went, threatening to brain any disturber of the ceremonies—be it man, woman or child. They were the doorkeepers of the Sanctuary.
“The men were on the right side and the women on the left, and we passed along with all eyes following us to the dais at the end, where the native teacher awaited us … With a sound like thunder they took the second line out of the teacher's mouth … It was terrible. Men, women and children were on the strain, holding their sides, stooping to the effort, gasping for more breath, and working till the perspiration made long, brown seams where it rolled down their redsmeared faces.
“I saw our two old club friends gesticulating wildly in the distance (it was getting misty with the steam) and close by me there was a hoary old sinner gasping out, ‘Kia Kaha!’ ‘Kia Kaha!’ (‘Sing louder!’ ‘Sing louder!’).”
In Rovings in the Pacific, Alexander Salmon (a merchant of Tahiti) says that, accompanied by a shipmate, he visited the northern end of the East Coast in 1840. They found that most of the natives could read and write; that prayer was offered three times a day; and that no presents, however eagerly coveted, would cause the natives to violate the Lord's Day. On a journey overland from Rangitukia to [?]
In the spring of 1840, Mr. Williams paid a visit to Mahia, Wairoa and
Notwithstanding several grievous setbacks, the Turanga station quickly grew in influence. Heavy flooding of the Waipaoa River in 1841 caused extensive erosion at Kaupapa. In 1843, a new site was obtained on higher ground at Whakato, only a short distance away. A new church to supersede the rush chapel at Kaupapa was almost finished when it was blown down just prior to
In 1842, the
Upon his return from England in 1853, Mr. Williams decided to establish a much larger station in
Even during the hold-up, steps were taken to establish the new station. The removal of the wooden buildings from Whakato presented a formidable task. In order to reduce the amount of sledging work a punt was built and some of the buildings and their contents were taken up the Waipaoa River as far as Mata-whero. By the end of 1856 most of the buildings had been reerected and about 160 acres had been cleared, fenced and sown either in wheat or grass. The land was ceded on 9 April, 1857. Consequent upon the Hauhau rising, the station was closed in 1865. A college for native lads was erected on it in 1890, but, when the main portion was destroyed by fire on 2 April, 1937, it was closed. Te Rau College, in which native students were trained for the ministry, was established at Gisborne in 1883 and remained open until 1918.
A new home at Whakato for the Williams family was burned down on 7 February, 1843. Three rooms had been completed. There was only slight loss of furniture, but nearly 1,500 copies of the native New Testament were destroyed.
Between 1842 and 1863 the church services at Manutuke were held in the large meeting-house known as “Hamokorau” at Orakaiapu pa. The construction of a new church had been begun in 1851, but the natives had abandoned the work on account of exception being taken to some of the carvings which they wished to incorporate in it. Resumption became urgent in the early 1860's, as “Hamokorau” was then in a dilapidated condition. The new church was opened in 1863.
The Diocese of Waiapu is unique in that a father, son and grandson have served among its Bishops.
Before William Williams established the first mission station in
A Dictionary of the New Zealand Language (1844), and also of Christianity Among the New Zealanders (1867). He passed away at Napier on 9 February, 1878. Mrs. Williams survived till 6 October, 1896, her death occurring at the great age of ninety-five years.
The pioneer in the work of Christianizing the natives in and around
Hekapo's wife (Mariana) died from tuberculosis on 15 February, 1844. Mr. Baker, in his journal, says: “It has afforded me no small encouragement to have beheld so striking an instance of genuine Christianity in a New Zealander … Many could not but lament their loss of one who to them had been a ‘Mother in Israel.’” Hekapo, who also suffered from tuberculosis, died early in 1853. The Rev.
Mr. and Mrs. Baker, with eight of their children, reached
The Uawa mission district extended from
According to the Rev. C. Baker's journal (which was kindly placed at the disposal of the writer by Mr. Ward Baker, of Auckland) there was a small settlement of European traders, shipmasters, carpenters, sawyers and boatbuilders at Nimrod), Robert Waddy (a shipmaster and trader), Ashmere (a sawyer), Samuel Brockhurst (a carpenter) and his wife, Harris (a carpenter) and his wife, Ellis (a carpenter) and his wife. In April, 1843, a carpenter named Williams and his wife arrived. Edward Biddle and his wife were there in 1844. Nicholas's abode was frequently the scene
A month after his arrival, Mr. Baker lost three of his servants—Wiremu Peere (
The Baileys returned to the Uawa mission station in February, 1844, and, in Wiremu's own words, “we were welcomed in the same way as the prodigal son was welcomed by his father.” During Mr. Baker's absences from
One of the most difficult chiefs Mr. Baker had to deal with at Uawa was Nopera (Noble) Rangiuia. In October, 1843, Nopera told the people at the pa adjacent to the mission station that the last lot of medicine he had received from Mr. Baker had killed one of his daughters. Archdeacon W. Williams, Mr. Stack and Mr. Baker went over to the pa, and Mr. Williams remonstrated with him. Producing what was left of the medicine, Nopera said: “If the pakehas will drink this and are not killed, it will be proof that my daughter did not die from it.” Seizing the bottle, Mr. Williams drank most of the contents, and Mr. Stack consumed the dregs. Nopera then complained that, when he had sent for some nails with which to make a coffin, Mr. Baker had refused to give him any, saying that he wanted them to nail down his daughter's eyelids. The fact was that Mr. Baker's refusal was on the ground that the girl was still alive. She was a sufferer from consumption. Nopera had lost another daughter only a few months previously.
Mr. Baker had a lot of trouble with Nopera over some trees which he bought from him in January, 1844. When the sawyers had sawn a considerable quantity of timber, Nopera held out for a further payment before he would allow any of it to be removed. By way of compromise, Mr. Baker offered Nopera a further sum if he would deliver the timber. This he did not do until May, and, when he came with it, he asked for some medicine for himself.
In February, 1844, an old savage named Te Hango threatened to burn down the mission station because Mr. Baker had reproved him for taking another wife. Te Hango was called upon by
The work of the mission station became completely disorganised during the following month on account of trouble arising through
When
A threat to attack the Bakers was made by an up-river chief who coveted one of their foals. Mr. Baker complained to
What was probably the first European craft to be purchased by the Uawa natives was the subject of a letter from Mr. Clarke (Protector of Aborigines) to Mr. Baker in April, 1844. It seems that an Auckland resident had sold a cutter (20 tons) to
In July, 1843, Mr. Baker, whilst at
A Pioneer Missionary Among the Maoris.)
Beagle and, later, successor to
When Charles Baker and his family left Auckland in the Dolphin on 11 February, 1854, to take charge of the Rangitukia mission station, they were accompanied by Mr. Malcolm, who had been engaged as tutor to the children at a salary of £100 per annum, plus board and lodgings for himself and his wife. The passage money for the whole party, together with freight space of 40 tons, ran into £50. A Mr. Taylor [“Hori Punehu”], his wife and their baggage were dropped at Whangaparaoa Roads. On account of adverse winds the Dolphin anchored off
According to Mr. Baker's journal, his goods were landed at Te (Port) Awanui and placed in a rush house. Although it was being rented as a wheat store by a Spanish-American [Charles Manuel], Tipuna, a son of Porourangi, demanded £3/12/6 for storage. Mr. Baker says that he got only a scolding. Young Charles Baker went to parcel
Towards the end of April, measles in a virulent form made its appearance. The Bakers' children did not escape. Quickly the disease spread throughout the whole district. Each day, Mr. Baker was kept busy visiting the sick and conducting funerals, and, every night, he was occupied for some hours making up medicine for messengers who came in from outlying districts. Some of the natives preferred to use their own methods of treatment—an infusion of bark, and the herb, raorika. Here are a few extracts from Mr. Baker's diary—May 22: “Mokena and his party making coffins”; June 17: “There have been many deaths this week; Pita (my assistant) is away at Ti burying three corpses”; July 29: “The natives at our pa have made a coffin for a lad not yet dead, and another for a girl who bids fair to recover”; August 13: “Buried several infants this week”; September 4: “One family has lost five children.” Dr. Schmidt, who had been sent by the Government, arrived at Waiapu on 13 September. The burials conducted by Mr. Baker and Pita totalled 69.
During Archdeacon W. Williams's visit in November, 1854, £4/5/2 was collected at the offertory at Rangitukia. There is no earlier record of the taking up of a collection at a Waiapu church. On 20 November, Mr. Baker conducted two marriages at Whareponga, and began receiving marriage fees. Books for the registration of the dead were opened in the main villages in April, 1856, and the native teachers were authorised to collect 5/- in respect of each burial.
The fourth Waiapu trader whom Mr. Baker married was
Whilst Bishop Selwyn was questioning a class at Whareponga on 15 February, 1856, the natives seemed confused. Mr. Baker says: “The Bishop poured down on me a volley of abuse for not having spent more time on them. I told him the illnesses of Mrs. Baker and my daughter had prevented me, and, besides, I had myself been ill for ten days. He said that a clergyman should not neglect his duties by paying attention to his wife and family. His own wife might be ill for aught he knew. I replied that there was a material difference between a case of illness in a town and a case at an isolated missionary station. I had done my best and was willing to resign. He said afterwards that I had misunderstood him.”
Several neat wooden chapels were erected on the East Coast during Mr. Baker's term at Rangitukia. Work on them was begun as under:—St. John's, Rangitukia, 27/12/1854; St. Stephen's,
The Church of St. John at Rangitukia was the largest. It was 80ft. in
On 2 November, 1856, Mr. Baker fixed a site at Manutahi for native farms. “The valley,” he says, “is expansive and fertile, and the Waiapu River runs through it. There may be a farm for wheat and runs for cattle and sheep.” To-day this valley is studded with dairy farms and sheepruns.
Known to the natives as “Kihirini,” the
Shortly after Mr. Kissling's arrival at
The Rev.
The Rev.
Life on the East Coast in the 1850's) described Mokena as “brave and powerful, yet of an extremely kind and gentle disposition, excepting when aroused, and then he became like a firebrand.” Mokena proved a staunch Anglican and an unswerving upholder of British rule. He and
The history of Roman Catholic mission work in the Wairoa, Poverty Bay and East Coast districts opens with the visit which
Bishop Pompallier had intended to pick up Through Ninety Years) informed him that a priest had a station at Whakaki (Northern Hawke's Bay) in 1845. It is probable that this was only a casual station used by one or more itinerant priests.
Christianity Among the New Zealanders, p. 334) states that Roman Catholicism was introduced into Christianity Among the New Zealanders, Catholic Missionary Work in Hawke's Bay, Father Hickson.)
The locality in which
Whilst Father Lampila was in Wellington in June, 1850, he was instructed to establish a mission station in
In December, 1850,
When Father Lampila revisited
Father
Born in France in 1811,
Archbishop McKeefry and Father McGrath (Island Bay, Wellington) kindly supplied some of the information used in this sub-section.
When Mr. (later, Sir Donald) McLean paid his first visit to
On 6 February, 1851,
“In descending from the interior ranges, I had,” he reported to the Governor, “a splendid view of the country around Turanga Bay (it does not deserve the appellation given by the illustrious discoverer) which formed a pleasing contrast with the barren hills I had passed over. The land is rich and fertile and is intersected by three rivers, which strike their serpentine courses through handsome clumps of kahikatea and puriri forests and beside numerous wheat cultivations and groves of peach and other varieties of English fruit trees.
“We reached the first settlement on the banks of the Arai River about sunset, when the natives were returning from reaping their fields, some leading horses and others driving cattle and pet pigs before them. They gave us the usual welcome and presented us with fruit and also with honey just taken from a hive.
“The fat cattle, the large wheat stalks of last year's growth, fine alluvial soil, and contented appearance of the natives made an impression that this was certainly anything but a land of destitution or want. Nor was this impression deranged by what I subsequently saw of the beautiful Turanga Valley, which contains about 40,000 acres of splendid land covered with rich grasses and well supplied with wood and water.”
Mr. McLean spent the day after his arrival with
Next morning
A visit was then paid by
As
Next day
At Mr. McLean's request the leading chiefs were invited to meet to express their feelings on the question as to whether a township should be established in
As the chiefs were so divided,
Mr. McLean then paid another round of visits among the settlers. After dining at the mission station, he went out with Mr. Rich to see the country from a hill above the plain “that commanded a good view of 50,000 acres of fertile, flat land.” He had tea at Mr. Rich's home, and a dance followed. It seemed to him that his host was well acquainted with the district, and that he was well informed on farming matters. Concerning Mr. Dunlop, he noted in his journal that he was a nephew of Tennent, the great dry salter of Glasgow; that he was a sensible, well-read man, who had spent some years at a German university and had travelled a good deal; and that his ideas as to how the natives should be treated were very good and indicated a superior intellect.
Whilst Mr. McLean was at Turanganui, Rawiri, “who seemed a sensible, well-behaved man,” had a long conversation with him on various subjects, including the methods of punishment which Europeans meted out in cases of theft and other crimes. He also met there
As
It was made plain to
On the day before his departure,
Upon farewelling
It was not until 1857—six years after
The agreement was signed on 29 January, 1857, by Mr. Wardell (for the Crown) and by Kahutia, his wife, his brother Manahi, his daughters (Kataraina and Riparata) and their husbands (Petera and Mikaera) and a grandson, together with some other relatives. Kuhutia gave his assent by affixing a cross.
Maori Deeds and Purchases: North Island, Vol. 1 (Auckland, 1877). The deed mentions that the vendors also included “our relations and our descendants, who shall be born after us.” The Taruheru River is described as “Te Awa-o-Turanganui.”
Most colourful among the passages is the following:
“Now we have fully considered wept over and bidden farewell to and entirely given up the land bequeathed to us by our ancestors with its streams lakes waters timber minerals pasture plains and forests with its fertile spots and barren places and all above and all below the surface of the said land and everything thereunto pertaining we have entirely given up under the shining sun of this day as a lasting possession to Victoria the Queen of England and to the Kings or Queens who may succeed her for ever …”
The property became known as “The Government Paddock,” and upon it was erected
The earliest detailed statistics concerning the European population of
Peter Pullman (? Poulgrain), trader, his wife and six children.
Rev.
(Andrew) Arthur, shoemaker.
“Carrots,” or Stapleton, sawyer.
“Shoemaker Dick,” or Bourke, shoemaker.
“French Peter,” or Gerron, sailor.
“Scotch Jock,” or Gemmell, sawyer.
“Old Con” (Cornelius) Ryan, sawyer.
Mr.
A Frenchman (name untraced).
“Old McKay” (
William Brown, trader.
“Old Browne” (
“Bob,” or
“Jock,” or John Baxter, labourer.
“Jack the Shoemaker,” or John Burton, shoemaker.
(A.) Smith (“Yankee” Smith), trader, and Mrs. Smith.
Misses Williams (2) (daughters of
The half-caste children are listed with only the father's surname: Simpson (1 boy), Harris (3 boys), Halbert (2 boys and 3 girls), Mackey (2 boys), Arthur (1 boy and 2 girls), Jones* (1 boy and 2 girls), Smith (1 girl), Campbell* (1 girl and I boy), Brown (1 girl and 2 boys), Espie (2 girls). In the cases marked with an asterisk the fathers were, apparently, out of the district. Several of the early residents bore the surname “Smith,” although “Yankee” Smith is the only one enumerated in the census.
There were 20 weather-boarded houses in the district, besides barns, stores, sheds, stables, etc.
The only classes of stock being grazed were cattle, horses and goats.
During 1850 produce had been exported from
Some statistics concerning the
Production in the Tolaga Bay-
In the hope that the natives might sell the Poverty Bay Flats to the Crown, George Rich (25/2/1851) bespoke four sheepruns for himself and his sons. The blocks which he desired were Maraetaha, Ko te Kuri (including Young Nick's Head), others extending to the History of Hawke's Bay, p. 223), he set off on horseback with an unnamed companion in quest of southern runs on 10 November, 1851. Although the signatures to the deeds of purchase of the Ahuriri and Mohaka blocks were barely dry when they halted at Napier, he found that all the runs on both had been applied for. Upon Mr. McLean's advice he inspected the Ruataniwha Plains whilst en route to Wellington, where he arrived on Christmas Eve. Eventually, he obtained a grazing license over a large portion of Ruataniwha, and sent his son Alfred to Sydney to buy 2,000 ewes. He allowed his license to lapse, probably on account of the gazetting of new regulations reducing the tenure in respect of such licenses from 14 years to a license terminable at any time. “Rich,”
Nothing authentic has been traced that throws any light on the earlier, or subsequent, career of “Yankee” Smith. A number of early colonists named Smith bore the label “Yankee.” One of them was a prominent Wanganui pioneer. Downes (Old Whanganui, p. 217) says this Smith figured in some serious trouble over a section which had been sold by the
Captain G. E. Read's Colourful Career—From Seafarer to Financial Magnate—Mainspring of Many Enterprises—Sidelights on His Business Methods.
Born at Mendlesham, Suffolk, in 1815,
But little is known concerning Read's career up till 1835, when he came out to southern waters in one of the Enderbys' whaling ships. In 1838 he was with Captain White on the Medway, trading out of Sydney to Tasmania. Gaining his first mate's certificate, he joined the Fair Barbadian (Captain Bennett), which called at Transfer. As mate of the Luna (Captain Ellis), which traded on the East Coast in 1842, he was afforded an opportunity to become more intimately acquainted with its native inhabitants. Later in that year he became skipper of the schooner Kate. He then transferred to the Gannet, but he was not in charge of her when she was driven ashore at Anaura in August, 1843.
Read told the Poverty Bay Crown Grants Commission in 1869 that he was ashore at Gauntlet. In 1845 the Elizabeth was in his charge. Both were in the East Coast trade. He then opened a store at Mawhai, where he supervised the construction of a 24-ton schooner, which he named Mendlesham in honour of his birthplace. She was in the East Coast trade, with Read as master, until the early part of 1852. When he returned to the sea he placed a native in charge of his store. He also opened a nativemanaged store at Purehua (
In 1852 (Kaiti block case: 1873) Hirini te Kani, Rutene te Eke and Pahora Pahoe invited Read to establish a trading store and build a jetty on the eastern bank of the Turanganui River in front of the site now occupied by the Kaiti freezing works.
Sisters had been driven on to Kaiti Beach [at the spot where the Star of Canada was wrecked in 1912]. He bought her hull from the natives, who, according to custom, had claimed it. When he began to build, Manahi (a brother of Kahutia) crossed the river to dispute his right of occupation, or, in the alternative, to collect some rent for himself. Taking up a stick, Read chased him away. The site was held by Read for twenty-one years rent free. In 1876 he sweetened the owners by making a payment of £60 as rent for the previous three years.
Shortly after settling on Kaiti, Read came to the conclusion that it would be much to his advantage if he also had a store on the western side of the river, and he began to build there. Kahutia ordered some natives to remove the foundation blocks, and, meeting Read, gave him a stern warning that he was to keep on the Kaiti side. In due course, however, Read did build much more pretentious business premises (which became known as “The Store”), as well as a goods shed and a jetty, on the township side of the river (near the junction of the Waimata and Taruheru Rivers) on a property which, since 1838, had passed through the hands of several Europeans and had become his own.
Upon entering into business in
Even late in life the call of the sea continued to ring in Read's ears. Not infrequently he would make a trip to Auckland in command of one of his own vessels. Doubtless, on such occasions, he combined business in the north with the pleasure which it must have given him to be at the helm once again. Between 1859 and 1862 his name often figured in the shipping intelligence as master of the cutter Planet. Indeed, as late as 1873 he took the Tawera to Auckland and back.
Within a few years Read added cattle-raising and then sheep-farming to his other lucrative enterprises. It seems that he did not pay rent for some of the properties which he utilized. Writing
An elderly witness told the Native Land Court that Read's method of getting a footing in a property was to offer the principal owner a small sum of money, or some clothes for his wife and children, for the right of occupation. If the gift was accepted, he would proceed to erect a fence or put some other improvement upon the land. Then he would set about to acquire the interests of the other owners. When his freeholds and leaseholds were put up for auction after his death a solicitor, representing native objectors, solemnly warned bidders that, if their bids were accepted, they would find that they had merely bought a costly lawsuit!
One bad “spec.” was held up against Read by the other early settlers. When Paratene Turangi was slain by
As a rule, however, things would go very hard with a malcontent if Read had a signed agreement at his back. On one occasion
It was, at first, Read's rule not to buy produce from a native on a sample. Perhaps he had been “taken down” elsewhere! Before a bargain would be struck the whole of the line would be carefully examined. As there were no roads, as the sledge was, then, the only vehicle that had come into use, and as the spot cash market was very limited, there was little risk that a dissatisfied native would take his produce back home. When other
On one of his many visits to Auckland, Read bought “Snip,” a sturdy white horse, which had belonged to a circus and had been taught to stoop. “Snip” was the only horse which he could mount and dismount from without aid. He was also very fond of his Newfoundland dog “Nelson,” and, when it became old and lame and could no longer accompany him to and from business, he greatly missed its companionship. When some road formation had been carried out, he imported a light, but very strong, vehicle of the type known as “an American buckboard.” In good weather he often put “Snip” in the shafts and took an outing with his faithful wife Noko, who had to make the best of a precarious position at the back of the vehicle.
Never in the course of his long business career did Read hold a cheap sale. New seasons came and went, but, in the case of his stocks, fashions showed but little tendency to change. When a fresh consignment of drapery came to hand Mrs. James Dunlop, who had eight daughters, invariably was allowed first choice. In those days jewellery was not in much demand and the most eagerly desired wedding gift was either a side-saddle or a hand sewing machine. Unsaleable goods were put in a wool bale and given to Captain Kennedy to dump overboard on one of his coastal trips.
Few traders had as good a day-by-day idea of their stocks as Read, who was credited with possessing a wonderful “photographic” memory. If some valuable article was not in its accustomed place he would inquire the name of the buyer. On one occasion (so it was stated) he missed an expensive saddle. His storeman (
It was Read's custom to have a settling up with one particular client only once a year.
“And what a day it was!” Frank Harris was fond of recalling. He would continue: “On the road outside you could hear the pair heatedly arguing over disputed items. Eventually, the irate client would emerge from the premises, closely followed by the equally well-aroused merchant. Invariably, the client's parting words would be: ‘You will never get another penny of my money!’ and Read's stock rejoinder would be: ‘And you will never get any more credit from me!’ This way of settling up had gone on for many years in the same stormy fashion. High words were always used on both sides, but blows were never struck.”
Either as plaintiff or defendant—in most cases in the former role—Read figured prominently in the Magistrate's Court. For many years the sittings were held in one of his buildings, which was known as “The Courthouse.” A story went the rounds among the old hands—and, of course, it might not have been true—that, on one occasion, when it appeared likely that he would lose his case, he ordered Mr. Locke, R.M., and his staff off the premises! When Mr. Locke heard of Read's death he remarked: “He was very touchy, and was liable to burst into a temper and go off in a huff.”
Read sometimes fell so far from grace that he had to appear before the court to answer a complaint that he had used abusive and threatening language. On one occasion he was charged with having threatened to shoot a fellow-resident. When the charge was read out he became very excited, and, banging his fist down on the table, he shouted: “Yes, I did, and, by jingo, I will!” Upon calming down he told Mr. Locke that he now thought better on the matter. This admission pacified the complainant and pleased the magistrate. When Captain Tucker left his employ to look after
It came as a great shock to Read when he learned, early in 1871, that
One of the highlights of Read's career was his temporary entry into national politics. In 1873 he declined a requisition that he should allow himself to be nominated for the Turanganui seat on the Auckland Provincial Council. However, three years later, he agreed to become a candidate for the East Coast seat in the General Assembly. The electorate included the
The year in which Read first issued his own paper currency is not known. Some specimens of his so-called “shin-plasters” bear evidence that they were printed in the 1860's. Private paper money was used in some other districts at a much earlier date. The initial issue might have been that which was made by
I promise to pay the bearer on demand the sum of £1 sterling. Poverty Bay……………day of……………186… £1. ……………………………………………………
Until they became enlightened, natives who quarrelled with Read were apt to show their contempt for him—and their own painful ignorance—by entering his store, producing some of his notes, tearing them up under his very nose, and scattering the fragments on the floor. On such occasions he would pretend to get into a violent rage, pick up anything that might serve as a weapon, and chase his “enemy” off the premises. The simplicity of one of Read's native friends was the subject of an amusing story which the early settlers used to tell; it might, of course, have been apocryphal. Some of Read's notes were, it was stated, lost in a fire which destroyed the native's whare. With misgivings, he set off to interview Read in the hope that, if he offered to recompense him, all might be well. Read assured him that, as they were old friends, he need not worry any more over the unfortunate mishap. The native, it was added, remained one of his staunchest supporters!
No other early settler did as much as Read to promote settlement in
The district was indebted to Read, on a number of occasions, for timely additions to its labour supply. When the immigrant ship Berar reached Auckland in September, 1873, he went down to her and his offer of assisted passages to Gisborne was accepted by a number of her passengers. They included carpenters, bricklayers and stockmen, and all of them were quickly placed in situations. In May, 1874, he secured a party numbering 46—26 single men and three single women, and four married couples with an aggregate of nine children. Some of the single men complained that, on the six-day journey down to Gisborne, they had “to shift for themselves as best they could among the coals!” When the carpenters found that the Gisborne rate of pay was only 10/- per day, they downed tools on the ground that they had been promised 12/- per day. This was probably the first strike by Europeans in Poverty Bay.
Read was ever ready to listen to a business proposition. If it did not appeal to him he would turn it down flatly, no matter how credit-worthy the suppliant might be. On the other hand, if he was satisfied with the merits of the proposition, impecuniosity on the part of its author would not be a bar to help being given. In a eulogy of Read which it published long after his death, the Telephone said: “He was remarkable for his willingness to assist those who were possessed of moral worth—indeed, any honest, straightforward and industrious man—but, in his day, there was not anyone else who felt greater abhorrence towards the shuffler and the profligate.”
Although the development of the district's resources was regarded by Read as of paramount importance, he was not unmindful of the growing social needs of the community. When his courthouse could no longer be used for dances, entertainments and public meetings, on account of the further inroads which the setting up of additional State departments made upon the accommodation, he advanced the money required to enable Gisborne's first hall to be built. The loss of the use of the courthouse—for dances in particular—had been keenly felt. That
It was firmly held by Read that a payable oilfield would be discovered in
When Read sold out to
As competition in the township had become more intense, and threatened to become even fiercer, Read made a wise decision in giving up his main business. In the country, most of the hotel-keepers had opened stores alongside their licensed premises. City firms had also begun the practice of shipping large consignments of drapery, etc., to Gisborne for the purpose of holding cheap sales. J. McDowell and Co., of Wellington, advertised in April, 1873, a three weeks sale of £3,000 worth of goods at “40% below current rates in
It came as a great shock to all classes to learn, on 23 February, 1878, that Read had passed away. He had been in the township in the morning, and, after engaging in a very heated argument with a resident, had returned home. His attentive wife, Noko, found him bathing his head with water which he had drawn from
To-day the burial ground is sadly in need of attention. Some of the iron railings have become displaced, and the top section of the tombstone is broken off. Only the inscription relating to Read's own death is legible. It is in simple form and reads:
In Memory of Capt. George Edward Read One of the Earliest and Most Useful Settlers of the District Who died suddenly at his residence near Gisborne February 23, 1878.
A story has been handed down that Read found it advisable, before he settled in
There was much speculation as to what would be found to be the value of Read's estate. The Poverty Bay Standard, in its obituary notice, stated that three-fourths of the business property in Gisborne had been created with his financial help. His estate was valued for death duties at £130,000. Properties in his estate auctioned in January, 1879, included a number of valuable sections facing Read's Quay and Gladstone Road and others in other important streets, besides allotments on Kaiti and in Mendlesham Township; shares in Ahipakura block; the freeholds of Te Rahui, Ngawaierua, Matawhero B and No. 1, Makauri, Taruheru, “The Willows,” Ahimanawa No. 1, Pohika-ngawaka (with the Ferry Hotel), Taro-o-Paea and Kaipara; and leaseholds in connection with Karaua, Puketapu, Rua-o-Hinatu, Rapanui, Makauri, Taruheru and Matawhero No. 1 blocks. Important clearing sales were held at Makauri, Puketapu and “The Willows.”
Read liberally provided for Noko, who had proved a very suitable wife for him. She was bequeathed a fine dwelling, with ten acres, at “The Willows” (Matawhero), besides a handsome amount in cash. In October, 1879, she remarried, her second husband being Hone White. The ceremony took place at Holy Trinity Church, Gisborne, and, in its report, the Standard, in the free and easy press style of those days, was unkind enough to remark that it wondered what Captain Read would have said if he could have seen his widow “dressed so elegantly in silks and satins.” The main beneficiary was
Read's Quay, one of the principal thoroughfares in Gisborne, alone perpetuates the name of the district's most enterprising pioneer.
Dublin Packet when she landed Hempleman, the whaler, at Peraki (Jess, which was in the Sydney-New Zealand run, for some months; and then took up land near Muriwai (P.B.). He assisted the
Rosina built to trade along the East Coast. When J. Townley bought and removed the old courthouse, he erected on the vacant site two-storey brick premises for the Farmers' Co-operative Association and moved into them when that concern failed. In 1897 he sold out to T. J. and C. Adair. The business was taken over by Adair Bros. Ltd. (a public company) in 1908. Mr. Adair died at Auckland on 26 August, 1909.
Native Crucifixion on East Coast—Woman Hanged Near Gisborne—Muru, Witchcraft and Tohungaism Rampant—British Laws Introduced Cautiously.
The introduction of the British system of law and order into
In 1854—only a year before the first resident magistrate was stationed in
It is stated in Colonel Porter's account that rivalry for the hand of the village beauty led to the fatal quarrel. When the culprit's relatives tried to rescue him they were repulsed with a volley of stones fired from an old cannon—a relic of a whaler wrecked in the 1830's. A native council sentenced the murderer to be crucified. Tamatoi—Porter gives the name as “Matohi”—was impaled on a cross and a firing party, in which even his own relatives joined, hastened his end. The cannon was presented by Ropata to Porter, who, in turn, gave it to the Napier Soldiers' Club.
According to a letter which Story of New Zealand, vol. 2, p. 176), a native woman was hanged near Gisborne in 1855 by order of a native council. It seems that a half-crazy woman named Ana destroyed some baskets of seed potatoes belonging to a neighbour, and made off with one of his pots. Enraged, the neighbour's wife chased her, threw her into a creek, and drowned her. The slow manner in which the murderess
The first East Coast native—the Wellington newspapers supposed that he had come from The Story of New Zealand) says that Mairoa gave the signal to the hangman to release the lever “with the apathy of a Hindoo!”
Believing that a member of a hapu at Reporua had threatened to exercise witchcraft upon one of his relatives, Toki-a-Tapiri (now in the Auckland Museum). Aboard her were the chiefs Perohuka and Rahurahi. In Te Ahiatupari the leading chief was Te-a-o-Mate, were Paratene and Hori Karaka. When the expedition landed at Purehua a native preacher (Eruera Pakura) intervened. There was no fighting; Paratene composed a song; and the expedition departed after having been feasted.
The best known case in which a wizard was slain in this portion of New Zealand occurred at Wairoa in 1864. There were, at that time, five exponents of black magic in that district. Porohiwi, in particular, bore a very evil reputation; he had threatened to bewitch everybody belonging to the hapu. He was shot by two of his own relatives, who had been selected to commit the deed. The murderers were brought before
The East Coast natives were firm believers in ghosts as well as in witchcraft. During the hearing of the Waipiro block case in May, 1885,
When a Maori boy died near Tuparoa in May, 1874, Pohipi, an old man, was accused of having bewitched him.
A native council, which was attended by a native clergyman, met at Repongaere in August, 1879, to try Henare te Kotiti on a charge that he had brought about a death by the exercise of occult powers. His whare was burned down, but he escaped to
Upon the death of
The most sensational case in
Petitions poured in to the Government from natives in all parts of New Zealand, urging that the prisoners should be released on the following grounds: (1) That they had acted only in accordance with the laws of their forefathers; (2) that, if the responsibility rested anywhere, it rested on the tribe as a whole; and (3) that no proof had been adduced as to who was the actual murderer. The sentences were commuted into life sentences. In a dispatch to the Home authorities, the Governor (
During a meeting at Marahea in August, 1885, a tohunga claimed that he could recognise the odour of a liniment that was
For some years Heta te Kani (successor to Hirini te Kani) was afraid to travel from Gisborne beyond Whangara.
Merely by chance a court sitting was held in
Upon Espie swearing to the truth of an information charging
Describing the sitting,
According to W. L. Williams,
In November, 1858, Mr. Wardell found it necessary to visit Puatai to enquire into a report that a pakeha named Fox, whilst suffering from delirium tremens, had murdered his pakeha mate. He interviewed four sawyers working in Pipiwhakao Bush and selected two to accompany him. It was then found that they worked for different employers and that the other two would have to remain idle until their mates returned. On that account he engaged all of the men. The prisoner was sent to Auckland.
How helpless Mr. Wardell was to enforce law and order may be gathered from some anecdotes reported in the Hawke's Bay Herald on 27 November, 1858. The case is cited of a pakeha who had refused to pay a fine of £10 for supplying spirits to a native. It was ordered that some cattle, which it was erroneously believed belonged to defendant, should be distrained. The real owners went to the “Government Paddock,” broke down the fences, and removed some cattle belonging to Mr. Wardell and others. In another case some natives, who had stolen goods to
An attempt at abduction took place in the courthouse in the presence of Mr. Wardell. A native couple who wished to be married were followed by a man who was determined that the woman should become his wife. The woman clung to Mr. Wardell in terror, imploring him to protect her. According to the Hawke's Bay Herald, “the scene that ensued was magnificent, for the magistrate (notwithstanding that his clerk went to his aid), the would-be bride and bridegroom, the intending abductor and one-or two others all ended up rolling on the floor together.”
On another occasion Mr. Wardell was called upon by a pakeha and a fine-looking half-caste girl from the Coast who wished to be married. Among those who witnessed the ceremony was a police-sergeant from an outside district. As it was proceeding he recognised the bridegroom as a military deserter and contrived to handcuff him. The other witnesses began to laugh boisterously. When the position was explained to the bride after the ceremony she sprang on her horse, and, gaily bidding her lover farewell, galloped off back to her home.
The trial of cases by the natives at their own tribunals proved a great handicap to magistrates in some districts. Towards the close of 1856 the Government appointed native assessors to sit with them when cases affecting a native, or natives, were set down. To assist Mr. Wardell, Paratene, Kahutia and Rawiri were selected. However, the natives still regarded his court as a “pakeha” court. A system of native local government was introduced in 1862. In each district there was to be a European magistrate as Native Commissioner, together with a native council of twelve members, native assessors and native police. Some delay occurred in replacing Mr. Wardell, who had been transferred to Wellington.
Much of the crime in
Early Gisborne's lock-up (the blockhouse) had no terrors for its inmates. Some prisoners were allowed to sleep in the constables' rooms. As there was no fence, prisoners made a practice, in summer, of sauntering down to the beach for a swim during exercise periods. In 1874 the supplier of meals went on strike, because payment to him was so much in arrears. Prisoners were then given only bread (1½ lbs. daily), together with water ad lib. Following upon a public meeting of protest, a cookhouse and conveniences were provided and the blockhouse was fenced. The practice of permitting prisoners to sleep in the constables' rooms was then required to be discontinued.
At Waiapu in October, 1872,
What became known as the “Ruangarehu murder” caused a sensation in
A shocking crime occurred at Mataahu (E.C.) on 5 December, 1888.
In July, 1888,
When Robert Streeter was found to be missing from Te Hau-o-te-Atua station in June, 1890, his disappearance created not a little concern, even although his workmate, William Black, said that he supposed that he had gone off on a holiday. Some days later Rutene (a native employee) was puzzled when he came to a spot where a post hole had been dug along a new fence line and filled in again. A fire had been set alongside, apparently to enable a “billy” to be heated. He probed the disturbed earth with a stick and was shocked to find that Streeter's body had been inserted head first in the hole. Black, who was charged with murder, tried at Auckland, and defended by
On 19 December, 1894,
A brutal murder occurred near Motu on 21 July, 1898. The victim was
There was a double tragedy at
On 10 June, 1917, a shocking domestic tragedy occurred in Fox Street, Gisborne. Abraham te Whero (formerly of Porangahau, H.B.) struck his wife on the head with an axe.
The residents of the East Coast were deeply stirred when it became known on 22 July, 1917, that two workers,
An Assyrian hawker,
When a little girl,
During a drinking bout at Torere on 1 December, 1926, John Sullivan (whose real name was James O'Keefe) struck and killed a camp mate named
On 18 May, 1944,
A sensational case of breaking and entering occurred at Gisborne in June, 1914, when jewellery to the value of £2,000 was stolen from the premises of H. J. Grieve.
Intruders daringly entered the Matawhero Hotel on the night of 27 December, 1947, and stole a safe valued at £95, cheques and money to the value of £832, and some tobacco, the property of Wattie Wilson (the
For over five years
A fatality marked by unusual features engaged the attention of the Gisborne police in May, 1929. The body of
The sad fate of
Pending the appointment of
Brief terms as R.M. were then served by
Subsequent holders of the magistracy:
A half-caste named McQuarrie shot
Natives Object to British Rule—Land Transactions Repudiated—Demand For Higher Prices For Produce—Rigid Control by Runangas (Native Councils).
The incipient symptoms of the grave unrest which marred relations between Europeans and natives in
Discontent with the prices offered by the traders for produce became very marked in 1850. It was, of course, inevitable that, sooner or later, the natives everywhere would gain a better idea as to true values and become less open to exploitation. In the case of the
In his reports to the Church Missionary Society Mr. Grace explains the part which he took in advising the natives on the land question and with reference to business matters.
“I cannot help seeing,” he wrote in 1851, “that there was a providence in my being away from home at the time of the land agent's [Mr. McLean 's] visit, as I learned from Mrs. Grace that he was most anxious for, and hoped to have, my co-operation. Had I been here, I must have come into direct contact with the gentleman and, through him, with the Government … I can do nothing but use any little influence I may have with the natives against the principle of the sale of their lands.”
Mr. Grace's report for 1852 is even more illuminating:
“The natives,” he states, “have attained a degree of [business] intelligence beyond what might have been expected in so short a period. Their motto is now: ‘Ploughs, sheep and ships,’ to establish a civilisation like unto that of the pakeha. I had had much conversation with some of them individually, but now they appear in a body tolay hold of these ideas with a giant grasp, and, so far, I must say they have continued to work them out with a steady determination such as I never thought them capable of.”
Even as late as June, 1858—five years after Mr. Grace had left
On the East Coast the natives also adopted price-fixing shortly after Mr. Grace's arrival in
“At Mataahu I found two Europeans in a state of fright from the circumstance of a native having been to them this morning with a firestick in one hand and a knife in the other. He had declared his intention of burning the house of one of them who is a Frenchman [French Louis] for the simple and sole reason of his having bought some corn contrary to some arbitrary law some of the Waiapu natives have made among themselves. It appears that some of them have made a confederation not to sell their produce except under fixed prices and these are too high for the English traders to purchase at. Other natives who have not entered the confederation maintain their right to sell at their own discretion….”
When Mr. Baker reached Korotere two days later he had a long talk with Porourangi and others on the subject of barter with the English. His diary note states: “He (Porourangi) has been a great originator of dissatisfaction on the part of the natives at the prices given by the Europeans. I told him that the demand must regulate prices here as elsewhere.”
The relations between Europeans and natives deteriorated very appreciably during 1851. In order that they might obtain the full market price for their produce in Auckland, both the natives of
In a letter to
On 10 September, 1851, Harris could only report that conditions had worsened:
“A runanga,” he wrote, “has determined upon charging vessels a fee for entering the river … They would not let the schoonerWellingtonhave water at a lower rate than 2/6 per bucket … Kahutia told me that he intended to resume my Turanganui property as, he said, I had had it long enough … They have sent a letter to the Governor for advice on the following matters: (1) What they are to charge per ton for all vessels entering the rivers; (2) what they are to charge for water; (3) what prices they should obtain for wheat (they want 10/- per bushel) and for pork; and, lastly, whether they ought to turn all the Europeans away. Nevertheless, they say (kind creatures that they are!) that they should be sorry to have to drive us away.
“They also wish the Government to appoint some person to arrange all difficulties which may arise here. This would be a most excellent plan if they would abide by that party's decisions. Captain Cole gave Rawiri £5 for the right to repair theQueenin the Turanganui River, but the natives are demanding £400. In effect, they are doing all they can to annoy us. They talk of making us pay for our boats and canoes going up and down the rivers and for driving sledges across the country. I am happy to say that Lazarus is behaving very well, taking our part in all these affairs. Most sincerely do I trust His Excellency will purchase this district. I think a large portion of it will soon be offered.”
Many of the natives in
Many conjectures have been made as to why the
Among the East Coast natives it is firmly believed that
A monster runanga was held at
The position grew steadily worse. In April, 1859, delegates from
Governor Gore Browne paid a visit to
In a dispatch to the Duke of Newcastle, the Governor complained that the natives were lacking in courtesy to him. They had, he said, told him that previous Governors had been afraid to visit them, and they had inquired why he should have done so. “Unless you have come to restore the lands which the Europeans cheated us out of,” they had added, “you may return whence you came and take your English magistrate with you.” His Excellency also told the Duke that he had under consideration the matter of withdrawing Mr. Wardell. The Southern Cross (28/1/1860) described the natives of
According to Mr. Wardell, when the Waitara difficulty resulted in war in March, 1860,
During 1862, Tamatatai, a Waiapu native, attended a Kingite meeting in the Waikato. He brought back with him two Maori king flags. As he had travelled back home along the shores of the
Shortly after the outbreak of war in the Waikato in July, 1863, between forty and fifty Southern Cross (Auckland) published a letter from a
Hawthorne (A Dark Chapter from New Zealand's History: 1869) says that
The copies of the Maori king's laws which were circulated on the East Coast in 1862 stated inter alia: “If a man sells a piece of land, he shall be scourged”; “If a Queen's summons shall be received by a subject of the king, it shall be destroyed by fire”; “If a subject of the king shall steal goods belonging to a pakeha, it shall be for the king to judge him”; “Concerning leases of land: these are not good”; “Should sheep come to any place, they shall be killed.”
The Rev. A Pioneer Missionary Among the Maoris. It appears that, upon his arrival in
Disciples of Te Ua Stir Up Unrest—Murder of Rev. C. S. Volkner—War Breaks Out on East Coast—Spread of Strife to Poverty Bay—Siege of Waerenga-a-Hika.
Disaffection in a more virulent form spread like wildfire throughout the East Coast districts following upon the arrival at Opotiki on 28 February, 1865, of Kereopa and Patara (Butler) and some other Taranaki adherents of Horopapera te Ua (the originator of Hauhauism). The party, which was accompanied by two white men (believed to be military deserters) had journeyed via Taupo and Whakatane. Many Bay of Plenty natives at once embraced the new cult. The movement also bestirred the Kingites and those who had never accepted British rule.
On 1 March the Rev.
Next day Mr. Volkner was taken to his church. Kereopa said that it was a command from the Hauhau god (spoken through a European soldier's head which he and Patara had brought with them) that the minister should be hanged. Mr. Volkner was escorted to a willow tree nearby. He asked for his prayer book, which was sent for. Then he knelt down and prayed for himself and for those who were about to slay him. Whilst he was shaking hands with those standing about, a rope, which had been attached to one of the stoutest branches of the tree, was placed around his neck by Pokeno and he was hoisted up.
When the body was taken down the head was removed by Heremitu and taken into the crowded church. Kereopa filled the chalice with blood from it. The head was then placed on the shelf of the pulpit. Even to-day the stains show where blood trickled down the front. Taking up the chalice, Kereopa (who was standing in the pulpit) drank from it. He then sprinkled his deluded converts with some of the blood. He gained the designation “Kai-whatu” (“The Eye-Eater”) because he
In a letter to
The Hauhau emissaries turned up on the outskirts of Christianity Among the New Zealanders) says that even the better-disposed local natives, although disgusted on account of the murder of Mr. Volkner, became spellbound.
“When the worship of these fanatics was practised inPoverty Bay ,” he added, “it was followed by a most bitter lamentation unlike anything ever witnessed there before. It was a kind of mourning on account of those who had been slain in the war with the English and for the land which had been taken from them in the Waikato. It was commenced by the Taranaki natives, but the effect was overpowering upon the bystanders, who joined in it by degrees … There was a chord touched which vibrated in the native breast. It was that of aroha ki te iwi (love of country) and they could not resist it.”
Bishop Williams informed
A combined Pai-marire karakia (incantation service) at Patutahi was witnessed by Life of Henry Williams (Carleton), vol. 2, p. 348:
“A pole on which the Pai-marire flag was hoisted had been set up. The party marched up and stood around. A tiu (priest) stood by the pole on ground a little above the rest. The party marched around three times, their eyes fixed, with steady gaze, upon the pole as they chanted a song. Then they gathered into a compact mass while the tiu gave out a prayer from a book, the people making the responses in unison with great earnestness and with many inflexions of thevoice. Towards the close, the priest buried his face in a cambric handkerchief, his breast heaving deep with emotion. Up jumped an old cannibal heathen in pure Maori costume—kokowai (red ochre)—and all sang a song of the old time. The friendly bystanders could no longer resist and came rushing into the ring. Kereopa the Eyeeater now came forward. Those who desired to see the head of Captain Lloyd were invited into an adjoining house, where, by ventriloquism, it was made to speak … This all occurred about two miles from the Bishop's mission station at Waerenga-a-Hika.”
None of the more important natives who temporarily turned to Hauhauism was more ashamed in later years than
The missionaries and settlers had hoped that Hirini te Kani would at once order the Hauhau emissaries to leave the district. After the lapse of a few days, he went over to them and told them that he did not approve of their visit. He refused to accept two Hauhau flags from them, and declined to take charge of Brown (one of the Europeans attached to their party), whom they intended to leave in the district. [During H.M.S. Esk's visit in the following May, Brown, who denied that he was a deserter from the 57th Regiment, was captured by a party of marines, which also secured a white man's head that had been left behind by the Hauhaus. The other renegade was
Patara informed the settlers on 25 March that they had no real grounds for fear. “There is,” he said, “only one person implicated in the murder of the minister, and I dare say you know his name. So you must not blame a whole flock because there is one scabby sheep in it.” Much to the satisfaction of the settlers, a party of influential southern anti-Hauhau chiefs arrived in
Writing to Mr. McLean, Captain Harris (1 April) said that he had been assured by
On account of sinister rumours being current, Life of Henry Williams, vol. 2, p. 348) says:
“About this time came up Karaitiana, Wi Tako and others on a long-promised visit. They said: ‘These men [the Taranaki intruders] must go, or we go.’ When Kereopa and his party were apprised of this they sent messengers after the second Taranaki contingent, who were on their way home, bidding them return. An attack in two parties—by one upon the Bishop's College and by the other onWi Tako 's party—was then arranged. The Hauhaus spent the night casting bullets and making up cartridges. Some of their conversation was overheard by a Turanga native and was reported toBishop Williams . Moreover, the chiefs upon whom he mainly relied had been seen drinking with Patara.
“After long consultation, an unwilling departure was resolved upon to take place at night. But to this the native ministers demurred. One of them, Mohi [Turei] spoke out: ‘No, we will stay and die like men!’ But it was not for the mission to fight. Endurance had been their badge from the first, and had to be still. ‘At least,’ said Mohi, ‘do not go by night. If you do, you will be overtaken and tomahawked. Go in the face of day!’ The advice was taken, and the party was not molested.”
It is stated by St. Kilda, which sailed in the evening for Napier. Four staunch supporters—
Little is known concerning Kereopa's movements after he left on 13 April. Patara returned to Opotiki, which again became a centre for his proselytizing activities. The European settlement in
On 10 April, Captain Harris wrote privately to Esk to
June, 1865, was a red-letter month for the
Major Ropata (Waiapu Native Land Court minute book, No. 8) says that he and his sub-tribe (
Elated over their victory, the Waiapu rebels occupied the whole of the Pukemaire tableland. The reinforced loyalists encamped at Tikitiki. Slight skirmishes at Te Rahui and Taraketiti followed. On 21 June, whilst the loyalists were reconnoitring near Pukemaire, they were surprised by the rebels, who chased them back first to Tikitiki and then to
As the rebels around
None of the Colonial forces engaged on the other side of the island could be spared to assist Mokena. However, Mr. McLean sent a consignment of arms and ammunition; it reached H.M.S. Eclipse at
The Crown troops, with their native allies, marched in two columns, by different routes, to make a surprise attack on Pa Kairomiromi at daylight on 2 August. Fraser's force attacked from the front and Biggs's contingent went round to the right. The pa was taken and destroyed. Rebel losses were 19 killed, besides many wounded and 30 taken prisoner. Only eight of the attackers became casualties. This sharp and very successful engagement did much to restore the prestige of the Crown. The Waiapu rebels now took refuge in Pukemaire pa.
The southern rebels unsuccessfully attacked Potae's pa at Mawhai on 17–18 August. In turn, Potae, on the 20th, drove
Reinforced by 45 Forest Rangers under
Whilst hostilities were proceeding on the East Coast, the Kingites and Hauhaus in Poverty Bay adopted an increasingly unfriendly attitude. By August it appeared practically certain that St. Kilda should call as she passed both north and south as, sometimes, weeks went by without a vessel of any sort being seen.
Towards the end of September it became evident that the rebels who had rallied at Waerenga-a-Hika had the active sympathy not only of the bulk of T'Aitanga-a-Mahaki, but also of a majority of Rongowhakaata. On 27 September, Wilson's small force was augmented by 30 members of the Hawke's Bay C.D.C. under Captain La Serre. The Rongowhakaata loyalists built a pa at Oweta (about two miles from the mouth of the
Fearing that a general massacre was imminent, Captain Read went to Napier on one of his own vessels to warn the authorities. Esk to fetch Ropata, Mokena and Potae and 260 Sturt arrived from Waiapu with 100 Forest Rangers under
An ultimatum was issued on 13 November by
On the night of the first day's march the troops camped at
As the troops neared the mission station next morning, a bullock-dray, laden with furniture, was espied coming towards them. It was in charge of
In front of the mission station there was a quickset hedge. Between the hedge and the pa lay a flat, open space about 150 yards deep. The main defence system of the pa was a double palisade, about 12 feet high, the uprights being puriri logs, between which manuka stakes were interwoven. On the outside there was a manuka apron, designed to deflect bullets into the air. Thick scrub stood to the north of the pa and there was an extensive orchard to the south. The rebels were able to get water from a lagoon at the rear of the pa. Some of the troops used the upper rooms of the Bishop's residence and those of the girls' school as vantage points from which to fire into the pa. As it had been expected that the rebels would at once surrender, no spades had been taken. Messengers were sent back for a supply and to complete arrangements for additional ammunition and regular supplies of food to be brought up. A flock of sheep and a large garden were also at the disposal of the troops, who fared well. The Military Settlers entrenched behind the hedge facing the pa; the Forest Rangers took up a position on their left, and the Hawke's Bay C.D.F. (flanked by the
On the second day of the attack, Lieutenant Wilson, with a party of 20 Military Settlers, was sent into the scrub on the right of the pa to a point from which it could command the rebels' water supply. His party was discovered by some rebels who had crept out of the pa, and soon it also came under fire
On the following day between 150 and 200 reinforcements, under
After the siege,
On 22 November the rebels hoisted a genuine white flag. They were told that surrender must be unconditional. It was the sixth day of the siege. After a short delay, which enabled
Colonel Gisborne Times, 21/2/1914) says that, towards the close of the siege, a six-pounder howitzer from the Sturt was brought to bear on the pa. Plenty of powder had been sent along with the gun, but no ball ammunition. The deficiency was made good by the manufacture, with the aid of salmon tins and bullets, of canister shot. No allowance for recoil was made for the first shot, and the gun reared up and toppled down the parapet, the charge flying high above the pa. The defect was remedied, and two more shots were fired, each making a breach in the pa. The defenders then raised a white flag.
The Crown forces lost seven killed and had about as many
When Te Waru staged a hostile demonstration at Wairoa, Major Fraser assembled a force which included some
During the struggle, which lasted less than eight months, seven fortified pas were destroyed, close upon 1,300 rebels surrendered or were captured, and 600 stands of arms were given up. Only 31 members of the Crown forces were, killed, whilst the number of rebels known to have been buried ran to 223. In Parliament,
“Never before in the history of the colony has there been so memorable and so creditable a series of military operations as those which were carried out byColonel Fraser on the East Coast in 1865. European forces, which had totalled in all rarely above 130, had, with native allies, subjected the whole of the country betweenCape Runaway andHawke's Bay in less than 12 months.”
“A Taranaki chief, Horopapera te Ua, having shown symptoms of insanity, his people bound him with ropes. On account of the fact that he got free, they secured him with a chain and padlock, but he broke the chain. He claimed that it was the Angel Gabriel who had freed him. It was then said that, in a fit of frenzy, he had severed his child's leg with an axe, but, when the people went to lament, they found the child playing and only a scar was visible. He was now regarded not as a maniac, but as a prophet.”—Christianity Among the New Zealanders, p. 366).
In March, 1874, one of H.M.S. Eclipse's unexploded shells was found by some Waiapu natives. In order to obtain the lead, a large fire was built around it. A large number of men, women and children sat close by. The shell exploded, killing 20 and injuring a number of others.
The redoubt built on Kaiti by Lieutenant Wilson became known as “Wilson's Redoubt.” It was 93 feet square, with towers at the angles. In the enclosure there was a wooden building 60 feet by 16 feet and also a powder magazine. The troops used tents.
“In the construction of Waerenga-a-Hika pa, many large puriri posts were used, the whole trunk being set up without being split or reduced in size. Some years later I utilised many of these timbers as straining posts for wire fences and, in squaring them, cut through many bullets, which had just penetrated the thin covering of sap wood.”—Elsdon Best (Journal of the Polynesian Society, December, 1903).
Some unusual weapons were among the firearms given up by the rebels at Waerenga-a-Hika. One muzzle loader had six fixed barrels, but only one nipple. All the strange guns had been obtained, some years earlier, from the captain of a vessel which had called in on the East Coast from a South American port.
A few nights before the commencement of the siege, a party comprising Tom and
“The Hauhaus have not done us one-tenth of the damage that has been inflicted by Mokena and his
Born in Hesse Cassel (Germany), the fair-complexioned, grey-eyed and kindly disposed
Rev.
Prelude to Confiscation of Lands—Worst Characters Removed to Chatham Islands—No Trial, No Fixed Sentence—Seizure of Schooner and Return.
The legality of the Stafford Government's action in deporting to the
According to W. L. Williams, Esk, bringing with him St. Kilda, by which vessel the prisoners were to be conveyed to the
The first party to be exiled consisted of 45 men, but women and children to the number of 25 were allowed to accompany
Captain Thomas was instructed to supply the prisoners with adequate rations “until they are able to raise food for themselves.” He was also advised that probably half an acre to each person would be sufficient for a cultivation, and he was required to furnish them with tools, seed potatoes, wheat, etc. A further direction to him was that the arms and ammunition should always be kept within the stockade, where a large proportion of the guard was always to be on the alert. He was authorised to afford prisoners, in return for work, small indulgences, such as an allowance of tobacco, permission to fish, etc., and to promise them earlier release.
“It is the Government's wish,”Colonel Russell added, “that the prisoners shall be treated with all possible kindness consistent with safe-keeping; nor is it desired to detain them longer than may be necessary. They should be informed, therefore, that their return will depend upon their own good conduct and the termination of the rebellion; that, periodically, a few of the best behaved will be allowed to return; and that it is hoped that none of them need be kept prisoner for any lengthened period.”
Some of the Poverty Bay chiefs did not approve of the exiling of the rebels. Lazarus made it known that he would not consent to one inch of his land being given up to the Queen. Captain Harris, in a letter to
In November, 1866, when
When Under-Secretary W. Rolleston (subsequently M.H.R. for Avon and a Cabinet Minister) made an investigation, in January, 1868, the guard comprised (in addition to
Whilst he was at Waitangi, Mr. Rolleston found that some of the members of the guard contributed freely to the takings of the two public houses. He was approached by an old chief whom the doctor considered in good health, but who did not appear to him to be fit to work. A sergeant admitted to him that he might have occasionally kicked prisoners whom the doctor reckoned were malingering. He also heard complaints against members of the guard in connection with the medical inspections, which had led to keen resentment on the part of the women. Becoming very angry, Mr. Rolleston, it is said, ordered
A reduction in the strength of the guard was brought about in February, 1868, by the enrolment of only the best behaved members as a force of Armed Constabulary. The new guard consisted of one senior sergeant, one corporal and nine constables.
Towards the end of 1867 the Auckland Provincial Council passed a resolution to the effect that “to secure the pacification of the country, and for the welfare of both races, a general amnesty should be proclaimed with as little delay as possible.” The Government consulted
Shortly afterwards, Mr. Ritchie, a J.P. at the
Much surprise (and not a little alarm) was occasioned in official circles in Wellington in July, 1868, when a message was received from Napier stating that the rebels had seized a schooner at the Rifleman (the vessel on which the prisoners had journeyed to the mainland) twelve days later. Chief Officer Payne, who was in charge of her, explained that he had not put in either to
The Rifleman, Payne said, reached the
In his account of the rising,
“At about 2.45 p.m.,” he continued, “I walked out of the barracks room; it was so full that I could hardly move. I had not gone more than seven paces when I was seized by three or four prisoners, laid face down very gently and bound hand and foot, my hands being tied behind my back … I saw them break open the magazine, roll out the ammunition, take possession of the rifles (which they loaded and capped in great haste) and the bayonets …
“When I had left the barracks room I met an old fellow who had been sick for six months and I remarked to myself: ‘What business has he here?’ … They left me on the ground for about five minutes and then carried me into the barracks room. I saw Constables Cotter, Muirhead and Johnson, who were also tied hand and foot. They told me that Constable Michael Hartnett [a single man, whose father was a pensioner at Onehunga] had been tomahawked. I saw them open all our boxes. They took all the money they could find, but nothing else, out of the barracks room.
“About three shots were fired, and then they brought inCaptain Thomas and laid him down. He was tied very tightly and, I believe, suffered very much. I saw them drag in Constable Hemmington with his trousers torn off his back (sic). He looked rather fierce; I saw them handcuff him. As I was suffering a good deal of pain in my wrists, I got them to unbind my hands and handcuff me also.Captain Thomas also asked them to handcuff him, but they took no heed. He called out to me to ask them to handcuff him. The man in charge said that he had got no more handcuffs, so I showed him where he could get a pair.
“A fellow then came in and toldCaptain Thomas that they wanted him at the courthouse to talk with Alick [Mr. Shand, the interpreter]. They took him away, well watched. One fellow followed him with a long rope. I thought they were going to hang him … A few minutes afterwards the prisoners commenced to karakia (pray) in Elliott's room. They then formed a circle in the barracks square and began to pray again. I think it was a Hauhau karakia, for I heard them say: ‘No. 1; No. 2, etc.’ They had another prayer at the gate, then shouted and left.
“Two civilians came in and loosed us. We saw they were all on board theRifleman.They cast theFlorenceadrift and she went ashore on the beach. I do not know who the fellows were who tied me up. I sawTe Kooti walking about doing nothing … I did not hear himspeak. He seemed quite pleased. I saw Pohipi No. 4 on the parapet, apparently doing sentry go …”
The rebel whom
Throughout the voyage, a native armed with a sword stood over the helmsman and sentries patrolled the deck at night as well as during the daytime. Whareongaonga was reached on 10 July at 7 p.m. During the night and for most of the next day the work of landing the cargo proceeded. The party comprised 163 men, 64 women and 71 children. Three men and one woman had remained behind. Among the cargo were large quantities of flour, sugar and general stores and some barrels of beer. The escapees also brought back 33 rifles, 8 d.b. guns, 7 revolvers, 29 bayonets, 3 kegs of powder, 4,584 cartridges, 6,670 percussion caps and some swords, which they had taken from the redoubt. In addition, they had stolen £522 in notes and coin, including £397 of Crown moneys and £102 belonging to Hartnett, the murdered guard.
Much discussion has centred upon the question as to whether any definite official statement was made to the rebels as to the period of their detention. When Colonel Russell reported to Parliament in 1866 on the exiling of the rebels, he used these words:
“… The hope of return has been held out to them as soon as the suppression of the rebellion and their own good conduct seem to justify the Government in restoring them to their own homes. My latest information says that they are so satisfied with their new abode that it seems unlikely that they will desire to return.”
East Coast, New Zealand, Historical Records, p. 50) says that School History of New Zealand) states: “A definite promise was made to all the prisoners … that they would be restored to their homes in New Zealand within two years, if the colony was then at peace.” Gudgeon (Defenders of New Zealand) claims that it was believed among the prisoners “that a latent promise had been made to some of them by
Bishop Selwyn, in a speech in the House of Lords, stated:
“The rebels were told that, if they conducted themselves well, they would, at the end of two years, be set at liberty. They behaved in a most exemplary manner, but, at the expiration of two years, they were informed that they were not to be set at liberty, whereupon a look of despair came over them, as if every hope they had of life had been cut off.”
Rusden (History of New Zealand) says that some of the prisoners told Major Edwards [May, 1867] that they had been promised that, if they behaved well, they would be sent home, a few at a time, probably after they had been a year away, and that the remainder would be sent back upon the restoration of peace. Three months later,
John Brooking (a member of the original guard) states, in Tales of Poverty Bay (Gisborne Times, October, 1913), that, shortly after the St. Kilda left Napier with the first batch of exiles for the
Cowan ( Sir Donald Maclean, p. 83) suggests that Mr. Rolleston and not Mr. Maclean (a spelling adopted by Cowan) was responsible for the prolonged detention of the exiles. He says:
“… Maclean, indeed, urged that the prisoners should be allowed to return and resume their old tribal life and their ancestral lands after a certain area had been taken as punishment for rebellion. But the Native Minister (Mr. Rolleston), although he visited theChatham Islands in 1868, was deaf to the appeals of the exiles …”
On the other hand, Cowan (The New Zealand Wars, vol. 2, p. 496) places the blame on
When the Government was challenged, after the return of the rebels, it had to confess that it held no judicial warrant justifying its action in exiling them at the Hansard, 6 August, 1868) recalled that Hansard, September, 1868) said that he knew of nothing that had had such a powerful influence in restraining the natives from committing further outrages as the policy of exiling these rebels. Those who had been sent away had been selected out of 1,500 of the worst character. If they had been placed in gaol it might have led them to avenge their disgrace after their release. The Ministry could not have devised a better measure, and it was entitled to much credit for it.
During the debate on the question as to who was responsible for the weakening of the guard,
“Notwithstanding that information was given to the Government at different times that the prisoners were changing their religion; that a prophet had arisen among them; and that they were becoming more or less unsettled, nothing was done except that some men who had never seen service, and whom the police and people of Wellington were glad to get rid of, were enrolled at a cheap rate and sent over to theChatham Islands to look after the prisoners of war. Policemen should have been sent to look after such a guard!”
It was pointed out by Mr. Rolleston that the Parliamentary Estimates for 1868 had provided for an A.C. guard of a lieutenant, ensign, sergeant and 22 privates, and that the total vote was £6,481. However, Premier Stafford admitted that the guard had been reduced and that, as matters had turned out, it had not proved adequate. “The Government,” he added, “was so influenced by reports—particularly that of Mr. Rolleston—as to the general good conduct of the prisoners and the absence of any intention to escape that we took his (Mr. Rolleston's) advice and largely diminished the guard.”
Only four guards were on duty at the time of the rising, but three others were also in or about the redoubt. The remainder—three married men—did not reside at the barracks. Neither Captain Thomas nor the sergeant was on the spot, and the former
“Upon looking back upon this extraordinary incident in the history of New Zealand it is difficult to say whether one's wonder is excited more by the precision, rapidity and completeness with which the enterprise was planned and executed than by the moderation shown in the hour of victory by a gang of barbarous fanatics, who, in a moment, found their former masters bound at their feet and their lives entirely at their mercy.”
In a letter to
Upon landing at Whareongaonga, Te Kooti was attired in what an elderly native woman described as “a perfect masher suit and patent leather boots.” He informed his followers that he was the Maori Moses, who, acting under Divine guidance, would lead his band out of bondage. The hill leading up from the southern extremity of the cove he called “Mt. Moriah,” and he referred to the two shelving reefs as “the Tablets of the New Law.” He added that, when he and his band had subdued New Zealand, he would touch those rocks with Aaron's Rod and the New Revelation would spring from the earth.
The detention, without trial, of the Taranaki prophets,
Interception Proceedings Fail—Crown Forces Suffer Three Defeats: Paparatu, Te Koneke and Ruakituri—Whitmore Calls Settlers “Cowards and Curs”
Whilst the Rifleman was lying off Whareongaonga on Friday, 10 July, 1868, she could be seen by
On the Sunday morning,
That day
According to the Hon. Hansard, 1869, p. 199) Biggs's request to
Hansard, 1868, p. 172) that
As Biggs's force was small, and as he could not rely on some of his friendly natives, he returned to Matawhero. If he had attacked the rebels (who were in superior numbers) and had been routed, the whole of
When it was learned on the 15th that the rebels had moved farther inland, Biggs, with the object of intercepting them, set off at the head of a force of 36 Europeans and 40 loyal natives.
Leaving Captain Westrup in charge, Biggs went back to Turanganui to arrange for further supplies. Whilst he was returning on the 20th he saw H.M.S. Rosaria enter Waipara landed 40
Vainly, Te Kooti tried to get in between Westrup's and Wilson's forces. He then sent a party, by a circuitous route, to a piece of bush at the rear of Westrup's section. Westrup fell back on to a hill on the other side of his camp. Just prior to the
The fighting went on for about seven hours. Westrup then ordered the troops to retreat, via Te Arai Valley. He was forced to leave behind the bodies of “Billy the Goose” (William Wilson) and Wi Koro. The wounded (who were brought away) comprised:
It was after midnight when Westrup's section reached his outstation at
Meantime, Colonel Whitmore had reached Hansard, September, 1868), Whitmore dressed the settlers down, describing them as “cowards and curs.”
In The Last Maori War in New Zealand, Whitmore admits that he became very angry. He continues:
“… I certainly regret having been betrayed into using language which expressed my feelings at the moment. But I claim that it was neither unreasonable nor undeserved and, though silence might have been wiser, yet it was hard to maintain it at the time, believing (as I did) that, unless the pursuit began at once,Te Kooti would probably escape.” [The settlers returned within a few days.]
With reference to the Paparatu engagement. Whitmore (page 7 of his book) is unnecessarily harsh in his criticism:
“It was,” he says, “a day of shame to our arms. But it illustrates very forcibly the danger of being led away by the apparent eagerness of the men to attempt operations in a New Zealand bush, even under favourable circumstances, with untrained and inexperienced troops. The military disgrace of defeat and the misfortune of showing ourselves so unfavourably to the Maoris would have produced aworse effect, however, but for the devotion of the little detachment which rallied round Captain Westrup and, by their constancy and pluck, prevented the rout from becoming a massacre.”
Prior to the engagement at Paparatu, Biggs sent
On 24 July, Te Kooti and his band appeared at Te Koneke and attacked Richardson's force, inflicting one casualty. Apatu's contingent at once bolted. As the Crown force was now smaller than
Whilst Whitmore was at
When Whenuakura was reached, the
“Whitmore abusesPoverty Bay and the whole of its population very much indeed. You will hear him say before very long that the Poverty Bay Volunteers deserted him within sight of the enemy. This is far from the truth. The enemy had crossed theHangaroa River ten days before we got to it … Our force was short of food, had to sleep in the snow, and had but little prospect of getting more provisions…. Westrup asked Whitmore to give him some idea when the expedition would end, as he considered it useless to go on over the river without food. His men were willing to go on for even ten days, but wanted some limit put on the time, as they had been absent from home for nearly a month. Whitmore would give no satisfactory answer, but told him that the settlers might go back if they wished to, after which he issued an order that they were to doso … The Poverty Bay natives then said that they would not remain without their pakehas, so back they went also. I had been sent to Turanga to see about getting up supplies.”
Biggs added that Whitmore intended to pay the settlers, but not the natives—picked men from Paratene's and Hirini's tribes—although they had been promised 2/- per day and rations. If the natives were not paid and were again required, they would naturally refuse to assist. It would not do to embitter them at that juncture. Whitmore also talked of having the Poverty Bay Volunteers disbanded, but he (Biggs) hoped that no such injustice would be done and that a strict inquiry would first be held. Whitmore's language to the Volunteers and in their hearing about them “has been enough to make any men mutiny. The natives are equally disgusted with him …”
Whitmore's version appears in Hansard (4/9/1868):
“The Mutiny Act is,” he pointed out, “not available without the concurrence of the O.C. the Forces of the colony. When we were within two days' march of the enemy, and with his fires almost in sight, I was made acquainted with the fact that … the Volunteers fromPoverty Bay , which I had come to protect, were unwilling to go farther than theHangaroa River , alleging that it was their district boundary and that, if further employed, they should be used as a transport corps … If 1 had accepted this offer I should have been no better off in keeping up supplies; it would have cost £100 to £150 per ton for a service of about 30 miles … I had to consider my position as regards the law. At least one half of these Volunteers had not been sworn in…. If the state of the law had been known, even those who had been sworn in could not have been forced to do anything they did not choose to do. Being unwilling to expose this state of affairs, I simply ordered them back to their homes … Had they all been regular Volunteers, they never would have been allowed by me to return …”
Whitmore's force was now reduced to about 140, of whom 40 were
When the engagement began, a large number of the pursuers were in exposed positions in the riverbed. Most of them took refuge in the mouth of Mako-ka-Muka Creek.
“All night,” Whitmore says, “we toiled, carrying the wounded up a long ascent, with the groans of several seriously injured men ringing in our ears after the reaction from great excitement had set in, when hunger had begun to press upon us, and the hard frost was chilling us to the marrow.” [Three of the wounded men—Privates Byrne, A.C., J. Condon, A.C., andW. Oates , Wanganui Militia—died during the first night.]
During the night a colt was roasted and eagerly devoured by the ravenous troops. Next day they plodded up and down the snow-covered hills from 5 a.m. till 5 p.m. They were exhausted when they got back over the
Whilst the campaign was being discussed in Parliament, Colonel Whitmore claimed that he knew, when the Poverty Bay Volunteers and the
Colonel Whitmore also told his fellow-members of Parliament that it was “on the entreaty of his men” that he decided he would not allow the last two miles to stand between his force and the enemy. It took three hours, however, to cover the final stretch, and that meant that he was compelled to go into action under the absolute necessity of returning that night for food and blankets. He added: “We went off from Ruakituri with the honours of war and were never followed a single yard.” In his book he claims that, after the fight, “
In Parliament, in September, 1868, members were afforded full opportunity to discuss whether Biggs did right in intervening when the rebels returned. Mr. Rolleston argued that the rebels were to be commended in that, when they regained their freedom, they did not give way “to the passions that would have characterised a Sheffield or a Birmingham mob,” and that Biggs's action had changed them from “crusaders who might have gone through the country diffusing a feeling of loyalty amongst the tribes” to “firebrands ready to kindle rebellion wherever they went.” In turn,
“It might have been better not to have attempted the recapture of the ex-prisoners. But it was one of those cases in which the Government had no discretion, as initiatory steps had been taken, before it had heard of their escape, by Biggs and Westrup … Our instructions when we heard that the ex-prisoners had landed were to induce them to surrender by telling them that nothing would be visited against them with relation to the past, except such as might, when leaving theChatham Islands , have committed any atrocity; the rest would be unconditionally pardoned. But events accumulated from time to time, and, before we knew anything of it, the escaped prisoners had attacked the settlers.”
The cudgels were taken up in defence of Hansard, 1869, p. 198):
“I wish to say a few words,” he said, “with respect to the slander affectingMajor Biggs which found its way into the English press and which has been half adopted in official dispatches from Home. It has been stated that theChatham Island prisoners were a most peaceful and quiet people; that their minds were possessed of a new and very spiritual religion; and that, if they had only been left to their own devices, they would have done no harm to anybody … A passage inTe Kooti 's journal—a curious little book which I obtained at Ngatapa—will show the temper of that remarkable man … It says: ‘My wrath against the tribe which has destroyed my tribe is unchangeable. I will destroy them from the parents unto the children. I will not cease for ever.’ That passage shows a spirit not altogether of a peaceful character, and I think that, viewed in the light of subsequent events, it shows that there was mischief in the mind of this man.”
Mr. Richmond added that he had just received a note from
The Government marked its appreciation of
An interesting letter, dated 22 August, 1868, recently found its way back to Gisborne. It had been in the possession of George Graham, of Auckland. Addressed from Turanga to Warana Pirihi (or, perhaps, Pirild), it is signed by
Te Kooti Builds Up Rebel Force at Puketapu—Anxiety Keenest at Wairoa and Napier—Large Native Force Wasted at Wairoa—Wrong Track Into Poverty Bay Watched.
By establishing his base at Puketapu, after the fight at Ruakituri (8/8/1868),
Some writers have suggested that it should have been taken for granted that
Major Biggs did not share
“Is there any likelihood of our having any protection here [Poverty Bay ] in the shape of an organised force, either native or European or both? Our population is decreasing rapidly, from five to ten leaving by every vessel for Auckland. If the ex-prisoners come down in the summer (as the natives of this place expect) we shall not be able to protect ourselves without assistance.
“I did hope that Fraser's men [a Division of the A.C. which had fought at Ruakituri] or at least a portion of them would have been left here. But that Whitmore would not hear of. He is determined, if he can prevent it, that assistance shall not be rendered toPoverty Bay .
“A Maori force would be the cheapest, say, pay at 2/- per diem and 1/- per diem for rations, a suit of clothes and a red scarf. A few Europeans might be taken on with the natives—just enough to keep them together—in the proportion of 30 Europeans to 100 natives.”
A month later (on 18 September) Biggs, upon his return from Wairoa, informed
A strong protest was made by
Replying with considerable warmth,
“We have,” Mr. Stafford continued, “a war going on along the boundary line of two provinces on theWest Coast , and were obliged immediately to reinforce our troops. We had at Napier the only disciplined force we possess. But Mr. McLean (the superintendent of a province in which there is no fighting) obstinately, callously andheartlessly—I use his own words (to me)—refuses to recognise the danger in that place [Taranaki], where women and children are within a few miles of the scene of active war and would become the prey of the enemy if he should happen to be the conqueror …”
During the final stage of the debate, Mr. Stafford informed the House that
Much anxiety was felt at Wairoa early in October, 1868, when, no tidings could be gleaned concerning what had become of four influential emissaries who had set out on 30 September for Whataroa in an attempt to induce
Towards the close of October, the Government assembled a large native force at Wairoa. It comprised 120
The Hon. Hansard, 1869) that he brought the St. Kilda. En route from Napier a call was made at Wairoa, “where we found there was not sufficient ground for panic.” He continued:
“When we got toPoverty Bay [from Waiapu] on 27 October we found there were fires of parties approaching from the direction of the great ranges whereTe Kooti was supposed to be established.Major Biggs [who had been picked up on the East Coast] held that there should be a garrison at Turanganui. I instantly consented and, at my request, the chiefHenare Potae sent a messenger for 50 of his men to garrison the post.Major Biggs said that 50 men were not enough—that he should have 100 men.
“I remember saying toMajor Biggs that, whilst in the night watches—not being able to sleep very well in aPoverty Bay bed—I had been reflecting upon the unprotected state of the place, and I asked him to speak particularly toMajor Westrup andParatene Turangi and request them not to sleep another night—that was my expression—outside a stockade …”
Mr. Richmond went on to say that, whilst he was at
During the debate,
On 30 October—11 days before the massacre—the large native force at Wairoa moved off to Whataroa. Only the elderly mother of
Next day St. Kilda should proceed to Hansard, 1869), the Government approved the dispatch of the St. Kilda. However, on account of a gale, she could not leave Napier on 8 November. Then, unfortunately, her engine broke down, necessitating repairs. Not until 10 November—the massacre had taken place that morning—was she able to sail for
In his report to Sturt?” Next day
On the morning of 10 November the Hawke's Bay Herald quoted its Wairoa correspondent as its authority for the statement that the elderly woman who had been taken prisoner at Whataroa had told Lambert that
As it was Biggs's opinion that the rebels would use the
East Coast, New Zealand, Historical Records, pp. 59–60) says that the native mailman, upon his arrival from Wairoa at Whakato (about nine miles from Turanganui) at midday on Sunday (8 November) informed him and others that the woman taken prisoner at Whataroa had told Lambert that
When the mailman reached Turanganui on the morning of Monday (9 November) he handed to
The text of the Southern Cross, 23/12/1868) said that, whilst he was discussing the Wairoa rumour with Biggs on the Sunday (8 November), he had remarked to him that he (Biggs) would be certain to hear from Lambert on the following morning “whether the report was worth taking any notice of.” He added: “When I saw Biggs on the Monday afternoon, and asked him what news he had received by the mail, his answer was, ‘Not a line!’ The natural conclusion from this was that Lambert hadn't considered
Shortly after the massacre, the Southern Cross, stated that, on 1 November, he received reliable information from Taupo to the effect that a native named Toetoe (a Hauhau and a Kingite) had visited
The Rev.
If a rumour suggesting that
After the dire calamity, some other persons also claimed to have given Biggs warning that Te Kooti's Expeditions (
Howard Strong is quoted by Cowan (The New Zealand Wars) as having stated that Mrs. Wyllie, a half-caste, had informed him one day that she had been told by an old Maori woman that
If, however, Strong and his neighbours (who included the Wyllies) really did place reliance upon the old Maori woman's report, it would be difficult to account for the fact that they gave up keeping a watch at night at the ford over the
Whitmore (The Last Maori War in New Zealand, p. 68) claims to have received, some days after the massacre, a letter written by Biggs. He says that Biggs told him that
Gascoyne (Soldiering in New Zealand, pp. 34–36) says that Biggs (in spite of his strong representations as to the danger) was allowed only the one small party of scouts to watch an extent of country which would have required the services of six scouting parties. Its chief camp was about 20 miles from Turanganui, “where the main track descends to the
That night, on their way back to camp, he left his two comrades and rode on to Matawhero to report. Biggs, he says, did not approve his suggestion that three men should be posted in the valley which he had inspected. He said that he knew that
It was, at first, proposed that Matawhero should be the rendezvous for the settlers and loyal natives in the event of a raid proving imminent. The settlers began to throw up the earthworks for a redoubt, and the loyal natives went ahead with the palisading. Then the work was stopped, and Turanganui was decided upon. Southern Cross, 23/12/1868) says that, when he arrived back at
Little is known concerning the composition of, or the strength of, the band of rebels which made the murderous raid on Mata-whero. According to Maata te Owai, the “spearhead” consisted chiefly of Nama's outback Wairoa people and Urewera tribesmen. Jimmy Wilson says that a
Why it was that St. Kilda that day might have caused
Whitmore (The Last Maori War in New Zealand) says that, when he landed at
It was not until dusk on Monday, 9 November, 1868, that
Most of the 20 native residents of Patutahi were taken, under escort, to Pukepuke. A guard was placed over the others to prevent any of them from crossing the
Some accounts suggest that the raid began on the night of 9 November. However, when the survivors' narratives are examined, it is plain that the raiders did not cross the
On the previous afternoon, the schooner Success (Captain Trimmer) lay in the Turanganui River taking on board cattle from the Mission station property for delivery to S. T. Clarke at Tauranga. Alongside her was the schooner Tawera (Captain J. Kennedy), which was lifting a cargo of produce for Auckland. Both got stuck on the bar as they attempted to leave the river. Early on the morning of the raid, according to Captain Kennedy, the sky was clear and starlit. A sailor, sent aloft to loosen the
Tawera, noticed a fire, but it was in the direction of Pipiwhakao Bush (to the south of Matawhero). Nothing was seen to arouse suspicion. Both vessels soon got free and set off.
Just before sailing time,
Diverse opinions have also been placed on record as to the route which the rebels took to reach Matawhero from Patutahi. One story suggests that they crossed over the
In all the circumstances it is difficult to believe that the raiders risked passing through a locality which (they would have learned at Patutahi) had been watched by the settlers. If they had been observed there, and a messenger had got to Matawhero ahead of them, the raid would, in large measure, have failed. The fresh in the river—vide
Probably only a small party of raiders was sent to Dodd and Peppard's home on Repongaere. What happened there is not difficult to reconstruct. Both partners, it would seem, were abed when they were disturbed, probably by the barking of their dogs. Scantily clad, they went outside to investigate and were shot down by rebels in hiding. Gudgeon (Defenders of New Zealand) says that Rathbone (their cook) made off towards Toanga, where he met Pera te Uatuku, who advised him to hasten, and then shot him in the back.
Charlie James (a 17-year-old lad in New Zealand Herald, 14/11/1868) that Biggs was awakened about 3 a.m. by a noise outside the house. Being under the impression that some of his scouts had returned, he went out and inquired: “Who is there?” A shot was fired at him, but he escaped back into the house with only a foot injury. He then called to his wife: “Emily, dear, the Hauhaus are here!” and advised her, the nurse (
The rebels then forced their way into the house, dragged Biggs outside, and laid him upon the ground. One of the fiends beat his head in with the butt of a gun. Mrs. Biggs struggled to escape from her captors, pleading to be allowed to go to her husband. The nurse was holding the infant, and the lad heard her say that she would stay by her side and live or die with her. Mrs. Biggs, the nurse and child were then attacked and fell close to the spot where Biggs's body was lying. The lad made off to warn neighbours, and, as he passed in front of Captain Wilson's home, he heard the door being battered in and the noise of shooting. Flames afterwards broke out of the windows.
Some hours later; when
An account of the tragedy was given to the Christchurch Star and the Gisborne Times in December, 1928, by J. G. (Jimmy) Wilson (the only survivor of the Wilson family). He says that his parents and the infant slept downstairs and his sister (aged six years), brother (four years) and himself (eight years) upstairs. When the riders appeared, the dogs began to bark furiously and his father got up. There was a gentle knock at the back door. His father asked: “Who is there?” A native replied that he had an important message from Hirini te Kani (a
First of all, his father called to his manservant (
Whilst his father, who held a revolver, stood near the back door, Moran, armed with a rifle, guarded the front entrance. The rebels broke down the back door, but dared not enter. From a distance they fired several volleys into the house. Then some of them crept under the building and set it on fire. His father went upstairs and brought him and the other children down. Soon all were being scorched. In the hope that they and their mother might be saved, his father led them on to the verandah. A native who had often received gifts of food from his mother said to her: “No further harm,” or words to that effect.
They were led away in the direction of Goldsmith's home. His mother carried Jessie (the infant); his sister Alice was on her left; he (Jimmy) was on her right; and his father was on his right. Moran, with Edwin on his back, was on his mother's left. His father took off his greatcoat, put it on him, and then lifted him on his back. They had not gone far when the procession was baited and the party was attacked. The first to fall was Moran, who was bayoneted. His father put him down and rushed to his mother's side; the children clung to their parents. In a soft voice his mother entreated him to escape. By moving sideways he contrived to slip into some scrub and made off. He did not witness the attack upon his parents and the other members of the family.
It is plain that some of the victims met their deaths before the firestick was applied to Captain Wilson's house. John McCulloch could not have seen anything to arouse his suspicions when he went out to get his cows. Surprised by some rebels, he fled towards his home. His wife observed that he was being chased by armed natives and tried to escape, taking with her their infant and also her brother (New Zealand Herald, 14/11/1868) said that he ran ahead into some
Among the residents who were indoors when the rebels arrived was
No authentic details can be traced as to the circumstances in which Lieutenant Walsh, his wife, child and partner (Sergeant Padbury) were slain. Padbury had served as a guard at the
The home nearest Gisborne to be attacked was that of Trooper Mann, who had a wife and child. It stood on a sledge amongst some flax close to the site of the present hotel at Makaraka. According to the Hawke's Bay Herald (17/11/1868) Mann, who was unarmed, had a severe struggle with
When Tom Goldsmith was passing Mann's house he saw some rebels tossing the infant's body up and catching it on their bayonets. As he moved towards them to interfere one of them caught hold of his bridle. He brought down his riding crop on the rebel's head and galloped off, being hotly pursued. It was fortunate for him that none of the rebels had a loaded weapon. As fugitive and pursuers passed through Makaraka they were observed by Mrs. Steele, who called out to her husband: “Look! There's Tom Goldsmith having a race with the Maoris!” Both shouted encouragement to him, not knowing that it was for him a race for life. A friendly native warned them and they fled before the rebels returned.
Good fortune favoured Mrs. James and her eight young children. She lived in a barn near
Mrs. Bloomfield and her family, together with her sister (
Much praise was bestowed upon
In the bustle at Mrs. Bloomfield's home prior to the departure of the inmates, Jim Garland, a bullock driver, who lived on the property, was overlooked. When he rose about 5 a.m., he was surprised to find no sign of activity about the homestead. Soon afterwards he saw some mounted natives leave Walsh's house and his suspicions were aroused. Proceeding over to Biggs's home, he saw the painful evidence of the tragedy that had been enacted there. Barefooted, he hurried on through Makaraka (which he found deserted) to Turanganui without being molested.
Two young men—
The Newnhams—“French Bob” and his wife and an adopted child—who lived near King's Road, were not slain until the following morning. In the belief that the rebels would not harm
The settlers at and around Tutoko (to the north of Matawhero) were saved by a friendly warning instigated by
The settlers who benefited from the warning were: Constable Firmin, his wife and family; Mr. and Mrs. Wyllie and family; Mr. and Mrs. Benson and child; Mr. and Mrs. Stevenson and child;
When the main party from Tutoko reached the Toanga Redoubt it crossed over to the western side of the river. Tutere Konohi (or Kapai), who was lying ill at his kainga at “Waitaria,” advised Wyllie and his companions to fly in the direction of Muriwai. Later in the day
It was on account of the fact that shearing was to have commenced that morning on Dodd and Peppard's run that the Europeans on the Mission station property at Waerenga-a-Hika received a timely warning concerning the raid. Sergeant-Major Butters, who was staying with Mr. and Mrs. Atkins, went
On the Whataupoko run, shearing had been completed the day before and the shearers—W. W. Smith, Bob Parkhouse, Hawke's Bay Herald, 14/11/1868) he met, near Toanga, a rebel who was talking to a friendly native and a lad. The rebel fired and the bullet pierced his shoulder. Munn's horse wheeled round and set off back. A second shot missed. When Munn reached Makaraka, Eruera Brown (a half-caste) gave him a drink, relieved him of his carbine, revolver and sword, and escorted him into Turanganui.
The settlers to the north of Waerenga-a-Hika received news of the raid from
Kempthorne galloped back to “Pukepapa” and he and his native boy went off to G. Scott's place to warn the people there. Scott, three workmen—D. Matthew, L. Farrell and J. Alexander —and two native women linked up with them, and they all went on to “Ngakaroa,” where
News of the Massacre was speedily conveyed to the settlers who lived south of Matawhero. Tipuna (father of
The natives at Muriwai told the fugitives that they were not in sufficient strength to protect them, and advised them to go on to Mahia. It was arranged that Captain Campbell should take the women and children by boat to “
The party which went overland took the Whareongaonga track. It was guided by Pimia Aata and comprised:
During the afternoon, the Eagle (Captain Loverock) reached Eagle anchored off “Rover over to Mahia, and that vessel and the Eagle took the refugees on to Napier.
Following a retirement of only 15 minutes, the jury returned with a verdict of guilty. Mr. Justice Johnston, upon sentencing Pere to death, congratulated him upon the fact that the practice
A widespread belief that some of the settlers took refuge in the church at Matawhero is without foundation.
Apart from
Rover on the day of the Massacre, returned on horseback to Turanganui in the evening. There were then only 17 Europeans at Wilson's Redoubt. It was only by chance that he had been absent from Matawhero on the morning of the tragedy. He had had to go into Turanganui on the previous evening to discuss business matters with Captain Read, and his host had pressed him to stay overnight.
Success early on the morning of the Massacre, but returned when he learned of the tragedy. In 1873 he built the schooner Advance at
News of Poverty Bay Massacre Causes Painful Sensation— Governor's Graphic Dispatch to Home Authorities—Belated Search For Survivors—Mrs. Wilson Not Found For Six Days.
The news of the shocking raid upon Matawhero by New Zealand Herald, made their appearance at about 5 a.m.
Captain Read obtained a whaleboat, and, with a volunteer crew comprising W. W. Smith, M. Hall, R. Parkhouse, J. Brooking and C. Smale, set off to overtake the schooners Success and Tawera, which had left the river only a few hours before. They came in sight of the Success at 11 a.m. just south of Whangara, and Captain Trimmer at once turned back. The Tawera was eight miles farther north, and, to attract Captain Kennedy's attention, Captain Trimmer put some tow in a tin and set it alight, producing a pall of dense smoke. In the belief that the Success was on fire, Captain Kennedy lost no time in returning to her. Both got back late in the afternoon. As the Success was laden with cattle she was allowed to resume her voyage.
Shortly afterwards, Tawera left for Napier at 6 p.m. Captain Read went on her to impress upon the authorities the dire necessity for reinforcements. Her passengers also included: Mrs. W. Parker, five children and servant, Mrs. Robb and three children, Mrs. Blair, Poulgrain children (3), George Williams, Mrs. G. G. Mill and two children, R. Thelwall, Mrs. R. Shearer, Mrs. Young, Dan Munn, Mrs. Bloomfield, her children and her sister (Tawera, the captain of the Lord Ashley, which was en route to Auckland, sent a boat to her.
Tawera's passenger list.
Next day the work of converting the courthouse into a blockhouse was pushed ahead. Sand was poured into the space between the weatherboards and the lining, and slots were cut to enable the settlers and the natives to use their rifles to advantage in case the building had to be defended. Watchers with telescopes were posted on Kaiti Hill to observe the movements of the rebels. On Thursday (12 November)—the second day after the Massacre—an attack upon the settlement seemed imminent. The rebels appeared in force at Makaraka, but they went back to Matawhero, where they set fire to most of the remaining homes. Mrs. Bloomfield's two-storey house, which had cost £1,600 and was the finest in the district, was left unharmed longer than any other because its high balcony proved very useful to the rebels as a look-out. The Ahuriri arrived from Napier on Friday with Captains Westrup and Tuke and 70
Not until six days after the tragedy—several groups of reinforcements had then reached Onward. When he had left home the Success had not turned up with her load. Going out at night by a back route,
One of the saddest incidents in connection with the Massacre was that Mrs. Wilson lay grievously injured so long in a little shed close to her razed home before help reached her other than that which her eight-year-old son had been able to afford from the second day after the tragedy. In addition to a grave bayonet wound in the body, she had suffered injuries to her arms and breasts whilst attempting to screen her infant daughter. She had at first had a shawl as well as a nightdress, but, whilst she lay unconscious,
In his account of his doings, Jimmy Wilson says that, when he escaped, he went to Mrs. Bloomfield's home and got into a bed in an upstairs room. Hearing some natives coming up the stairs, he locked the door. Although the handle was tried, and a native woman called out, he was not molested. [A version current just after the Massacre was that he crept on to the verandah, but, becoming afraid, he hid beneath a sweetbrier bush and fell off to sleep.] Next day he visited
On Thursday, whilst he was over at the site of his old home attending to his pony, he thought he heard a movement in a shed close by. At that moment his mother called out: “Is that you, Jimmy?” She told him to get some eggs, and, under her guidance, he boiled them in the kettle. She then directed him to return to his shelter for the night. Next morning he took to his mother some potatoes which he had obtained from
“Could some kind friend come to our help, for God's sake? I am very much wounded, lying in a little house on our place. My poor son James is with me. Come quick.ALICE WILSON . We have little or no clothing and are in dreadful suffering.”
Both on Saturday and Sunday little Jimmy tried to find his way to Turanganui, some five miles distant, but, on each occasion, he became confused in regard to the right track and returned to his mother. Again on Monday he set out. Near the site of the present hotel at Makaraka his little dog Flo began to bark and he was found, hiding among some scrub, by a reconnoitring party consisting of
Maynard and Cook soon reached the shed in which Mrs. Wilson was lying and called to her by name. “Thank God!” she replied. “Help has arrived. Please bring me some water.” After she had received attention from the doctor she was carried to
News of the massacre reached Wellington on 11 November in a telegram which
“News has reached Wellington from the East Coast of the massacre by Hauhaus underTe Kooti of about 40 Europeans and 20 loyal Maoris near Turanga, Poverty Bay … In the night and between the 9th and 10th inst. a band of rebels suddenly attacked the home ofMajor Biggs , the resident magistrate, and those of a number of other English settlers, who were murdered after a brief resistance and after having been tortured and mutilated in circumstances of revolting cruelty, whilst their wives and daughters and other members of their families, after having been subjected to atrocities too horrible for description, were burned to death or hacked to pieces….
“The murderers dashed out the brains of Mrs. Wilson's baby and, after the head had become a pulpy mass, placed it in her arms before attacking her. This unfortunate lady was then pierced with bayonets several times and left for dead … Many of the atrocities perpetrated on the women and children are too shocking for description: suffice it to say that nothing more horrible has taken place since the Indian Mutiny of 1857 …
“Mrs. Wilson's wounds were: Two in the arm, one of which pinned her to the ground; another one on the wrist which transfixed her and the baby, which lay dead underneath. Sensible even then, and hearing the dying moans of her husband, she turned towards her attackers and immediately received another bayonet stab in the abdomen. This wound probably saved her life, for the murderers left her, believing her to be dead. But, even then, before departing, they beat her on the breasts with the butts of their rifles and of which she afterwards retained marks … Mrs. Wilson succumbed about 10 days afterwards …”
When the news of the disaster was circulated at Home, people who had made up their minds to settle in New Zealand were
In Matawhero the homes of only five of the settlers were successfully attacked. One of the other raided homes—that of Dodd and Peppard—stood about four miles north of Matawhero; another—that of
Lyttelton Times:
“Te Kooti ,” according to Tuta, “had Paratene brought out to him. One hand was stretched forth byTe Kooti in mock welcome; the other, which he held behind him, gripped a tomahawk. ‘Greetings, my father!’ saidTe Kooti , who stroked the petrified Paratene's cheek as if in affection. And then he added: ‘Salutations, my father! You who uttered those words, “Go on the boat!” A-a Ko ana ki te Tomahawk!’ His tone changing with the last sentence to one of frightful biting ferocity, his eyes darting flames, his white teeth glittering,Te Kooti swung his sharp hatchet with a terrible blow and Paratene fell almost decapitated.”
An analysis of the death rolls—that in connection with the major massacre on 10 November, the isolated slayings on the 11th, and that in the case of the minor tragedy on 12 December —shows that all of the 13 European male victims were attached to the Defence Forces. Most of them were in their twenties or thirties, but two had attained the age of 60 years. Six of the women were wives of male victims, whilst another was the wife of an absent soldier. The nine European juvenile victims were between the ages of one and seven years, five being under two years old. In addition, two half-caste youths, a half-caste girl and a half-caste boy were slain. A native lad who was among those slain on 12 December is included in the list of native victims.
The names and ages of the Europeans and half-castes who were slain on the morning of 10 November (with the addition of Mrs. Wilson, who succumbed to her injuries on 17 December) were:
Major R. N. Biggs (N.Z. Militia), aged 38; his wife Emily, 19; their child George, 1 year; and the nurse,Jane Farrell , aged 26 years. Captain James Wilson (N.Z. Militia), aged 32; his wife Alice, 30; and three of their four children: Alice, 6 years; Edwin J., 4 years; and Jessie, 1½ years, together with the manservant,Private John Moran (N.Z. Militia), 60 years old.
Lieutenant James Walsh (P.B.M.R.), aged 33; his wife Emma, 26 years; their child Nora Ellen, 1 year; and his partner,Sergeant James Padbury (P.B.M.R.), 32 years.
Trooper John McCulloch (P.B.M.R.), aged 28; his wife Jane, 25; their child Emily Jane, 2 years; and a niece,Mary McDonald , 7 years.Maria Goldsmith , 16 years; andAlbert Edward Goldsmith , 4 years (both half-castes).
Trooper John Cadle (P.B.M.R.), 28 years.
Trooper John Mann (P.B.M.R.), 29 years; his wife Emma, 23, and infant (age unknown).
Lieutenant George Neville Dodd (N.Z. Militia), 40 years, andTrooper Richard Peppard (P.B.M.R.), 25 years, and their assistant,Trooper Richard Rathbone (P.B.M.R.), whose age is unknown.
The number of loyal natives slain was set down by W. L.
At Pukepuke:Himiona Katipa , Paora te Wharau, Ratana Tukurangi,Rangi Whaitiri and Riki Aata.
At Waitaria: Tutere Kapai (or Konohi) andEriapa Kapai .
Near Matawhero:Piripi Taketake , his wife Harata and three children (Pera, Taraipene and Te Paea),Hoera Whakamiha andPera Kararehe (or Taihuka). [Kararehe was the elder brother ofMatenga Taihuka . Both Matenga and his father (Pehimana) were among theChatham Island exiles. Matenga became one ofTe Kooti 's lieutenants, but deserted him, swore allegiance to the Queen and accepted Christianity.]
At Oweta: Ten, but of whom the names of only five have been traced, viz.,Paratene Turangi ,Ihimaera Hokopu ,Renata Whakaari ,Iraia Riki and Te Hira Hokopu (or Hira te Kai), who was fatally wounded and died on 6 December.
Others known to have been slain are:Rawiri Taiau and, on 12 December, David Kiniha (14 years).
On 11 November additional Europeans were slain as under:
Trooper Robert Newnham (P.B.M.R.), aged 60 years; his wife Jane, 45, and an adopted European child named Munn, 1 year old.
The European victim, half-caste victims and native victim of the Opou massacre on 12 December, 1868, were:
Trooper Finlay Ferguson (P.B.M.R.), aged 28 years;William Wyllie (half-caste son ofJ. R. Wyllie ), aged 14 years;Benjamin Mackey (half-caste son ofJames Mackey ), aged 14 years.David Kiniha 's name is included in the list of natives slain.
In the aggregate the slain comprised: Europeans 29, of whom 13 were adult males, 7 adult females and 9 children; half-castes 4, of whom 3 were males and one a female; natives approximately 30; grand total, 63.
By 17 November—a week after the major calamity—further contingents of native friendlies had reached
The New Zealand Herald says that Major and Mrs. Biggs and child were buried together. A separate grave was made for the body of the nurse (Mrs. Farrell). Captain Wilson, his three children and Moran were buried in one grave.
There were 45 Europeans and half-castes in Matawhero (five miles from Gisborne) when that area was invaded. Twenty-one were slain outright and one (Mrs. Wilson) received fatal injuries. The number of Europeans and half-castes at Makaraka (four miles from Gisborne) was 56, of whom all but three escaped. All the other European residents on the Flats got safely away, excepting three in the locality now known as King's Road and a like number on Repongaere. Most of the native victims lived on the outskirts of, or at no great distance from, Matawhero.
A handsome monument in honour of the victims of the Poverty Bay Massacre stands in the burial plot in the Makaraka Cemetery. The cost (£155) was met by subscriptions of 2/6 contributed from all parts of New Zealand.
Mrs. Wilson told Poverty Bay Herald (27/10/1887) he said: “I am not aware of any good ground for supposing that any of the victims were subjected to torture or to wanton outrage before they were put to death. The testimony of one who survived long enough to give a detailed account of her sufferings [this would be Mrs. Wilson] was: ‘Thank God! I suffered nothing worse than my wounds.’”
In his account of the court-martialling of the noted Urewera rebel,
Early Rangitikei (
Captain
Maid of Turanga, which was, for many years, in the Islands trade. He died on 15 October, 1897. His brother George, who had been at the Bendigo gold diggings, settled at Matawhero in 1855, but with his family moved to Auckland just prior to the Massacre. Only his son George returned to the district. He died on 29 November, 1937.
Move to Drive Rebels Away—Fight at Makaretu—Minor Massacre at Opou—Whitmore's Return—“The Gravedigger Has Arrived”—Siege of Ngatapa.
The initial move to drive
Gascoyne (Soldiering in New Zealand, p. 47) says that some rebels crept round the loyalists' flank and set fire to some dry fern. As a consequence a lot of fern had to be cleared away; otherwise their position would have become untenable. Next day further supplies of food and ammunition had to be obtained from Turanganui by bullock-waggon. A depot was established about two miles north of Patutahi, and, from that point, all supplies had to be packed. Rebels sent to raid the depot came across a convoy of packhorses laden with supplies. Immediately the natives attached to it bolted, leaving behind 16,000 rounds of ammunition and some stores, which fell into the hands of the raiders. A guard was then placed over the depot and the packers were provided with an armed escort.
Tareha's version of the fighting, in which the loyalists lost four killed and had ten wounded, was “that it went on day and night.” In Parliament,
On 2 December, Major Ropata and
Whilst the loyalists were engaged in the pursuit of the rebels an unfortunate hitch occurred. Hotene complained bitterly on account of Tareha's action in sparing two prisoners who were tribal connections. Ropata regarded it as a very bad omen, seeing that the men were capable of bearing arms, and he decided to retire. Both sections of loyalists then returned to Makaretu. Eventually, Ropata agreed with Gascoyne and Preece that it would be better to attack
On 5 December, Ropata and his
It was now found that, on 4 December, the Sturt had arrived with Hawke's Bay Herald, Whitmore's arrival was notified to the residents by means of placards affixed to the walls of buildings and bearing the words, “The Gravedigger Has Arrived!” The Hon.
In his report to
On 6 December, Whitmore told
Mr. Richmond, too, must have been satisfied that the rebels would not occasion any more trouble. On 11 December he sent word to
On 12 December the p.s. Sturt set off from Turanganui for Wanganui with 150 members of the A.C. Providentially (as it were), she was holed on the bar of the river and had to disembark her troops. That day, unbeknown to the authorities, the rebels made another descent upon the Flats and, near Opou, caught a young trooper (
During that afternoon, as rebels had been seen near Patutahi, Whitmore sent out mounted troops in that direction, and the right wing of No. 1 Division of the A.C. was moved out to Makaraka. After dusk the cavalry fell back, as their scouts had deserted. No trace of rebels was found in the morning, but, just as the troops were about to re-embark, word was received of the Opou murders on the previous day. Sturt to assist him, and the
Whitmore then began to muster a large force to re-attack the rebels at Ngatapa. A chain of small forts was built up the Ngatapa Valley. He named the fort which stood farthest away —it was about two and a-half miles from Ngatapa—“Fort Richmond.” Ropata returned with 300
In all, Whitmore had 700 troops, and his equipment included two cohorn mortars capable of throwing shells into any part of the pa. At the rear there was only a knife-like track up the steep hillside. Those brave attackers who were able to retain a foothold there harassed the rebels into diverting some of their best marksmen from their front-line trenches. Two of the A.C. —
According to Whitmore (Hansard, 1869) the European troops desired to go after the rebels, because many a prisoner was worth £20 in money or in plunder upon his person.
East Coast, New Zealand, Historical Records, p. 65) summarises the results of his inquiries in these words:
“As soon as day dawned the escape of the rebels was discovered. They were immediately pursued and many of them were killed. Fourteen men were taken alive in the pa and about 66 women and children. Fifty-eight dead bodies testified to the terrible havoc wrought by the shells from the cohorn mortars. The rebels' total loss is said to have been at least 125 killed. Among the Colonial Forces the casualties were 11 killed and five seriously wounded.” [The killed includedCaptain D. M. Brown , of the A.C.]
In his History of the Early Days of Poverty Bay, p. 29,
“Ropata allowed no time to elapse before he sent out pursuing parties upon the trail of the retreating enemy … Many prisoners were brought in, to the number of about 120 in all … As each detachment came in with its batch of prisoners, Ropata rather unsparingly ordered them for execution, particularly those known to be escapees from theChatham Islands and those who had participated in the Poverty Bay Massacre. The place of execution was upon the verge of a cliff. There the prisoners were stripped, then ranged in line, and shot down by a firing party, the bodies falling over the cliff. The retribution lasted for three days.”
Lambert (Story of Old Wairoa, p. 560) is not less enterprising in his attempt to establish that a large number of the rebels were executed. He comments:
“After Ngatapa, as in former cases, a number of prisoners taken were allotted to the different chiefs for their safe custody. Among them, fifty were allotted to one, and with fatal results. Next morning there was heard in the European camp heavy firing, and a messenger was sent to ascertain the cause. It was then learned that the whole fifty had been taken out and shot by their custodians, their bodies being thrown over a cliff. The affair was hushed up, of course, but it cannot but have accentuated the trouble with the Hauhaus.”
A more modest estimate of the rebel losses after the fall of the pa is given by Gascoyne in Soldiering in New Zealand, p. 75:
“Presently,” he says, “two excited natives came to ask me if it were true that the Government had promised £5 per head for all Hauhaus caught. On my saying that I believed the offer was genuine, one of them slapped his thigh and remarked: ‘My word! I get some of that money!’ Sure enough, next morning he produced a sack with three heads in it, and his mate brought in a sack containing two heads. However, I do not think that many of the Hauhaus were caught, though one or two noted men were captured. A few women were overtaken, but their heads were not wanted. The following day … half a mile from Ngatapa, I noticed between 20 and 30 prisoners drawn up near the track. They seemed a fine lot of young men and I was told that they were to be shot. Afterwards I heard that the sentence had been carried out.”
In a dispatch to
How it came about that The Last Maori War in New Zealand, p. 10. He says that, after a battle in
“The ringleaders,” he continues, “behaved in a most craven manner, making the most piteous entreaties to be spared. ‘I am no ringleader, Sir!’; ‘For the love of God, let me off, Sir!’ ‘Sentry, as you are a Christian, give me a start of six yards!’ and so on were the appeals which they interjected while the court was sitting … At each outcry silence was ordered in loud tones, and, to improve the occasion, I asked, incidentally, ‘Sergeant-Major, are those men ready with the spades?’ which produced another wail … They were dismissed with ignominy … The garbled versions which got about were most amusing, and, when I reachedPoverty Bay some months afterwards, the walls were decorated with placards announcing: ‘The Gravedigger has Arrived!’”
According to
“We Are Paralysed”—Native Suspect Slain in Cold Blood—Mohaka Massacre Intensifies Alarm—Reward of £1,000 Offered for Te Kooti, Dead or Alive.
Early in January, 1869, when he was about to leave
Nothing was heard of
With Te Kooti still a grave menace on the eastern side of the
The risk that
January 16: Natives to furnish guard at courthouse alternately with Militia.
February 12: Temporary barracks at Makaraka finished.
March 8: Working party out in bush getting posts for palisading of stockade.
March 13: Reported fires seen in the ranges and scouting party sent out.
March 22: Militia parade at courthouse at 2 p.m.; Militia Act read.
March 27: Public meeting at Bradley's [Albion Hotel] to ask the R.M. re removal of Hauhau prisoners to a place of safety; to petition the Governor on the subject; and to take into consideration the present unprotected state ofPoverty Bay .
March 29: Non-com. officer in charge of prisoners notified that he is to be held responsible that they hold no communication with other natives.
April 7: Reported that seven mounted armed men were seen [at Opou] driving sheep fromCaptain Harris 's run—supposed to be Hauhaus.
April 8: It was ascertained that the men seen driving sheep were friendly natives out pig hunting.
Writing to Mr. McLean under date 17 February, 1869,
“We are paralysed. We cannot reinstate our homesteads. We dare not live inland. Shearing, owing to the inclemency of the weather, is still unfinished. We are obliged to keep together, and always to be armed.”
Early in 1869, the Home authorities learned from newspaper reports that the Government had offered a reward of £1,000 for the capture—it was inferred dead or alive—of
Premier Stafford (in his rejoinder) stated that the report was true, as also the inference that the reward would be given for the body of
Bitter complaints arose in
Lynch law sealed the fate of one native suspect in March, 1869. Some former followers of East Coast, New Zealand, Historical Records, p. 67) says that nobody was called to account for the crime and that it would not have occasioned surprise if one or more Europeans had been slain in retaliation.
When this retributive murder took place Mr. Atkinson, R.M., was on a business visit to the Coast. Upon his return he ordered an inquest to be held. According to a story which went the
“In vain (it was averred) did Benson try to persuade the constable that he could not honestly act as a juryman, seeing that it was he who had slain the ex-rebel. However, ‘the limb of the law’ would not allow himself to be thwarted by such a trifling excuse, and he hurried Benson off to the jury-room. Benson was perfectly frank with the coroner and his fellow-jurymen; but, in turn, they, too, would not listen to his plea that he should be excused from serving. The intelligent and impartial jury at once brought in their verdict: ‘Shot by some person unknown and served him right.’ And with this verdict not a single pakeha resident ofPoverty Bay disagreed!”
A thrill of horror spread through the East Coast districts when it was learned that
News of the raid reached Wairoa a few hours after it had begun. Captain Spiller at once assembled a relief force, but Major Withers, who hurriedly returned from Frasertown, cancelled the order that it should march to Mohaka, because he feared that it might be required for the defence of Wairoa. Next day,
The chief pakeha victims were the members of the Lavin family. When the three children were attacked they were sailing a toy boat in a shallow backwash of the river close to their home. A few yards from the spot searchers came across the body of a four-year-old boy. Just a little nearer to the house lay the body of the six-year-old lad. The body of the eldest boy, who was about eight years old, was found still closer to the home. His hand still clutched the little boat. In a patch of scrub on the hillside lay the bodies of the parents. Lavin had his arm around his wife; he had emptied his revolver. How they had come by their deaths could be only a matter for conjecture. An elderly man in their employ was found slain near the cowbail. Even the cow and a chained-up dog had been killed. Mr. Cooper and between 40 and 50 natives were also slain.
When the shocking news reached
April 13: O.C. of the Armed Constabulary to furnish till further orders one non-com, and four troopers for patrolling outskirts of the settlement and to parade at 4.30. Outlying piquet of one non-com, and six troopers to parade every night at 5 o'clock. Immediately after mounting, they are to see that no boats or canoes remain on either side of either branch [Waimata or Taruheru] of the [Turanganui] River above usual crossing place. A double sentry is to be placed at such spot as may be directed by the orderly officer.
April 15: W. King has completed contract and extra work at blockhouse. [Built of kauri and sheet iron, this blockhouse stood at the corner of Childers Road and Peel Street, i.e., approximately on site of the present (1949) police station. It was sold by public auction on 5 May, 1876, to W. Milner for £20.]
April 19: Volunteers called to dig trench from courthouse [N.E. corner of Gladstone Road and Lowe Street] to blockhouse. Notice to be given to Europeans and natives not to remain on the point at the junction of the rivers after nightfall. Notice to Europeans and natives in case of alarms, etc., appointing a rendezvous. Blockhouse to be defended by its present garrison.
April 20: Fancy to have seen smoke in the direction of Whareongaonga; could not be positive. Smoke shortly afterwards seen at Muriwai. Trench from blockhouse to courthouse sufficiently far advanced to enable people to cross to blockhouse under cover from an enemy's fire.
April 22: Working party in bush as usual. Slight alarm caused by Ra Mackey imagining himself to have been shot at whilst in the vicinity of Makauri bush.
April 23: Twenty men on foot and four mounted A.C. to proceed to-morrow at 7 a.m. to Makauri bush; Mackey to go as guide.
April 28: W. King commences defences of courthouse (including chevaux de frise).
April 30: P.B.M.R. Volunteers are to furnish one non-com, and six troopers for guard; sentries to be posted, one outside the stockade and one inside. P.B. Militia are to furnish detail of one non-com. and six privates nightly; three men for guard on the bank of the river at the rear of the courthouse; the remainder for patrol duty. This detail is to parade at 9 p.m. and remain on duly till 6 a.m.
May 1: In case of alarm or attack on defences, the garrison at the blockhouse, with the exception of 10 men (who will defend it) will man the walls, 8 being placed on the flanking angle. The sergeant-major will see that there are never less than 20 Europeans, exclusive of the guard, garrisoning the courthouse from 9 p.m. till 6 a.m.
May 4: Reports having reached the O.C. that the sentries at blockhouse frequently allow armed parties within dangerous proximity to their posts, both sentries at the blockhouse will be posted outside the stockade after dark, one fully 30 yards in front of the other, by the ditch [trench].
May 11: Non-com. officers on guard at courthouse and blockhouse will be held responsible if any Maori woman is admitted inside the defences.
May 12: The O.C. expressly forbids anyone, whether European or native, to be outside the lines after dark without a special pass.
May 15: Sentry at courthouse challenged someone this night going down the road towards his post at a canter. The party turned and fled.
May 16: Sentry challenged someone in same manner as last night, with the exception that the sentry fired, but with no result.
May 17: The whole of the native contingent, militia and troops, struck off pay. The O.C. is pleased to express to the Volunteers, militia and native contingent the lively satisfaction he feels at the manner in which the officers and men have succeeded in carrying out their duties at this camp, it being a rare occurrence for such goodwill to exist in other districts, where the forces have been tried out for active service.
July 22: Blockhouse doors to be closed at 9 o'clock and none of the garrison to absent themselves without leave. Any dereliction will be severely punished. Orders and instructions in case of alarm or surprise written out and posted up about township.
July 23: Order book taken round to the outsettlers of the township and instructions in case of alarm or surprise read out to the occupants.
August 18: Padlock on door of magazine at the blockhouse found broken and ammunition missing.
August 25: Meeting of inhabitants to undertake voluntary patrol by men off pay; 24 volunteered.
August 27: Fatigue party levelling site for gun fort; walls and breastwork commenced. [The cannon, which was named “Big Ben,” was returned to Wellington in 1872.]
September 10: Scouts went to look over the lake country [Waihau] by
Te Reinga . Reports to hand of fires having been seen and dogs having been heard barking at Tarewa and at Hangaroa River, distant about 25 miles from Turanganui; orderly sent to warn outsettlers.September 14: Fires seen at about 4 a.m. in hills in direction north of Makaretu. P.B.M.R. Volunteers started out on expedition at 7 a.m., provided with rations for two days.
September 23: Ropata requested to leave 20 men here, but declined to leave less than 50—not accepted.
October 31: Troopers sent out on expedition in the direction of Ngatapa. An expedition returned from Waikohu about noon, with nothing unusual to report.
November 8: Men out scouting in the direction of Waikohu.
December 7:
Ngati-Porou arrived in eight canoes.December 15: Rumour at Tauranga that
Te Kooti has attacked at Wairoa (emanating from natives).December 22: A.C. marched out to Government Paddock [Makaraka] there to take up quarters and build redoubt.
December 28: Report in from Muriwai that the Hauhaus have commenced hostilities at Wairoa.
A mixed force of about 800 men, including 350 Armed Constabulary, was stationed, under Lieutenant-Colonel Herrick, at Onepoto (
On 4 August, 1869, a further appeal was made to the Home Government by
Mr. Whitaker had, he continued, advised him that there would be no chance of effectual resistance if from 1,000 to 2,000 Maoris were to march on Auckland from the Waikato—the houses would be burned, the women violated, and a general flight or massacre would ensue. It was with grief and sorrow he had learned that public opinion was fast setting in towards separation from England. [On 23 June, 1869, W. H. Harrison (Westland Boroughs) stated in Parliament that H. Driver (the member for Roslyn and Consul for the United States) was prepared to make overtures for the acquisition of the colony by the United States, one condition being that the rebellion should be subjugated with American aid. Premier Stafford said that he had no reason to
The rebels spent the remainder of 1869 in the Urewera Country and around Lake Taupo. They were encountered on over a dozen occasions by pursuing forces which had entered the arena in columns from various directions.
Prior to the opening of the campaign in 1869
Expeditions Into Urewera Country—Rebels Descend on Tolaga Bay—Kereopa Caught and Executed—Te Kooti Escapes Into King Country—Rumpus Over Award of Pardon—Futile Bid to Re-enter Poverty Bay.
During 1870 and 1871 more strenuous efforts were made to capture
On 23 March both forces made an attack on Maraetai pa (near the junction of the Waioeka and Waipuna streams). Porter (History of the Early Days of Poverty Bay, p. 39) says that 25 rebels were killed (including 19 ex-
When Ropata and Porter took another expedition into the Urewera Country in April, 1870, it journeyed via Hangaroa.
Witty took his section across the lake and drove
In July, 1870,
Major Westrup despatched Captain Porter and Captain Richardson, with a dozen European troopers and 80 natives, to
In November, 1870, a report reached Gisborne that
Kereopa was captured by Ropata's section of an expedition which he and Porter took into the Urewera Country, via Wairoa, in August, 1871. At Maungapohatu, Pukenui te Kereru (a Urewera chief) told Ropata that he was hiding at Manawaru (near the headwaters of the Whakatane River). Ropata divided his section into three groups,
Loyalist forces were also employed in other directions in pursuit of
Whilst Te Kooti was an outlaw between 1872 and 1883 he was visited, from time to time, by leading sympathisers from various districts. Areta Apatu implored him, in 1876, to remove a spell of witchcraft which, it was believed, hung over the Wairoa district. Shortly afterwards, he warned the natives at Onepoto that they would be destroyed by a pestilence if they did not leave their settlement for a month. He also warned his sympathisers in the
As a number of
As the Hall Government was anxious to obtain railway access through the King Country it set about to gain
Rumours suggesting that Mr. Bryce's interview with
Excitement and resentment attained fever pitch in New Zealand Herald
A public meeting to protest against
Word was received from the Native Minister on 20 February that
It was reported in Gisborne on 21 February that
The next highlight was the arrival of the Premier (Sir Harry
On 23 February 40 Auckland Navals, 25 Ponsonby Navals, 11 Waitemata Navals, 15 police and 29 Volunteers were landed from Auckland at Ohiwa. Ninety members of the Permanent Artillery, a few members of the Torpedo Corps, together with a number of police, reached Gisborne from Wellington. Twenty Permanent Artillerymen, 30 Volunteers and 30 members of the A.C. were sent on by sea from Gisborne to Opotiki, and a batch of police, with Constable Farmer at their head, was posted at Motu bridge.
Two days later Premier Atkinson inspected a muster of 67 members of the Permanent Artillery (fully armed), under Captain Messenger; 65 members of the East Coast Hussars (with carbines only), under Captain Winter, who had with him Sergeant Sunderland and Acting-Sergeant Daly; 10 members of the A.C. (with revolvers and batons), under Sergeants Kiely and Bullen; and 35
Early on the morning of 26 February, the troops moved off, en route to Opotiki. More outback families came into Gisborne that day. The troops spent the night on Lorne station and, next day, reached Opotiki, where, according to one “war correspondent,” they were received by the local natives “with an affability marked by sarcasm.”
The dispatching of the expedition became the subject of ridicule on the part of some metropolitan journals. One suggested that the whole affair was “only an advertising stunt.” The Evening Post (Wellington) said: “The best thing that can be done is to explain to the silly and excited settlers of New Zealand Times (Wellington) warned the settlers in these terms: “If anybody kills
From Opotiki the expedition moved off to Waioeka pa. Its occupants proved to be mostly women and children. Accompanied by Police-Inspector Goodall and a squad of police, it then went to Waiotahi pa.
The Gisborne Standard says that Goodall then intimated that, if necessary, he was prepared to use force to effect the arrest. Porter retorted: “And where will you get it from?” At that moment the Standard, “would have considered it a labour of love if they had been required to carry out any such order. At this stage, however, Porter said that
Those city newspapers which had regarded the dispatching of the expedition as unnecessary—more especially in view of reports that Otago Witness remarked:
“Whilst the warlike spirit was rising to a climax inPoverty Bay , whilst the munitions of war were being hurriedly got together for a great emergency, and whilst offers to serve were coming in from all parts of the colony,Te Kooti was lightly drinking the bottle to the dregs, preparatory to hiccoughing his way back to the King Country. History does not give any other instance of a campaign closing and a gallant army having to return through finding the enemy drunk!”
Mr. Bush, R.M., bound
“Twenty years ago,” remarked Mr. Justice Richmond, one of the members of the Bench, “Te Kooti might have been truly described as a bloodthirsty savage. He had committed in the district he was proposing to visit the worst atrocities of Maori warfare in an attack upon the people in their own homes. Neither sex nor age had been spared. His acts have left behind them bitter hatred and absolute disgust. A belief on the part of many natives that he possesses supernatural powers makes him doubly dangerous. He claims to be a Maori prophet, and is a drunken one to boot… If actual evil reputation is to be considered, it may safely be said, on the evidence before us, that no other man in the country has a worse name thanTe Kooti … The Governor's pardon cannot change a man's character, nor can it efface recollections of the past.Te Kooti 's reappearance on the scene of the Massacre, even in peaceful guise, at the head of a large body of men could not be regarded otherwise than as endangering lives and properties.”
Premier Atkinson informed Parliament that the colony unquestionably had been near to bloodshed.
Whilst the new Native Minister (Mr. Cadman) was visiting Otorohanga on 7 April, 1891,
Mr. Bush, R.M. at Opotiki (8/5/1888) likened the tours made to his district by
The committee recommended that
Colonel Hercules in raids against pirates on the coast of China in 1857–8, and then migrated first to Australia and then to New Zealand. In 1861–3 he was in the Wanganui Militia; in 1864, at. Mohaka; and, in 1865, was present at the Siege of Waerenga-a-Hika. Two years later he married Herewaka te Rangi-Paea, of The History of the Early Days of Poverty Bay: Life and Times of Ropata Wahawaha. His second wife was Florence E. Sheppard, of Wellington. He died at Wellington on 12 November, 1920.
The Wide World Magazine (September, 1927). Wading into the sea up to his shoulders, he attracted the attention of some sharks by throwing pieces of stingray to them. Soon he was ringed by four of the monsters. He harpooned the largest, which was believed to be one that had been nicknamed “Kruger.” No time was lost by his helpers on shore in landing it by means of the rope attached to the harpoon. It was 10 ft. 3 in. long and weighed just over 400 lbs. One of Captain Ferris's grandsons (Lieutenant-Colonel James Ferris) was awarded the M.B.E. decoration. He served in the First Great War and during the 1939–45 conflict he held an important administrative post in New Zealand in connection with the Maori war effort. His death occurred in 1948.
Fictions Associated With His Birth and Childhood—Farmhand, Sailor, Soldier and Trader—Unpopular Among Natives and Europeans—Exile Without Trial.
There was not a more daring, nor a more resourceful, rebel leader in New Zealand than
Several fictitious stories concerning his birth and childhood remain current among his adherents. One is to the effect that a tohunga named Toiroa foretold that in two of three male children about to be born there would be good, and, in the third, evil and calamity. To Turakau he is said to have remarked: “Your unborn child will be a son whose fame will reach to the four corners of the earth for good or evil.” Another story states that, when
As a lad,
In early manhood Henry, and that, later on, he became captain of the native-owned Rua-Whetuki. No shipping list, however, has been traced which shows him in the role of a master mariner. Consequent upon visits to Auckland, he became a victim to over-indulgence in liquor and to other vices. Irihapeti was his principal wife.
Although his brother Komere—and, probably, most of his other relatives—linked up with the Hauhaus, Te Kooti himself filled the role of a loyal warrior at the Siege of Waerenga-a-Hika in November, 1865. His conduct, however, aroused suspicions, and he was placed under arrest in the Bishop's house. Charged with treasonable communication with the enemy, in that he had visited the rebel camp at Pukeamionga, he explained that he had gone there merely in an attempt to induce his brother to desert from the Hauhaus. Paora Parau (his principal accuser) then complained that he had withdrawn the bullets from his cartridges during the fighting, but he was unable to sheet home the charge, and
Quite contrary to a widespread belief,
Why Te Kooti was rearrested has never been satisfactorily cleared up. He had, it seems, been absent from home for some time. Some Forest Rangers, who were sent to apprehend him, found him with some other armed natives at Repongaere, and, despite his plea that they were out only on a pig-hunting expedition, they took him to Wilson's Redoubt on Kaiti and locked him up. Nothing incriminating was found at his abode. He was sent off to the School History of New Zealand) says that, when Napier was reached,
Responsibility for the exiling of Southern Cross, 1/12/1868),
“As might have been expected of such a scurvy wretch,” he added, “Gisborne Times, 14/2/1914) avers that East Coast, New Zealand, Historical Records, p. 56) went to show that, when the Hauhaus were being taken into exile, someone suggested that, if
It seems that the loyal natives were also glad to see Lyttelton Times—that
This amusing and daring feat led to retributive action being taken against Gisborne Times, 21/2/1914) says that the wronged husband and his people muru'd (plundered) them. In retaliation
Gisborne Times, 16/2/1916), says that the trouble occurred in 1853.
According to
It is difficult to believe that
Cowan ( The New Zealand Wars) says that what brought about
An explanation which New Zealand Herald, is interesting, even although he did not divulge the nature of the charge of spying which, he says, was made against him before he was exiled. It states:
“Shortly after the fight at Waerenga-a-Hika, Captain Read and some others trumped up a case against me of horse-stealing. I was brought before the magistrate, but the charge was dismissed. It was then said that I was a Hauhau and a spy for the Hauhaus. Captain Read used his influence against me, and I was made a military prisoner and sent to Napier. There I sawSir Donald McLean and appealed to him, but he would not listen to me. He said: ‘Send him away with the rest to theChatham Islands !’ I went there very pouri [angry], as I had been unjustly treated, after fighting for the Europeans. Captain Read instigated it all to prevent my hurting his trade with the natives. He was always jealous of me …”
Various stories went into circulation concerning the burial, but in all of them it was stressed that it had been carried out secretly. In May, 1902, Hamiora Aparoa told the Opotiki Herald that only he and two other members of the Ringatu Church knew the exact burial spot, and that it had been agreed that, upon the death of any of the trio, the survivors should select a successor to him, and that that procedure should continue for all time. Rikirangi Hohepa informed the Poverty Bay Herald in August, 1938, that he was the sole survivor of a party of four which carried out the burial, and that the grave had never been disturbed. In April, 1948, it was announced, at the close of a tribal meeting at Gisborne, that hostility on the part of
A memorial, which was erected by members of the Ringatu faith to
In Memory of Te Kooti Rikirangi Prophet and General Who died on the 17th day of April, in the year 1893; aged 79 years. He was a Chief and a Hero. He displayed great gallantry in great battles fought in Aotearoa (the North Island of New Zealand).The Government made peace with him and gave him and his people some land; and also confirmed his religion (known as the “Ringatu”). These matters were settled and fully confirmed In the presence of the Native Minister in the year 1883.
To Kooti's age, at the time of his death, was, probably, not above 63 years. His mother died at Whakato (Gisborne Standard, she had become almost an outcast.” A tangi will not be troubled about in the case of poor old Heni,” it added.
“With the end of the Hauhau War we reach the last landmark in the historical past of the Maori race. The Past and Present of the Maori, “Weekly Press”).
Echoes of Hauhau and Te Kooti Revolts—Muddle Over Lands Confiscation Policy—Nearly a Riot in Gisborne—Warship Engages in “Politico-Naval Demonstration.”
The initial steps taken by the Stafford Government to punish the East Coast,
Under the East Coast Lands Titles Investigation Act, 1866, the Crown planned to take over the land interests of those natives who had revolted. Mr. Stafford told Parliament that it had been arranged with the loyal chiefs that portions of the lands so taken should be given to the friendly natives who had fought against the rebels, and that military settlers should be planted in certain districts. However, the enactment failed to specify clearly the class of persons intended to be adversely affected, and, consequently, when Judge Monro visited
The measure was rectified in 1867, but, as Old New Zealand) visited
Without undue delay, the Wairoa chiefs handed over to the Crown a substantial area at Marumaru, and it was converted into a military settlement. In October, 1868,
Towards the close of 1868, the Maori Deeds and Purchases: North Island, Vol. 1, Auckland, H. Hanson Turton) was signed by
When the Poverty Bay Crown Grants Commission sat at Gisborne on 30 June, 1869, Mr. Atkinson (for the Crown) intimated that he had succeeded in effecting a fresh arrangement with W. A. Graham, who represented the natives. It provided that Muhunga (Ormond), Patutahi and
On 9 August, 1869,
The matter was again raised when Hawke's Bay Herald) told them that it had already been decided that the ceded land should be divided into three distinct pieces—one-third to be retained by the Government and the other two-thirds to be given to the natives who had remained faithful to the Queen. Five thousand acres had been appropriated by the Government at Te Muhunga for a military settlement, and now 10,000 acres would be given to
Two days later, at Standard, 7/12/1872),
During 1873 that section of the
“On a preconceived signal given by someone in the crowd,” theStandardstates, “the natives rose en masse and, amid cries of “Korero parau!” (false evidence!) and ‘Kokiri! kokiri!’ (Rush! rush!) effectually put an end to all hope of further business being transacted. Captain Richardson and his small force were active in their efforts to eject the more prominent among the rioters and they got a little rough usage in the scuffle. Sergeant Shirley's head came in contact with a square of glass and the noise when it broke added to the tumult outside, giving rise to a suspicion that the Maoris really intended to carry out their threat (pretty freely expressed) to attack the courthouse and destroy the maps and other property of the commissioners. Captain Porter rendered good service, and, eventually, the court was cleared and the doors locked. Outside, however, the excitement became intense, and it was certainly only due to the fact that business had been entirely suspended that open hostilities did not break out.”
The settlers met under Luna was held in readiness for coastal service. Some outsiders who had intended to settle in Standard sorrowfully commented: “… and there has also been an exodus of their capital.” When Major Ropata turned up from Waiapu, Henare Matua quietly slipped away.
Just before the Commission was due to resume its sittings early in November, 1873, H.M.S. Basilisk (Standard described as “a politico-naval demonstration” was staged on 31 October. The district's defence forces were called upon to repel efforts by the marines to land within Turanganui River. At 10.30 a.m. the attackers entered the river under cover of the warship's guns and opened fire on reaching the clear space opposite Read's wharf. When the first cannon was discharged, some of Captain A. F. Hardy's mounted men were thrown off and their horses broke away. Under Captain Winter, the infantry kept up a smart fire whilst the boats were being beached. The demonstration failed to achieve its main object, inasmuch that only a few natives turned up. However, the Standard held that the awed talk among that section of the residents proved that it had had a salutary effect, and it hinted that the Basilisk would probably return ere long and make a longer stay.
When the Commission held its delayed sitting, Mr. Locke (for the Crown) told the natives that he had come to give back to them all their lands except Te Muhunga, Patutahi and Standard remarked that, if Mr. Atkinson (the former Crown Agent) had effectually done in 1869 what Mr. Locke had just done, “fours years of irritation and annoyance would not have happened; suspicions on the part of the natives in regard to the Government's intentions would not have been aroused; and much of the land included in the arrangement might already have become the homes of new settlers.”
Several investigations have taken place in regard to a complaint by the natives that the Crown received more land than it was entitled to. It obtained a total area of 56,161 acres in the three blocks that were ceded. The Royal Commission of 1920 (presided over by Chief Judge Jones) held that the Crown should not have received, in the aggregate, more than 30,000 acres. It used for a measuring rod not the areas that were shown on the plans, but a statement attributed to
In April, 1870,
The Government, on 30 September, 1873, paid to
Bristled With Difficulties—Courts Step Off On Wrong Foot—Native Trust Gets Into “Queer Street”—How Its Lands Were Redeemed.
When the Native Lands Act, 1865, was passed, practically the whole of the lands in
The Act was amended to emphasise that not only should each block be vested in not more than ten persons, but that the names of all the persons interested, and the particulars of their interests, should also be registered. It was held by some Judges that they could do nothing in a case in which a previous court had, apparently intentionally, made the grantees sole owners. They also declined to amend earlier lists of owners by admitting into them the names of natives whose claims had, in the first instance, been defeated, or those of natives who had made no attempt to get into the lists at the original hearing. This defect in the law was remedied some years later. In the case of practically every block a tangled skein as to ownership and boundaries required to be unravelled.
Conquest was set up as the right to ownership to some blocks. Other grounds advanced in support of claims were: That the right had been held to put up a rahui (a sign forbidding trespass); that ancestors had been buried on the land; that the right to erect eel-weirs or place rat-snares, etc., had been held; that food from the land had had to be taken to a particular chief; that villages or pas had been built on the land; that cultivations had been made upon it; or that the land had been the subject of a gift. The courts aimed at ascertaining which tribe or hapu had the right of occupation when British sovereignty was proclaimed, and whether that occupation was well founded according to native custom and usage.
An interesting legend was related by a witness before the Native Land Court at
Ownership to Tahora No. 2 block was claimed, in 1889, by Tauha Nikora on the ground that he was a descendant of one Tarawa, who, he said, had swum from Hawaiki to New Zealand. Witness denied that Tarawa was a seagod; in those days, he explained, people were not just ordinary people. He admitted that he did not know how far Hawaiki was from New Zealand, nor how long the journey had taken. Even with his knowledge of tides and currents, he was bound to believe what his elders had told him. It was his opinion that Tarawa had swum under some kind of spiritualistic influence. “There were some very funny things done in those days,” he added.
An apochryphal illustration of the extreme character of some of the claims that were made to ownership appears in Meredith's Adventuring in New Zealand in the 'Seventies, p. 121. During a Waiapu case, it is stated, Judge Rogan invited an elderly witness to indicate what right he had to be included among the owners to the block under consideration. Quite unabashed, the native replied: “I ate the former owner.” A smile rippled over the Judge's face, and he asked: “So you presume that the fee simple vests in you?” “Certainly,” said the witness. His Honour instructed the recording clerk to include the witness's name in the list of owners!
A busy period opened on the East Coast in the middle 1870's as a sequel to the activities of several Native Land Courts. For some months a dozen surveyors had been at work in almost unknown country. At Wai-o-matatini hundreds of scantily-clad and poorly-provisioned natives remained, week after week, close to the courthouse. Influential natives moved among them, advising them to bring their lands before the court. Members of
Serious trouble arose at Wairoa in 1880 when Judge Heale gave his decision in the Opoho case. His minute states: “A great number of persons were evidently drunk, especially young women. The court had to be adjourned on account of the excessive uproar.” Next day a native named Hirini claimed a sole right to put in a list of owners. Violence became imminent; a
The decision given in the Waipiro case in July, 1885, led to a grave quarrel. At the original hearing Pineamine and his people were awarded the block; upon a rehearing Tuta and his relatives were granted 10,000 acres; and, now, upon a second rehearing, the original decision was upheld. Tuta sent a letter to Pineamine warning him that, if he and his folk did not clear out, he would slay them. Pineamine refused to budge. When Tuta, with 60 armed followers, invaded the block, Pineamine also got together an armed band. As a battle seemed imminent, 13 constables and 12 artillerymen, under Police-Inspector Emerson, were hurried down from Auckland. Tuta's party greeted them with a spirited rendering of “God Save the Queen,” and handed over their guns.
The difficulties which confronted the courts were appreciably added to when European lessees of blocks began to acquire the individual interests of some native owners, but were held up by non-sellers. If every seller in a block had made an application for the boundaries of his or her portion to be determined, the courts would soon have become congested with work, and the blocks would, in time, have resembled checker boards. Some lessees at last hit upon the shrewd idea of getting the native sellers to transfer their rights to one of their number, who, in turn, called upon a court to partition off within the block his or her cumulative interests. When this was done, the area so allotted was transferred to the pakeha buyer. Most of the lessees, however, delayed in approaching a court in the hope that they might first obtain the interests of all the native owners.
There was much rejoicing on the part both of natives and of Europeans in August, 1875, when a long-standing dispute over portion of Makauri block was settled. Non-sellers had hotly contested Captain Read's claim, on the ground that it was excessive.
Much more solid progress in settling titles dated from the passing of the Native Land (Validation of Titles) Act, 1893, which
How it came about that a very large area of heavily-indebted and, for the most part, undeveloped native land in and about
When its capital was exhausted, the Settlement Company raised moneys from, and, in return, gave mortgages over the lands and rights which it had acquired to, the Bank of New Zealand Estates Co. Ltd. In 1892 the Settlement Company was wound up and its rights were vested, on behalf of the beneficial owners, in the
The trust lands became more and more heavily involved in debt, and, in 1902, the
Although the title of the bank and its powers of sale were placed beyond question, the board was given power to redeem the lands, to sell or lease them, to improve or subdivide them in order to facilitate sale or letting, and to borrow money for all these purposes. At 30 January, 1904, £159,029 was owing to the bank, and, as security for repayment, it held lands aggregating 107,832 acres of an estimated value of £164,268, together with livestock valued at £20,000. As a result of realisations and
The East Coast native trust lands came under commissioner control in 1905. They are scattered from just above
Much hardship and, at times, great annoyance had to be endured in the early days by surveyors and their assistants in the hinterland of
In uniform, and adorned with a variety of trappings,
The Pioneer Runholders—Bushfelling on Widespread Scale— W. L. Rees's “Co-operative Colonisation” Plan Rejected by British Government.
Settlement in
Kaiti: 4,350 acres (rent £20 per annum)—
Biographical notes concerning Harris and Read appear elsewhere.
Pouawa: 19,200 acres—
George Sisson Cooper came out to New Zealand in 1841. Six years later he became assistant private secretary toGovernor G. Grey . In 1852 he was appointed Native Land Purchase Officer forHawke's Bay . He was, for a time, owner of Woodlands (Hawke's Bay ). In 1861 he was R.M. at Napier, and, later, Under-Secretary for Native Affairs.
Whangara: 21,450 acres—H. R. C. Wallace. (1867: Wallace and J. Broadbent.)
In 1875, upon coming into an estate in Ayrshire, Mr. Wallace, who had spent a lot of money on the run, sold his lease to James Seymour, who in turn, before returning to Australia, sold out to his brother Charles in 1881. When Mr. Wallace died in 1888 he left £7,000 to establish a lifeboat on the Ayrshire coast. The residue of his estate went to Edinburgh Royal Infirmary. Charles Seymour (born in South Australia in 1841) died on 5 March, 1901.
Whataupoko: Area, not shown, but about 20,000 acres—W. Parker, senior (21 years' lease, rental £200 per annum). (1864: W. and H. Parker.)
William Parker (born in Cheshire in 1823) migrated toHawke's Bay in 1859. He and his brother Henry were induced to take up the run byHenare Ruru , senior, Otene Pitau (elder half-brother ofWi Pere ) and Tom Jones, also a half-caste. Frederick Parker (one of W. Parker's sons) was, for a number of years, manager of the Gisborne branch of the Bank of New South Wales. Another son, William, who had been on the staff of the Lands and Survey Department in Napier, spent the evening of his life in Gisborne.
Maraetaha: Area not given, but about 20,000 acres—G. R. and
References to Captain Wilson's career appear in the section dealing with the Poverty Bay Massacre.
George Randall Johnson (born at Lavenham, Sussex, in 1833) graduated M.A. at Cambridge in 1860. He settled inPoverty Bay with his brother (J. Woodbine Johnson ) in 1867. When he was appointed to the Legislative Council in 1872 he was a resident of Wellington. He had been living in England for two years when he resigned in 1892. He died on 24 November, 1919.
James Woodbine Johnson , “a fine old English gentleman,” gained his B.A. at Cambridge in 1865. He and his brother had lived in Queensland for two years before they settled inPoverty Bay . He participated in the fighting againstTe Kooti ; wasPoverty Bay 's first representative on the Auckland Provincial Council; and the first chairman of Cook County. He died on 11 October, 1899. Lady Pomare is a daughter.
Charles Westrup (Te Parukamu to the natives) was born in England. He served in the Waikato War (1863–5) with the Forest Rangers under Major von Tempsky and Captain Jackson; assisted in the East Coast War (1865); was the only senior officer who escaped during the Poverty Bay Massacre, and became O.C. the district. At Paparatu he was in charge of the Crown force, and he fought underColonel Whitmore at Ruakituri and Ngatapa. He took over the Waiohika end of the Whataupoko run in 1875. In recognition of the firm stand which he adopted with the Government whenTe Kooti threatened to return toPoverty Bay in 1889 the settlers presented him with an illuminated address and a purse of 106 sovereigns. He died at Wellington on 23 June, 1903. Fortune had frowned upon him towards the close of his career, and, for a time, he had been reduced to selling newspapers on the street.
Repongaere: 9,900 acres—G. N. Dodd and R. Peppard (1867).
Both were slain by theTe Kooti rebels in November, 1868.
Ngakaroa: 12,360 acres—
James Benjamin Poynter served as chairman of the Poverty Bay Highways Board and was the first president of thePoverty Bay A. and P. Association. In the 1880's he went to Tasmania to engage in mining, but without success. Eventually he settled inSouth Africa . Charles Evans (born at Wolverhampton in 1830) migrated to Australia in 1852. He had also lived in Tasmania before he came on to New Zealand. In 1867 he moved from Castlepoint to Poverty Bay. At Paparatu he was wounded. For a number of years he was manager ofTe Arai station. He died on 26 July, 1916.
Ruangarehu: 3,146 acres—George Scott (1867).
Northumberland was Mr. Scott's birthplace. He started life as a shepherd in Australia, and, later, followed that occupation inHawke's Bay . Upon settling inPoverty Bay he invested his savings in Ruangarehu. He served throughout theTe Kooti campaign inPoverty Bay . His death took place on 30 March, 1896.
Pukepapa: 11,000 acres—Arthur Kempthorne (1867). (1867: Kempthorne and Roskruge.)
Born in London in 1841, Mr. Kempthorne came out to Auckland in 1842 with his parents. From 1857 till 1860 he was on the teaching staff at Waerenga-a-Hika mission station. It was on that account that the natives always called him Mita Aata (Mr. Arthur). Then, for five years, he worked on a sheep station inHawke's Bay . He was present at the Siege of Waerenga-a-Hika and served in theTe Kooti campaign. He died on 17 April, 1910.
Opou and adjacent lands: (1868:
Henry Harris was the second son ofCaptain Harris . He was born inPoverty Bay in 1837. When Opou was taken over byJohn Clark he established a stud sheep farm on Waikanae. He died on 29 November, 1882.
John Ferguson (born at Glencoe, Scotland, in 1838) came out toHawke's Bay with his parents in 1862. For six years he was employed on Mangatarata (Hawke's Bay ). When he andHenry Harris dissolved their partnership in Opou he took up Glencoe, which, later, became “Glencoe Settlement.” He died on 21 January, 1912.
In the Tolaga Bay district
Between 1871 and 1875 settlement in
In 1875 Barker and McDonald acquired R. R. Curtis's and other interests in Whataupoko—14,000 acres freehold and 2,000 acres leasehold. They now held 15,000 acres of freehold and 32,000 acres of leasehold—the finest tract close to Gisborne, and ran 34,000 sheep. R. H. Noble bought Takapau (7,334 acres) during the same year. Puketiti (7,386 acres) became the property of Cattell and Buckley, of Wellington, in 1877. E. F. Ward obtained a lease of Pongawhakairo in 1882, but assigned it to
Bush clearing on an extensive scale began in
A bold, but unavailing, bid to gain financial backing from the British Government to a plan aimed at settling between 2,000 and 3,000 British families in
Mr. Rees described his new vision as “Co-operative Colonisation. It had the support of all the local bodies. Armed with petitions, he set out for London, with
The campaign promised to be fruitful. An influential committee, including the Marquis of Lorne (who was chairman) and the Earl of Aberdeen and Lord Onslow, was formed. In the
Maize was extensively grown in
Wheat (according to the Harris Memoirs) was introduced into
Upon the advice of the Home Government, which intimated that no British colonists had ever received compensation in respect of losses caused by disturbances enacted by savage neighbours,
Born in Scotland in 1854,
Sir Gilbert Leigh, a story dealing with the Indian Mutiny, From Poverty to Plenty, and, in conjunction with Life and Times of Sir George Grey. He died on 18 May, 1912.
The pastoral industry in
It is a matter of historic interest—and singularly prophetic—that some sheep were on the Endeavour when she reached
In a report to the Harris Memoirs) says that he was told that
An appreciable fillip was given to sheepfarming in
In 1864 Henry Parker, of Napier (assisted by W. W. Smith) landed a flock for Whataupoko run near the site now occupied by the McRae Baths. As the natives threatened Mr. Parker because he had poisoned some of their dogs, which were worrying the flock, he returned to Napier, and his brother William took his place. The initial flock for Ngakaroa, which arrived in 1867, had to be landed by Maoris in whaleboats on Waikanae Beach. As scab was prevalent in
The first mob of sheep to be driven from
During the early 1870's, on account of dearth of shipping, several large mobs were brought overland from Pretty Jane joined the p.s. Comerang and other vessels on the East Coast run. For some years both were kept very busy with two-way traffic. Freight charges to Auckland were: Cattle, 50/-; sheep, 3/- per head. Prominent among the early shippers were: Allen and Kelly, A. C. Arthur, E. Cameron, J. Clark, R. Thelwall, Smith Bros, and
Shipping of stock from Gisborne in the early days was apt to provide an exciting scene. In December, 1886, a bullock got away from the stockyard at the wharf. First of all, a child named Johnstone had a narrow escape. The animal then dislodged a lad named Kennedy from a horse. Reaching the main street, it tossed a child outside James Craig's shop. Without hesitating for a moment, Mrs. Craig, who was in a delicate state of health, ran to the rescue, and she, too, was tossed, receiving injuries which left her a cripple for the rest of her life. Mrs. Armour went to the rescue of her child when it was charged, but was herself tossed twice. The arrival of a horseman enabled her to escape by crawling through a gate. In turn, the horse was attacked and badly ripped. Several shots from a rifle were required to dispatch the animal.
The principal European flockowners in the Poverty Bay-East Coast area in 1877 were:
Barker and McDonald, Whataupoko, Kaiti and Pouawa, 30,470;J. W. Johnson ,Maraetaha, 11,047; G. R. Johnson ,Te Arai , 8,564;E. Murphy ,Tolaga Bay , 9,045;Duncan Fraser , Waikohu, Oweta, and Puhatikotiko, 5,547; A. B. Newman, Ngakaroa, 5,242;A. C. Arthur ,Tokomaru Bay , 5,150; J. Allen, Waikanae, 5,047;W. K. Chambers , Repongaere, 5,067; A. Reeves,Tolaga Bay , 3,820; R. Noble,Tolaga Bay , 3,270; G. Scott, Kaiteratahi, 3,730; C. Westrup, Goodwood, 3,322; C. J. and A. C. Harrison, Rangatira and Whatatutu, 3,025; F. E. Tatham, Anaura, 3,025; R. D. McDougall, Lorne, 2,761; A. G. Burnett, Tangihanga, 2,462; J. Robertson,Hicks Bay , 2,295; H. Davies, Pouparae, 2,089;C. Agnew Brown , Whakawhitira, 2,050;E. Robson , Koukouhiki, 2,030; Johnson Bros., Lavenham, 1,975; S. Parsons, Matawhero, 1,957;J. B. Poynter , Bushmere, 1,780;S. C. Caulton , Combermere, 1,507; and F. W. Helyar, Ormond, 1,500.
The merino was the first type of sheep tried in Gisborne Herald, 4 May, 1946) claimed that, within 10 years, a Romney type was developed in New Zealand which was not only much better suited to New Zealand conditions than the English Romney, but which is now able to challenge its prototype even in England. “This,” he added, “is something of which New Zealand might well be proud. Here, in
Scab broke out in The Chronicles of the Nairn Family) says that it was introduced with some rams which
In December, 1873, the General Government offered to erect dips on the East Coast and supply dipping materials if the native sheepowners would do the mustering and the dipping. Only Major Ropata,
Under the East Coast District Sheep Act, 1874, stringent measures were taken to cope with scab. All sheep driven into
The scab menace was at its height in
Footrot was very prevalent in
Variegated thistle, which was first noticed near the mouth of the
Poverty Bay's worst experience of caterpillars was in January, 1873. Following upon a drought lasting six weeks, armies of the hungry insects swarmed over the countryside, ruining grain crops and grass set aside for seed. Dips were erected on the highways leading into
In 1874 the number of sheep in the areas which now form the counties of Cook, Waikohu, Waiapu, Uawa and Matakaoa was just under 200,000. By 1889 the half-million mark had been passed; in 1898 the total had exceeded one million; and, by 1910, it was in excess of two millions. The 1945 figures were: Cook, 728,547; Waikohu, 611,555; Waiapu, 459,392; Uawa, 233,516; and Matakaoa, 109,789—grand total, 2,142,799.
Poverty Bay has long been famed as a breeding-ground for cattle. The Shorthorn did not take kindly to the punishment involved in keeping country in order, and has been extensively replaced by the Hereford and Aberdeen Angus. As at 31 January, 1945, the number of cattle (with the figures for dairy cows in parentheses) in each of the East Coast counties was: Matakaoa, 18,894 (1,610); Waiapu, 70,761 (4,951); Uawa, 27,429 (1,948); Cook, 93,433 (9,623); and Waikohu, 96,321 (3,831)—aggregates, 306,838 (21,963).
The district's wool clip in 1879–80 amounted to 2,000 bales, valued at £34,000. In 1919, wool worth £2,034,948 was exported, but, on account of the scarcity of shipping, the exports for the previous year had been valued at only £501,652. Between 1922 and 1935 the best year was 1924, with 19,081,788 lbs. (£1,287,677), and the worst 1931 (during the slump), 13,603,072 lbs. (£283,630). For 1940 the figures were: 19,483,496 lbs. (£N.Z. 1,008,002).*
Frozen meat exports from Gisborne in 1890 came to 14,858 cwt., valued at £18,471. Heavy seasons were: 1919, 410,412 cwt. (£1,019,138); 1920, 443,449 cwt. (£1,115,044); and 1922, 512,011 cwt. (£1,008,853). In only one of the lean years during the 1929–33 slump did the aggregate value exceed £500,000; the worst year was 1932, 289,050 cwt. (£392,598). In 1940 the figures were: 242,639 cwt. (£618,181).*
In 1884
[* On account of Gisborne ceasing, in 1940, to be visited by Home vessels, statistics for later years are not available. Since 1940
Although the Poverty Bay-East Coast clip totals about 55,000 bales, Gisborne is
Buffalo went ashore at Whitianga in 1840, and who was robbed and slain by the crew of the cutter The Three Bees whilst en route to the Fly. For many years he was a sailing master for Captain Read. He died at Auckland on 19 June, 1913.
Sarah Jane in 1850. During the Waikato War he was in charge of the gunboat Pioneer. He was deprived of command of the Pretty Jane after she stranded off the
Whilst the freezing industry was in its infancy in New Zealand some Mataura in February, 1884, but, on account of a mishap to her machinery, much of her cargo arrived in a damaged condition, and he made nothing out of his consignment. During 1885 he repeated the experiment, and other local sheepfarmers followed his example. Success in connection with the industry paved the way for the taking up of a large number of blocks in
In 1885 the Bennett patent process of preserving meat—a mode of embalming—was tried out in
The New Zealand Land and Labour Co. Ltd. (promoted by
Upon receiving a guarantee that 40,000 sheep would be provided each season, Nelson Bros. Ltd., of Prince of Wales, where they were frozen and stored pending the arrival of a Home vessel. In 1890 a freezing chamber was erected at Taruheru. Killings soon afterwards reached 750 per day. Nine years later, notwithstanding that a rival concern had been opened, the capacity of the works had to be doubled.
Managers:
In spite of an offer by Nelson Bros, to raise the price for prime wethers from 1¼d. to 1½d. per lb., a movement (sponsored by F. J. Shelton) led to the establishment of the Gisborne Freezing Company, which opened works on Kaiti on 10 January, 1896. The new works comprised a building which had been used in connection with the construction of the breakwater and a new structure built chiefly of wood and galvanised iron. A freezer was obtained from a sailing ship at Napier. Mr. Shelton was the managing director, and
Competition between the two works doubled the price which growers had received when there was only one works. By 1901, however, the junior concern had begun to feel the financial strain. When Mr. Shelton learned in September of that year that Nelson Bros, were offering 15/- for fat sheep in the wool he advised his company's clients to take advantage of the offer, as it would pay to keep their own works closed whilst such high prices ruled. Shortly afterwards Nelson Bros, withdrew their offer. A new company—The Gisborne Sheepfarmers' Frozen Meat Co. Ltd.—was then formed to take over the Gisborne Freezing Co.'s assets. It had a capital of £30,000 and its directors were: P. Barker,
The new company started operations in January, 1902. Mr. de Lautour was chairman of directors,
A movement to establish freezing works at
A freezing works in concrete was built at Waipaoa in 1915 for the Poverty Bay Farmers' Meat Co. Ltd. Codrington and equipped her with refrigerating machinery. In December,
The Gisborne Sheepfarmers' Frozen Meat Co. Ltd. acquired the
In December, 1930, Nelsons (N.Z.) Ltd. and the Gisborne S.F.M. and M. Co. Ltd. formed the Gisborne Refrigerating Co. Ltd., took over the Kaiti works, and appointed Mr. Tolerton manager. Upon the death of Mr. Smaill, C. E. Hampton became chief engineer, and, when he retired, the position went to W. J. Ormiston. The Waipaoa works was dismantled after the close of the 1930–31 season. Only two works then remained in the Poverty Bay-East Coast area—those at Gisborne and at
The Prince of Wales (600 tons) was built in 1850 for the Hudson Bay Company. Her hull was 3ft. thick at, and below, the waterline. In 1856 she was employed in an unsuccessful search for
During the late 1860's the residents of Turanganui (Gisborne) were supplied with milk and butter by
In 1892 Townley and Scales took over the Matawhero factory, and appointed William Picken, of Southland, manager. Shortly afterwards Barron Bros, built a small cheese factory at Bushmere. A factory at Waerenga-a-Hika, with J. Candy as manager, followed. Peter Bourke took over the Bushmere factory in 1893, and started the first butter factory in
On 13 October, 1902, the Matawhero factory was reopened by a group of producers in the Matawhero-Makaraka area, who had formed the Poverty Bay Co-operative Dairy Company Ltd. Mr. Picken was appointed manager. For this concern 19 November, 1902, was a red-letter day. Over a dozen suppliers turned up with their drays to convey the first consignment to the wharf. At the head of the procession was Andrew Tuohy, who kept on waving his hat and shouting: “This is real co-operation, boys!” Unfortunately for him, his horse, which was not accustomed to walking on planks, backed over the edge of the wharf into the river and was drowned.
In December, 1902, Mr. McGregor sold his Kia Ora factory for £5,000 to a group of dairy farmers, who registered a company under the title The Kia Ora Co-operative Dairying Co. Ltd. Mr. McGregor was retained as manager. The Poverty Bay and Kia Ora companies amalgamated in August, 1904, and the title Kia Ora was preferred. Suppliers were paid 8½d. per lb. for butterfat. In 1904 the company's paid-up capital stood at £771; in 1948 it was £18,000. Production for 1903–4 amounted to 150 tons; the aggregate for 1946–7 was 958 tons, with a pay-out of 22.075d. per lb. of butterfat at the farm gate. In 1923, when the output had risen to 600 tons per season, a new factory, providing for expansion up to 2,000 tons, was built. The record season was 1936–7 (1,779 tons). Cost of manufacture, disposal, etc. (but not including overseas marketing costs) in 1914 was 3.49d. per lb.; in 1924, 2.17d.; in 1934, 1.19d.; and in 1946–7, 1.978d.
Chairmen: W. A. Hood, 1903–4; Julius A. A. Caesar, 1904–5, 1907–10 and 1911–12; E. Knight, 1906–7; A. F. Matthews, 1910–11; G. R. Moore, 1912–35; M. Doyle, 1935—. Managers: T. McGregor, 1903; N. H. Clark, 1904–7; H. R. Newitt, 1907–29; A. P. Lee, 1929–31; W. A. Evans, 1931–38; R. L. Vette, 1938—. Secretaries: T. Alex. Coleman, 1903; A. Graham, 1904–13; H. E. Dodd, 1913–18; R. G. Surrey, part 1918; R. A. Baldrey, 1918–22; J. H. Sunderland, 1922—.
In November, 1901,
Chairmen: E. R. Renner, 1930–38; E. H. Baker, 1938—. Managers: T. D. Bathgate, A. R. Valder, P. A. Armstrong, A. McKenzie, W. McDonald, L. Julian and G. Forbes (1925—). Secretaries: Under Mr. Lysnar's regime, C. J. Hamilton (1901–16); Phil. Hamilton (1916–30); under the company: P. Hamilton (1930—).
The Tolaga Bay Co-operative Dairy Co. Ltd. was floated in 1907, but, on account of discontent over the site chosen for the factory, it was but poorly supported and went into voluntary liquidation. It was re-established in 1912 as the Tolaga Co-operative Dairy Co. Ltd. For the first season (1912–13) there were only 25 suppliers, and the output was only 19½ tons. The output stepped up until it reached 315 tons from 118 suppliers. During the Second World War it fell to 200 tons from 70 suppliers. With the rehabilitation of returned soldiers on dairy farms a considerable improvement is anticipated.
Chairmen:
This company's factory is at Ruatoria, and, in regard to ventures predominantly Maori, the basis of financing the undertaking (including buying dairy stock for intending suppliers) was unique. Owners of several valuable leased native blocks borrowed, in all, £14,800 from the Native Trustee and took up preference shares. As suppliers qualified, with deductions from their cream cheques, to take up ordinary shares, a like number of preference shares was cancelled. By 1943 there were no preference shareholdings. Starting off in the 1925–26 season with 58 suppliers, the output was 61 tons of butter. In 1936–37 there were 377 suppliers, and the output was 743½ tons. During the 1945–6 season, when the worst drought in the history of the company was experienced, the number of suppliers fell to 193 and the output was only 256 tons.
On 5 December, 1903, T. McGregor started a butter factory at Motu, but most of the suppliers quickly lost their enthusiasm for dairying. McPhail and de Lautour, who opened a factory in Waimata Valley in January, 1903, had a like experience.
The severe drought during the 1945–46 season greatly reduced butter production in
Many guesses have been made as to when, and by whom, ryegrass seed was first brought to
In Pakeha Rambles Through Maori Lands Lieutenant-Colonel St. John, who visited
“‘Poverty Bay ,’ indeed! Not even when scathed by fire and sword, as I first saw it—its settlers slain; its houses burnt; its orchards and gardens ravaged; its cattle slaughtered—not even then did it deserve the name. I had never before seen such ryegrass as that through which I rode up to the horse's girth over the Patutahi Plain. In the ruined gardens, huge vines trailed over the few buildings that had escaped; the plums were weighing down the branches: and, as for apples, they were literally being carried away by dray-loads.”
When Mr. Goodfellow returned to Otahuhu after a visit to
“Where the land is dry, it is very superior; indeed, not to be surpassed. Ryegrass there kills everything before it. Never before had I seen anything like so much stock on so little land. A well-known stockman was down there killing 200 head of cattle and salting them down for the Auckland market.”
The harvesting of the ryegrass crop on the Poverty Bay Flats attracted large numbers of natives from the East Coast; in 1878 700
Pit-sawing began in
Poverty Bay's first steam sawmill was erected at Makauri in 1872 by William King. It had a capacity of 7,000 feet per day. His earliest price-list reads: White pine, boards and scantling, 9/- per 100 feet at the pit, or 11/- delivered in Gisborne; t. and g., 13/- and 14/6 respectively. In winter the timber was rafted down the Taruheru River to his jetty near Peel Street. In March, 1875, he built a mill and yard adjacent to the jetty. When his mill at Makauri was destroyed by fire on 22 December, 1878, sixty hands were thrown out of work. In 1880 he took over Climo's mill at Ormond, and, in 1884, he bought Hutton's mill at
Towards the close of, and for some years after, the turn of the century,
A colony of termites, which reached Waipaoa in a power pole imported from Australia, established a nest in the stump of a willow tree, made a runway across a road, and attacked a house. Arsenic powder was used to exterminate the pest.
Writing to the Poverty Bay Standard (3 July, 1873) F. W. C. Sturm, who was born in Austria in 1804 and trained as a botanist, and who had been acquainted with
“Turanga (Poverty Bay ) has been the ‘Garden of New Zealand’ for a number of years, and it will become a fruitgrowers' paradise. Its soil and its climate are all that can be desired. Most European fruits will grow to perfection; also some of the tropical fruits. I can strongly recommend, in particular, olives, almonds and walnuts. In the course of from 10 to 12 years they would repay handsomely for all the labour and money spent in bringing them into production.”
It was claimed on behalf of
The earliest citrus grower in
Exports of apples from
The earliest European residents of
When Mr. Wardell was appointed resident magistrate for Pretty Jane was arranged in 1874 a Postal Department official was appointed postmaster. The first post office was built in 1876.
Gisborne's first letter carrier, Albert Joseph Fyson, was appointed in 1879. At the outset he was not required to go out on a regular delivery round; he would put a bundle of letters in his pocket and stroll out on to the main road in the hope that he might run across some of the addressees. Letters for Maoris were placed on the counter, and native callers were invited to look through the heap. It was part of Mr. Fyson's work to record official time at noon every Saturday by firing off a cannou which stood near the mouth of the Waikanae Creek.
Once a fortnight a mailman on horseback left Gisborne with the mail for the East Coast. No other traveller received a warmer welcome. Upon John Walker's retirement in 1895 the settlers presented him with a purse of sovereigns. No matter how muddy the track, he had always had a smile for everybody. Nobody would venture close to the mailbags whilst they were in the custody of his dog, Sandy. Walker then became a dog tax collector, with headquarters at
Gisborne was linked up with the national telegraph system on 4 May, 1875. When the line reached Wairoa from Napier 12 months earlier, the Poverty Bay Herald gleefully commented: “It is now possible to get into immediate touch with outside districts by taking only a day's ride to Wairoa.” Some delay occurred in obtaining from the natives the right to continue the line north from Wairoa. In an attempt to enforce a demand for rent at the rate of 1/- per chain, the Wairoa natives transferred some posts and wire back on to the southern side of the river.
A telephone exchange, with 60 subscribers, was opened at Gisborne on 1 March, 1897. There were two operators—Miss S. Buchanan and Miss Nasmith (Mrs. Douglas Blair, of Kaiti)—and the exchange, at the outset, was kept open only from 9 a.m. till 5 p.m. on weekdays, and from 9 a.m. till 10 a.m. on Sundays. From 27 February, 1909, the exchange remained open all day on Sundays, and the closing hour each evening was extended till 11 o'clock. A continuous service was established in October, 1912, and an automatic exchange was installed in May, 1941. The number of subscribers at 31 March, 1949, in the Gisborne Postal District (which includes Opotiki, Wairoa and the East Coast) was 6,014.
The first attempt to transmit a message by wireless from Gisborne was made at 2 a.m. on 17 June, 1901, by G. Kemp. Using a home-made battery set, he sent out, from the signal station, greetings from the mayor (Mr. Townley) to the Royal yacht Ophir, on which the Duke and Duchess of York (later King George V and Queen Mary) were travelling from Auckland to Wellington. When Mr. Townley was in Wellington a few days afterwards he learned that the instrument on H.M.S. Juno (one of the escort vessels) “appeared to be affected, but not intelligibly.”
In 1920 Captain Arthur Russell, in a De Havilland plane, carried the first air mail between Gisborne and the East Coast, landing at
The first wooden church in Gisborne was erected on Kaiti by Anglican natives in 1864. White pine was used, and the building was in a very dilapidated state when it was taken down in 1901. The Matawhero Church (which has been the property of the Presbyterian authorities since 1872) is now the oldest place of worship in
Prior to the erection of the first Holy Trinity Church (which was built of wood, had seating for 250, and was consecrated on 11 April, 1875, by
Anglican churches in the country districts were dedicated as under: St. Luke's, Waerenga-a-Hika, 11 October, 1903, but destroyed by fire in February, 1910, and replaced on 9 October, 1910; St. George's, Patutahi, 18 June, 1907; and St. John's,
Vicars: Rev. J. Murphy (July, 1874, till February, 1875); Rev. E. Williams (September, 1875, till April, 1882);
The earliest services in Gisborne after the missionary period were held sometimes at the courthouse and, at other times, at the public school. At Ormond a hall was used. Poverty Bay was established a charge separate from
It is intended that all the main church and school buildings shall be situated in Upper Childers Road. Two modern primary schools—one for boys and the other for girls—were built there in 1927, and separate up-to-date secondary schools were opened in 1946. Post-war building difficulties have delayed the erection of a church at Mangapapa. No date has been fixed for the commencement of the building of a main church to replace St. Mary's.
Resident priests at Gisborne: Father John O'Connell, who held his first service at Gisborne in the public school on 27 October, 1872, and his first service at Ormond on 3 November, 1872 (1872–74); Storia della Nuova Zelanda (1880–83);
Resident priests at Ormond: Father Lane, Father Dignan, Father Carran, Father Lyons, Father Curley, Father Leen, Father Bowling.
Whilst on a visit to
When Mr. Root moved from Matawhero into Gisborne towards the close of 1873 he opened a campaign for funds to enable a church to be built. He promoted the first bazaar and the first promenade concert to be held in the township. The church site at the corner of Childers Road and Cobden Street, which had been allotted, by ballot, to the members of the Presbyterian faith by the Auckland Provincial Council, was enlarged by the gift of 1½ acres, which A. Graham, A. Blair, J. Ferguson, M. Hall and W. B. Mill had purchased for £25. On 25 October, 1874, a church—the main body measured 44 feet by 22 feet—was opened, dedicated and named St. Andrew's by the
Ministers:
Knox Church, Mangapapa, was built in 1913, and St. David's, Kaiti, in 1923. Country churches are as under: Matawhero (acquired in 1872), Ormond (opened in 1895), Patutahi (1901) and
Fifty years' service as a Sunday School teacher at St. Andrew's was completed by Miss F. M. Witty in October, 1947.
The Methodist Church in Gisborne had its origin in services held in the early 1870's in James East's home. Between 1874 and 1876 either the school or the courthouse was used as a meeting place. Mr. (later the Hon.)
As the acre section in Carnarvon Street which had been presented by the Auckland Provincial Council was so remote, the site of the present church in Bright Street was bought at a cost of £50. A church (34 feet by 24 feet) was opened on 2 January, 1876. Its successor was dedicated on 19 January, 1891. Suburban churches were opened at
Ministers:
The Baptist Church in Gisborne was officially established on 4 March, 1908, by the
Pastors:
Ex-scholars of the Sunday School include three ordained ministers:
Miss Jean Thomson, B.A., of
The Gisborne Corps was formed under Lieutenant Holdaway on 31 October, 1886. Hoodlums created unseemly scenes at the early open-air meetings. A series of protests against the corps being permitted to hold
The Congregationalists opened a church in Gisborne on 25 April, 1886, but, two years later, when the pastor (
The Gisborne Group of Christian Scientists (formed in 1914) gained recognition as a branch of the Mother Church in Boston, U.S.A., in 1932, and four years afterwards built a neat church in Childers Road.
A branch of the Theosophical Society was formed in Gisborne in 1907.
Members of the Church of Christ in Gisborne first met for services in 1896 at the home of H. Veal, and, after making several changes in regard to their meeting place, built a chapel in Roebuck Road.
In 1886, Te Rahui became a Mormon centre for the East Coast. Six elders visited Te Hati Houkamau's settlement. Soon after their arrival they began a service, and, as they would not desist, they were trussed up and carried back across the Awatere River. Te Hati was fined 5/- for assault and the elders £5 each for trespass.
In Gisborne the Seventh Day Adventist Church was organised on 19 May, 1890. The church now in use was dedicated on 30 January, 1927.
Members of the Brethren were few in numbers in Gisborne in 1883, when they met for services at the home of Mr. Campbell Thompson. There are now three groups—the Open Meeting Brethren, the Plymouth Brethren and the London Brethren.
Traces of oil were discovered in 1866 at two points within a band running from Mahia to East Cape. A Forest Ranger named Oscar Beyer stumbled across seepages in the Waipaoa Valley whilst he was out with a party of scouts looking for stray Hauhaus, and
The first company to engage in boring was the Poverty Bay Petroleum and Kerosene Co. Ltd. With others,
In 1874 a shaft, 8 feet by 4 feet, was sunk, under the supervision of Mr. Parsons (a borer from Pennsylvania) on Waitangi Hill and close boarded. From the bottom a bore was put down 110 feet when—vide a report by
The South Pacific Petroleum Co. (N.L.), which was formed in Sydney by W. Fleming (a Canadian oil expert) and W. Clark (a Melbourne broker), and which had a nominal capital of £58,916, took over the former company's rights. Between 1881 and 1885 it put down eight bores, ranging in depth from 100 feet to 300 feet, close to Waitangi Hill. In each case failure was attributed to the difficult nature of the strata and to the mistake of starting with casing too small in diameter. Early in 1885 a contract was let to W. J. Weaver (an American borer) to put down a larger bore to 1,000 feet. In July it was reported in Sydney that the well was producing 50 barrels of oil a day and that it was intended to lay a pipeline from the well to Gisborne. Victorian investors were told that it was intended to refine the oil at Melbourne.
When the eighteenth call was quickly followed by another in October, 1885, the Sydney shareholders were greatly perturbed. They complained bitterly that they were not being given due notice of the dates when forfeited shares were being auctioned in Gisborne. It had come to their knowledge that a
A story was then current in Gisborne that a vehicle, with a load of “gear” for the works had got stuck in a creek; that the carrier had had to obtain aid from nearby settlers; and that it was found necessary to remove the load. The “gear,” it was alleged, consisted of cases of kerosene! However, Mr. Jopling was satisfied that there were traces of oil in the material that was being brought up, and that nobody could have poured any oil from the adjacent seepages into the bore to deceive him.
When the bore reached a depth of 1,320 feet in December, 1887, the derrick caught fire and was destroyed.
The Southern Cross Petroleum Company (nominal capital, £48,000) was formed by
Promoted by
In 1902–3 Totangi became the scene of boring operations conducted by an English syndicate, in which R. Brett, of Auckland, was interested. The first bore, although started with a diameter of only 3 inches, reached a depth of 338 feet, and the second, which began as a 4-inch bore, was taken down to 505 feet. Gas was struck in both bores and traces of oil in the shallower bore.
Much excitement prevailed in Gisborne on 2 September, 1909, when the Gisborne Oil Co. Ltd. struck oil at a depth of 655 feet at Waitangi. Its directors were: D. J. Barry, F. Hall, J. Clark, G. Maclean,
N.Z. Oilfields Ltd. (formed in London, 1910; nominal capital of £200,000) put down a trial bore (initial diameter, 5 inches) at Totangi to 273 feet. Caving was experienced when a 14-inch bore reached 513 feet. A 14-inch bore, which was started at Waihirere, near Ormond, was deepened with the aid of a rotary plant. No casing was used between 500 feet and 1,245 feet. Fine, sharp grit caused excessive wear to the pump valves. Gas was encountered at 738 feet and traces of oil at slightly over 1,000 feet. Work was abandoned at 1,381 feet and the company went into liquidation.
Between 1926 and 1931 Gisborne (N.Z.) Oilfields Ltd. (nominal capital, £250,000) drilled the following wells: Waiapu No. 1 (near Ruatoria): Gas was noticed at 585 feet and 1,248 feet; traces of oil in sand between 1,600 feet and 2,000 feet; abandoned at 2,540 feet. Waiapu No. 2 (near
N.Z. Petroleum Co. Ltd. began to bore at Totangi in November, 1938. A diesel-powered rotary rig, with a capacity of 10,000 feet, was used. Deviations and caving proved great handicaps. No trace of oil was found and the bore was plugged at 5,700 feet “on account of the unprecedentedly difficult formations.” In February, 1940, a start was made to pierce the Morere dome, where, it was anticipated, drilling would be easier, “as the strata is less steeply tilted.” When a sand layer was reached between 3,250 feet and 3,500 feet it was believed that an oil horizon had been entered. The bore was plugged at 6,683 feet.
Before he settled in Gisborne in 1872,
Much of the everyday life in Early Poverty Bay centred upon the hotels. Important business transactions were, as a rule, negotiated in a side room of a public house. Public dinners, meetings and parties were held on licensed premises. The first race ball (tickets, one guinea) was held at the Masonic Hotel in January, 1874. The hour of closing was not uniform. In the case of the Masonic Hotel it was midnight. According to the Rev.
The Albion Club Hotel is usually referred to as Gisborne's first hotel, perhaps because it catered for travellers. A gentlemen's club formed part of the premises. It was erected by J. A. Forbes for Captain Read, and was opened in February, 1868. As there were then so few residents it was nicknamed “Read's Folly.” The Argyll (now Coronation) followed in 1871, and then came the Masonic (so named because it had a Masonic lodge room on the upper floor), January, 1874; Royal, June, 1874; Shamrock (renamed Gisborne), 1875; Settlers' Arms (now Record Reign), 1875; Wharf House (now Turanganui), 1875; and British Empire, 1879.
In the country districts the earliest licensed houses were: 1866—Muriwai (J. Maynard). 1872—Chandos, at Ormond (J. Villers); Royal Oak, Matawhero (A. Hird); Ferry (
A surprise visit by a revenue cutter was a much graver threat to smugglers than the activities of the police. In 1869 the Ringleader was found to have a cargo of contraband liquor which had been transferred to her, from the brig Reliance, outside Auckland. Three broad arrows were painted on either side of her, and she was escorted back to Auckland. Captain Read, to whom the liquor was consigned, was fined £500, and the vessel was confiscated. During the following year it was suspected that a lot of smuggled liquor was “planted” close to the Muriwai Hotel. Search was made without avail. It was reported afterwards that it lay under a plot of potatoes, which were just showing through the ground. The police had not considered it necessary to examine that particular plot!
Under the “Outlying Districts Sale of Spirits Act, 1870,” the consent of all native assessors of a district was required in writing before a licence to sell liquor could be granted. Eight assessors were appointed for the Waiapu Licensing District. When Michael Mullooly applied for a licence for the Sea View Hotel at
Gaming was an important sideline in connection with the pioneer hotels. Poverty Bay's first Calcutta Sweep was conducted at the Masonic Hotel in January, 1874. Raffles were then all the rage. In 1879 D. Page (licensee of the Masonic Hotel) advertised that he had installed a totaliser (the forerunner of the totalisator). He offered £450 in prizes in a consultation on the 1879 Melbourne Cup, and expected to sell 500 £1 tickets
When the Muriwai Hotel was destroyed by fire on 20 February, 1875, A. Tibbals (the licensee) was on a visit to Gisborne. His wife and two daughters lost their lives. At the inquest the jury found that the cause of the fire was unknown. A rumour became current that the remains of the back door showed that it had been locked from the outside. It was widely believed that natives had set fire to the building.
There are not quite so many hotels in the Poverty Bay-East Coast area now (1949) as there were in the middle 1870's. Hotels that have disappeared stood at The Willows, Karaua, Pakirikiri, Mangatu, Waito-tara, Anaura, Marahea, Tuparoa (2) and Port Awanui (3). Makaraka, Waerenga-a-Hika and Ormond have each lost one, and the number at
The acquisition of large blocks of land on the East Coast by the Crown in the 1870's had a grievous effect upon the social conditions of the natives. Many of them flocked to each locality in which negotiations were taking place. Payment was made with £1 notes bound in books of 100. It was not uncommon for unbroken books to be taken to the banks at Gisborne by hotelkeepers and storekeepers. Women as well as men became intemperate. Disorderly scenes occurred even at funerals. Sometimes, when more than one grave had been dug, violent quarrels arose as to which should be used.
Writing to Te Wananga after his wife's funeral in 1875, the
In the 1870's liquor could be obtained at many stores, as well as at the hotels, on the East Coast. Between Anaura and
The first brewery in Gisborne stood at the corner of Gladstone Road and Disraeli Streets. It was built by Captain Read in 1872, but it had only a brief career. Whitsun and Co., of Auckland, built a brewery at the northern end of Lowe Street in 1874.
The first military unit to be stationed in
In 1872 the Poverty Bay Militia consisted of: No. 1 Company, at Gisborne; No. 2 Company, at Matawhero; and No. 3 Company, at Ormond. The parades were held at Ormond, and absentees were liable to a fine not exceeding £5. By 1873 the training had become perfunctory, and the Standard inquired: “What on earth is the use of a batch of men being required to assemble once a quarter, without arms, simply for the purpose of having their names called over and to get a payment of 4/-?” Waiapu had a Native Militia in 1874. The Poverty Bay Militia was disbanded in February, 1875, and the
Volunteering soon reached a high pitch of popularity in
Formed in 1887, the East Coast Hussars attracted town as well as country members, and, under
The Poverty Bay-East Coast Defence District was represented in the Boer War (1899–1902) by a commander of two New Zealand contingents (
Compulsory military training came into force on 1 June, 1911. Apart from the junior cadets, there were, then, three military units in
When war became imminent in Europe in August, 1914, applications to enlist poured in at Gisborne, and, whilst the voluntary system remained in force, the district invariably provided more than its monthly quota of European recruits. The New Zealand Maori Recruiting Board, which included
A memorable Queen Carnival was held at Gisborne to swell the Patriotic Funds. It had been organised prior to the outbreak of hostilities by the City Band with the object of augmenting its own funds, but, in May, 1915, it became a patriotic activity. In all, 2,658,109 votes were sold, realising £22,060. Further entertainments brought the aggregate up to £26,268, and the net surplus was £21,202. The contest resulted:
Miss Norma Loisel, “Uawa County,” 984,440 votes.
Miss Kathleen Fromm, “Sports,” 456,370.
Miss Mary Taylor, “Waiapu,” 374,087.
Miss Ivy Parker, “Cosmopolitan Club and Commercial Travellers,” 310,827.
Miss Vera MacDonald, “Waikohu,” 231,812.
Mrs. A. Zachariah. “Territorials,” 111,517.
Miss Rita Caulton, “Rowing,” 75,414.
Miss Gladys Cooper, “Friendly Societies,” 50,215.
Miss C. Cumming, “Motoring,” 36,621.
Mrs. Grayson, “Cook County,” 26,806.
The handsome war memorial alongside Kaiti Esplanade, Gisborne, was erected in honour of the district servicemen who fell during the Great War of 1914–18. A marble statue of a New Zealand soldier, with bowed head and arms reversed, surmounts a lofty shaft set upon a massive pedestal. On each corner of the square plinth is a pediment on which lies an outstretched lion with upraised head. Wide, shallow steps lead on each side to the plinth. On the four walls of the pedestal are bronze tablets bearing the names of the heroes—561 in all—inscribed in high relief. The monument, which was designed by Mr. E. Armstrong (a young Gisborne architect) was unveiled by Colonel C. W. Melville, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O., on 25 April, 1923.
Upon the outbreak of the Second World War in September, 1939, the scenes at the Gisborne Defence Office were reminiscent of those which had been enacted at the opening of the earlier conflict. Offers to enlist flowed in from young men in all walks of life. Interest among the Maoris was heightened when the authorities agreed to their request that the Maori Battalion should, on this occasion, be placed on the same footing as the pakehas throughout the war.
Among the many decorations gained by servicemen from
During the assault on a vital hill-feature, Point 209, at the height of the battle which raged along the Mareth Line betweenDjebel Tebaga and the Matmata Hills on 26–27 March, 1943,Lieutenant Ngarimu 's platoon was sent to capture a strongly-defended under-feature, which lay forward of the point. The citation states that he was the first to reach the hillcrest, and that, personally, he annihilated at least two enemy machine-gun posts. As the reverse slope was being constantly swept by machine-gun fire it was impossible to advance farther. Under cover of a fierce mortar barrage the enemy counter-attacked.Lieutenant Ngarimu ordered his men to stand up and engage the enemy, man for man. The attackers were literally mown down, seven falling to his own tommy-gun.
TwiceLieutenant Ngarimu was wounded—once by rifle fire in the shoulder, and, later, by shrapnel in the leg—but he refused to leave his men, although urged to do so by the O.C. and by his battalion commander. Throughout the night the enemy vainly attempted to dislodge him and his men, each attack being beaten off entirely as a result of his inspired leadership. Daylight found him still in possession of the under-feature, but only he and two unwounded other ranks remained. Reinforcements were sent up to him. During a further enemy counter-attack he was killed, defiantly facing the enemy, with his tommy-gun at his hip.
Born at Whareponga on 7 April, 1919,
In
Hohepa's father was an Irish sea captain named Riley (Rire to the natives). [He might have been Captain Riley, of the whaler Hope, who paid visits from Sydney to the East Coast in the early and middle 1830's.] Awhenga, of Mawhai, was Hohepa's mother. Hana's father was a Scottish sea captain named Robert Gray (Papu Kerei) and her mother was Heneti, of Whareponga. Captain Peachey, of
[For these interesting notes the writer was indebted to
The Legion of Frontiersmen in Poverty Bay recruited a voluntary Home Defence Force of about 250 members in May, 1940. Major H. Miller, M.C., was the O.C., and Captain T. G. Nowell his 2 I.C. It had to be disbanded when the compulsory Home Guard unit was established on 2 August, 1940. Major Miller became the first O.C. of the new body, which, in August, 1941, was transferred to Army control. In August, 1942, Major C. A. Smith became the O.C., with Captain E. L., Adams his
The National Military Reserve (“Nat. R's”) was mobilised for full-time defence duties in Gisborne in January, 1942. Many of its members had served in the First Great War. Poho-o-Rawiri was its headquarters. The first O.C. was Major E. R. Black, M.C. When Major
A Gisborne Emergency Precautions Service was established to handle any civil emergency that might arise on account of enemy action. At the peak the enlistments totalled nearly 3,000. All civilian adult males up to 65 years were required to enrol. Many women joined voluntarily, and others were recruited through a branch of the Women's War Service Auxiliary, of which Mrs.
Specialised units included a bomb disposal squad (under
Colonel
Banshee during the Crimean War, and, during the Indian Mutiny, he was present at the Relief of Lucknow and the taking of Delhi. He came out to New Zealand as a lieutenant on H.M.S. Brisk. Gaining his discharge, he saw active service in the Waikato, the Wanganui district, on the East Coast, and in
Much risk, as well as discomfort and delay, was sometimes attendant upon a voyage along the East Coast in the early days. In October, 1843,
Bishop Selwyn was on board H.M.S. Hazard when she got into difficulties in a storm off
In March, 1846, Swan. Swan, for she was wretchedly uncomfortable; and I hope he will not trade along the coast and make a floating pigsty of her, for, if he does, that will be another source of discomfort for you, as it was for us.”
Some of the early residents preferred to walk part of the way to Auckland, making the initial stage of their journey, via Motu, over the Kowhai track, to Opotiki. In 1844 and 1845 this track was used by
The rapid increase in Paterson, Comerang and Manawatu, and the screw steamers Taranaki, Star of the South, Rangatira and Pretty Jane. Schooners commanded by Captains J. H. Skinner, J. Nicolas, W. Harris, Martin, Scott and Ra Mackey, and, later, the s.s. Rosina, served the intermediate roadsteads. In the 1880's the larger coastal settlements gained the further advantage of a monthly service by s.s. Australia and s.s. Southern Cross.
Towards the close of the 1870's Gisborne became a port of call for intercolonial passenger and cargo steamers. The forerunner was the Union
Wanaka, which made her first appearance in February, 1877. Many other steamers bearing well-remembered names were, later, placed on the run. For a number of years prior to the First Great War,
The Anglo-Welsh Rugby team's experiences in getting away from Gisborne in August, 1908, indicate, to some extent, the discomfort which had to be endured in stormy weather by intending travellers by sea. Due to leave for Napier by s.s. Monowai, the visitors turned out on the wharf at 7 a.m. in driving rain. Soon they were wet to the skin and shivering. As the steamer had not been sighted they returned to the hotel. Next morning they were on the wharf at 5 o'clock, but as the vessel could not be tendered immediately on account of the high seas, they went back to bed. They were embarked at midday, and, at 4 p.m., left the roadstead to face what the official story of the tour described as “The Father of all Gales.”
In 1872 George Davis and John Bidgood began a two-day-a-week summer passenger service between Gisborne and Ormond, using a hooded express drawn by three horses. The journey (12 miles) occupied six hours in fine weather, and the fares were: 3/- either way, 5/- return. En route to Makaraka the sandy ridges were followed. If the weather was wet the passengers had to walk when the stretches of clay between Makaraka and King's Road (named after William King, the sawmiller) were reached; they did not require to leave their hard seats again. Drays were used for a twice-a-week goods service. Early in 1874 Sam Climo took over the passenger service, but, during the winter, the express got bogged, and had to be left in the mud until the spring. In 1875 Bidgood resuscitated the service, and Sam Stevenson ran a twice-daily service between Gisborne and Makauri.
As the roads leading out of Gisborne were extended the number of coach services increased. In 1882 W. F. Hatten started a daily service between Gisborne and Ormond. A rival service was begun in 1884 by S. M. Wilson, who used a brake drawn by six greys. Mr. Hatten kept his service going until 1915, when it was superseded by a motor service. In the late 1880's A. Devery provided services between Puha and Kaiteratahi and between Kaiteratahi and Whatatutu. During the 1890's J. (“Chum”) Brown ran coaches between Gisborne and Whatatutu and between Gisborne and
A coach service between Gisborne and
Describing the difficulties under which
“If ever a man had a rough time coaching it wasWilliam McKinley . I have seen him marooned between Pouawa and Waiomoko streams, with both in flood. He could not get either up or down the coast. Freeing his horses, he had had no option but to make the coach his home till the flood waters went down. More than once I have ridden across the Waiomoko River and picked for him a track which would enable him to avoid quicksands. I have also on more than one occasion after dusk walked ahead of his coach at Puatai Point and struck matches to help him find the test track.”
According to Mrs. F. Newey (wife of Mr. McKinley's head driver), the Puatai rocks section was the worst part of the Gisborne-Tolaga Bay route. On one occasion she had to make the journey with two of her young children. When Puatai was reached the driver relieved her of one of them. With both hands she clung to the coach, and, to prevent the other infant from being thrown out, she held it by clutching its gown with her teeth!
Only one fatal mishap occurred on the Gisborne-Tolaga Bay route. On 9 September, 1919, Mrs. R. James, of Pakarae, and a little boy joined the ordinary coach at the Pakarae road junction. When Tatapouri was reached, they transferred to a special coach due to arrive at Gisborne earlier, and were given outside seats. The only inside passenger was a man named Nelson. When the ordinary coach got to the top of Tatapouri Hill it was met by Nelson, who was dazed and covered with blood. At the Makarori bend the overturned coach was found. Mrs. James was dead, and the driver (Thomas Bushnell) was unconscious. The boy had escaped serious injury. One horse had a broken leg, but the others had got free. Mr. Bushnell died next morning.
The first coach journey from Gisborne to Wairoa, via Tiniroto, was undertaken by C. Dette in November, 1887. A stop overnight was made at the Green Park Arms Hotel at Waerenga-o-Kuri. In the late 1890's a regular service was begun by
Describing a trip which he made from Wairoa to Gisborne, via Morere, in June, 1902, the Rev. Mr. Beecroft told the Gisborne Times:
“So true was the eye of our driver, and so steady was his hand, that, although there was sometimes barely three inches of the road to the good, we never once grazed a bank in a cutting. The faithful steeds never seemed to put a foot down in the wrong place as they were urged along by the aid of sundry obtestations and objurgations. These entreaties, I supposed, belonged to a foreign tongue, but, on asking Jack, our driver [J. E. McKinley], I was told that they were part of the Scottish language.”
Only expert driving got J. E. McKinley out of a dangerous situation on a journey from Wairoa to Gisborne on 3 January, 1903. Between Nuhaka and Morere the bush on both sides of the road was on fire. The heat was stifling and the smoke suffocating. As each doomed tree fell, the crash alarmed the horses. Next morning fires were encountered between Morere and Tarewa. Halts had to be made twice whilst roadmen cleared obstructions. To make matters worse, the wind turned to the south and began to rise. Until the danger zone had been left behind, the
Stewart's Crossing, between Morere and Wairoa, was the most dangerous on the Gisborne-Wairoa, via Morere, route. A mailman named Williams lost his life there in 1898. Subsequently a cable (with cage) was erected. On 18 March, 1909, Frank Parker and his sister Annie (son and daughter of C. J. Parker) attempted the passage in a trap drawn by two horses. Although the stream was swollen, the coach had got through earlier in the day. In midstream the vehicle overturned and was swept away. Miss Parker was drowned.
Bishop Lenihan (Roman Catholic Bishop of Auckland) caused a stir in Gisborne on 25 Novemeber, 1903, by landing the steam-driven locomobile which had been presented to him by his parishioners. He was accompanied by G. Henning, an engineer. Horse traffic gave the noisy vehicle a wide berth. Accompanied by Father Mulvihill, the Bishop paid a visit to Patutahi. As it was found impossible to re-start the vehicle, “Paddy” McLoughlin had to tow it back to town behind his spring trap.
Donned in overalls, the Bishop set off on 7 December to negotiate the terrible road between Gisborne and Napier. Whenever the car got stuck he assisted Mr. Henning to extricate it. On Parikanapa, however, it got badly bogged. When George H. Lysnar came along and said that he would get it out with the aid of his hack, the Bishop was greatly intrigued. Mr. Lysnar tied one end of a rope to the horse's tail and the other on to the vehicle, remounted, and drove in his spurs. In a few moments the car was once again on terra firma. Wairoa was reached next evening, and the car was shipped to Napier. Shortly afterwards W. R. Barker bought a similar car; it was the first to be owned in
The first motor car journey between Gisborne and Napier was undertaken by Philip Thornton Kenway (a pioneer Waimata settler) in 1905 in a 6 h.p. single-cylinder De Dion car which he had bought in England in 1904. He was the first resident of Pioneering in Poverty Bay (1928) and, when he was in his 86th year, Quondam Quaker (1947).
Among the East Coast residents,
Early in 1931 Dominion Air Lines Ltd. operated a de Souter 3-seat cabin monoplane between Gisborne and Hastings. G. Bolt was the chief pilot. On 8 February, 1931, Ivan Kite was flying the machine when it crashed near the railway station at Wairoa whilst he was circling to drop a parcel. He and his two passengers—Mr. W. C. Strand (Lower Hutt) and Mr. Walter Findlay (Gisborne)—were killed and the machine was wrecked. Gisborne Air Transport Ltd. (formed with local capital) bought the de Souter which Mr. G. A. Nicholls had acquired in 1930 for his private use and a D.H. Moth with an enclosed cabin. With H. Lett as pilot, trips were made between Gisborne and Hastings and Napier, but, in 1932, traffic fell off and the planes were sold.
Most of the shareholders in Gisborne Air Transport Ltd. became the original shareholders in East Coast Airways Ltd. (formed in 1934). It bought two twin-engined Dragon 10-seaters, and engaged Captain T. W. (Tiny) White as chief pilot. On 16 April, 1935, a daily service between Gisborne and Napier was begun. The company was absorbed in 1936 by Union Airways, which placed larger machines on the run and extended it to
Sparseness of European population was responsible for the tardy appearance of Parliamentary electorates bearing names which indentified them with
Tareha Te Moananui (1868–70).
Karaitiana Takamoana (1871–79).
When Takamoana (an avowed Repudiationist) defeated
Henare Tomoana (1879–84).
Wiremu Pere, who defeated
James Carroll (1887–93):
Wiremu Pere (1893–1905):
Apirana Turupa Ngata (1905–43):
Tiaki Omana (Ormond) (1943—).
1 Pere and three of his children were taken from Manutuke to Makaretu by Poverty Bay Herald, 9/3/1874) accused him even of going away voluntarily with
When Wi Pere entered Parliament in 1884 he attracted considerable attention. One commentator said: “What a change in one man's life! The little, wild, root-eating savage has been transformed into a grand, courteously-mannered member of the General Assembly. “He caused several “scenes” in Parliament, the most glaring being when, as a member of the Upper House in 1909, he complained that far too much native land had fallen into the hands of the Europeans, and declared that, if he had his way, “all the pakehas would be driven into the sea!” On the other hand, there were some occasions upon which his views caused much merriment, as, for example when, in 1899, he advocated the raising of a loan of £20,000,000. Another member interjected: “But how will we be able to pay back such an enormous sum?”
The East Coast seat was held by:
William Kelly, a supporter of the Fox Government (February, 1871, till December, 1875). Polling: Kelly, 138; Mackay, 64; Skeet, 52.
George Edward Read (January, 1876, till August, 1876).
This was the most sensational electoral contest ever held in the East Coast districts. Result: Read, 215;
George Bentham Morris, a supporter of
Alan McDonald, a supporter of 1879—
1881—
Samuel Locke, an Atkinson supporter (1884, till he resigned in July, 1887). In June, 1884,
Andrew Graham, an Atkinson supporter (1887 till he resigned in October, 1889). A. Graham, 744;
Alexander Creighton Arthur, an Atkinson supporter (1889–90).
William Kelly, a supporter of Mr. Ballance (1890–93). This election was the first in connection with which manhood suffrage applied. W. Kelly, 1,022;
Poverty Bay Herald, 5/9/1893) stated that he left his luggage at an hotel there and, as he did not return, the police held an inquiry, but without avail.
There was only one holder of this seat. The electorate extended from the northern portion of the East Coast to northern
James Carroll (1893–1908). In 1893 the women of New Zealand voted for the first time. Mr. Carroll's opponent was also a Liberal. Result:
There had been, up till 1949, only three holders of the seat:
James Carroll (1908–1919).
William Douglas Lysnar (1919–31).
David William Coleman (1931–49).
Reginald Alfred Keeling (1949—).
Until he was seven years old, Sir James lived at the home of Ngarangi Mataeo (his mother's uncle), first at Matiti pa and then at Hikawai. His schooling—first, at Wairoa, and, later, at Napier—covered only about three years. He served as a cadet in the Native Land Department at Napier for some years, and then spent about 12 months at head office in Wellington. In 1879 he became a Native interpreter in the House of Representatives. On 4 July, 1881, he married
In 1887 Sir James defeated
Sir James was an opponent of
On 21 December, 1899, Sir James was promoted to full Cabinet rank, with the portfolio of Native Affairs. His refusal to yield to an incessant clamour for the widespread opening up of native lands for settlement led his opponents to call his policy the “Taihoa” (“Wait a bit”) policy,
Sir James was a member of the Parliamentary party which visited Britain and France during the first Great War. In France he received a very warm welcome from the Maori Battalion. He was chosen as one of the speakers at the banquet in the Guildhall, London, which was attended by Mr. Asquith (Prime Minister of Britain) and 1,500 scions of the noblest British families. At Mr. John Redmond's special invitation he paid a visit to Dublin. The Massey Government awarded him a seat in the Legislative Council in 1921, two years after he had lost the Gisborne seat in a triangular contest. He died at Auckland on 26 October, 1926. Lady Carroll received the O.B.E. award in 1918. Her death occurred on 1 November, 1930.
The Carroll memorial at Makaraka was unveiled by
The Takitimu carved house at Wairoa (H.B.) was opened as a memorial to Sir James on 15 June, 1938. In his honour the Taihoa Hall there was so named. His portrait in oils hangs in the National Art Gallery in Wellington.
In a lecture at Hastings in November, 1937,
Telling a story against himself at a political meeting at Gisborne in July, 1895,
Doggedness in upholding any cause which he espoused was Mr. Lysnar's most outstanding characteristic. He conducted a Dominion-wide campaign in favour of the adoption of improved facilities for handling, and better methods of marketing, New Zealand produce at Home, and in opposition to overseas concerns gaining interests in freezing works in the Dominion. He also stumped the country in opposition to a movement aimed at the prohibition of the sale of liquor. It was largely due to his persistency that the New Zealand Meat Producers' Board was set up in 1921.
Besides serving the district as its representative in Parliament for 12 years, Mr. Lysnar was Mayor of Gisborne, and a member of a number of local bodies. He died on 12 October, 1942. Gisborne was indebted to him for the Lysnar Reserve (22 acres) at Okitu. Frances Brewer Lysnar (a sister) was the only lady Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society in New Zealand.
The holders of the William Kelly (Lib.), 1893–6.
William Herbert Herries (Con.), 1896–1908, when he became member for Tauranga.
William Donald Stuart MacDonald (1908–20). 1908—1911—1914—1919—
Kenneth Stuart Williams (1920–35).
Axel Gordon Hultquist (1935–41).
William Sullivan (1941—).
Seats in the Legislative Council have been held by the following George Randall Johnson (1872 till 1892),
Captain
The most exciting local option (licensing of hotels) poll ever held in the East Coast districts took place in 1905, when Gisborne formed part of the Waiapu electorate. Result: Continuance, 2,714 votes; Reduction of Licences, 2,637; No-Licence, 4,000. The number of valid votes cast was 6,713. If 28 additional votes had been recorded for No-Licence that issue would have gained the required three-fifths majority.
The first public school in
In 1872 the pupils were: William and Maggie Mill, Joshua Adams, Charles, David and Ellen Dunlop, Fred. Goldsmith, Annie and Eustace Langford, Mary and Edward Kennedy, Gavin and Alexander Wyllie, Robert and Ellen Robb, James Stevenson, Florence, Ernest, Edith, Arthur and Bertie Reed, Elizabeth, Thomas and
Only after much hesitancy Captain Porter,
In 1876, Mr. Root complained that it was impossible for the teacher to do justice to 85 pupils huddled in a small room. A school to accommodate 125 pupils was then built in Derby Street at a cost of £468. Mr. Hay resigned in August, 1876, and was succeeded by G. Maberley, of Thames. The schools in
When Mr. Morgan retired in 1892 his place was filled by
The movement to provide the school with a bath (which was opened on 24/10/1908) had its origin in a suggestion made by Mr. J. S. Wauchop, then a member of the teaching staff. Funds were raised by entertainments, appeals to the public, and a State grant. Whilst Dora Alice Griffin, a daughter of the
Two serious misadventures interfered with the school's activities. On Boxing Day, 1904, the main building was destroyed by fire. A new school in two storeys was built in brick. It was designed to accommodate 550 pupils and cost (including furniture) only about £5,000, whereas the Intermediate School, designed to accommodate only a slightly larger number of pupils, and built in 1940, cost more than £40,000. Damage was suffered by the new Central School during the severe earthquake in September, 1932, and it had to be strengthened.
In 1904 the junior cadet system was made applicable to the school. Several companies of senior boys were formed, and, with a staff of officers, placed under Major J. Kinder (assistant master in the secondary department), who became O.C. the whole of the cadets in
Technical classes were established in Gisborne following upon the presentation of a report which Mr. W. Morgan (chairman of the High School Board) invited Mr. Rowley to supply in 1902. Two years later the board erected a two-storey wooden building and a woodwork room at the rear of the District High School, and some trade and commercial classes were established under the supervision of Mr. Morgan. In 1915 control of the technical classes was transferred to the Hawke's Bay Board of Education, and their scope was considerably widened. Until he retired in 1923, Mr. Rowley was director. His successor (Mr. McLeod) carried on the classes till the end of 1923. Mr. Lancaster then took charge, and, when he left the district in 1933, the classes were removed to the High School. In June, 1949, there were 505 evening class students. The first public school on the Flats was built at Ormond in 1874. Mrs. T. W. Bilham opened a school in an old store at Patutahi in 1879. As 12 children—the minimum number required to enable the school to qualify for official aid—were not available, she took
In 1902 there were country schools as under: Matawhero (J. Marshall, head teacher), Patutahi (J. C. Woodward, 1889–1918), Makauri (R. Cole), Waerenga-a-Hika (W. McClure, 1887–1903), Ormond (H. E. Ingpen, who was followed by J. McLeod),
Up till 1902 there was only one public school—the Gisborne Central—for the town and suburbs. It had a roll number of 760, including between 20 and 30 pupils in the secondary department. The Mangapapa School was opened in 1903 under the control of W. J. (later Mr. Justice) Hunter. In 1907 the Kaiti School was built, and
Public schools in
Arero (14), Awapuni (140), Bartlett's (44),East Cape (11), Gisborne Central (648), Hangaioa (13), Homebrook (21), Ihungia (8), Kairoa (11), Kaiti (387), Koranga Valley (11), Makaraka (91), Makarika (32), Makauri (90), Mangapapa (342), Manutuke (161), Mata (18), Matawai (63), Mihiwhetu (9), Motu (20), Motuhora (25), Muriwai (85), Ngatapa (53), Ormond (127), Otoko (32), Paparatu (14), Patutahi (163), Pehiri (17), Pouawa (8), Puha (51), Rere (30), Tauwhareparae (11),Te Hapara (283),Te Karaka (primary 220, secondary 105),Te Puia (42), Tiniroto (11), Tokomaru (102),Tolaga Bay (primary 287, secondary 27), Tubua (18), Waerenga-a-Hika (47), Waerenga-o-Kuri (19), Waikereru (8), Waimata Valley (12), Waingake (11), Wharekopae (9), Whatatutu (105) and Wheturau (19).
Opened on 20 May, 1940, the Gisborne Intermediate School ranks among the best designed schools in the Dominion. It is constructed of wood, but the facade of the main block is finished in plaster. There is accommodation for 600 pupils. A model flat, equipped with modern appliances, is a feature of the upper storey. On the opening day the school roll contained the names of 440 pupils drawn from Standards V and VI of the five town schools to become students of Forms I and II. Eligible pupils from country schools now also attend. On 1 June, 1949, the roll number stood at 573. F. R. Slevin, B.A., M.C. (headmaster of the Intermediate School at Napier) was the first headmaster. He resigned in 1945 to become headmaster of the Normal Intermediate School at Mt. Albert, Auckland, and was succeeded by R. McGlashen, headmaster of the Nelson Park School at Napier, who had also served as an inspector for two years under the Hawke's Bay Board of Education.
The first Board of Governors (appointed in 1886) comprised:
The first master to control the higher classes was
“Mr. Mann's name is inseparable from the activities of the District High School. He was a graduate of London University and a thoroughly efficient master who possessed a wealth of sarcasm which amounted to a gift and enabled perfect discipline to be maintained without resorting to corporal punishment.”
During 1895 the High School Board treated the secondary classes as a separate high school. A room was rented from the parishioners of Holy Trinity Church. There were then 22 pupils. A fee of eight guineas per annum was charged. Financially, the experiment was a failure. The board was then permitted to erect a building to accommodate from 30 to 40 pupils in the Central School grounds, and was assisted by a capitation grant of £2 10/- per pupil by the Hawke's Bay Education Board. Miss Mills, the first lady assistant, was appointed in 1899.
The present high school was opened in 1910 with a roll number of 136. In 1917 the assembly hall was added, and further extensions were made in 1920, 1925 and 1927. The workshops and home science block were erected in 1934. Four additional classrooms, a new science laboratory, and an agricultural science laboratory were completed in 1940. There were 800 pupils in June, 1949. Arthur Raglan Gatland, B.A., was the first principal (1909–12). He was succeeded by Frank Foote, B.A., B.Sc., whose term ranged from 1913 till 1931.
“During the 19 years Mr. Foote controlled the destinies of the school the roll grew from 93 to 484, and we are indebted to him for the solid foundations of school life laid down during his long period of good and faithful service. His interest in his pupils his powers of discipline and his attractive personality combined to make him an ideal headmaster, and hundreds of old students remember him to-day with affection and respect.”
The next rector was James Hutton, M.A., LL.B. (1932–43). He sponsored the extension of the functions of the school to embody those of a Technical High School.
“At the time of Mr. Hutton's appointment,” Mr. Bull remarks, “the school had reached the point where the development of its functions could be safely launched.The present pupils and those of the future will owe much to the ability and the enthusiasm which characterised Mr. Hutton's work in extending the usefulness of the school and providing for the district an institution catering for all forms of post-primary education.”
During the Second World War Mr. Hutton served as a Lieutenant (Special) in the Royal New Zealand Navy, at first as education officer and, later, as rehabilitation officer, at Devonport Naval Base. He received the M.B.E. award in 1949.
James Leggat, M.A. (formerly of Hastings High School and New Plymouth High School) succeeded Mr. Hutton in October, 1943, upon his return from war service overseas, where he held the rank of lieutenant-colonel and gained the E.D. award.
Miss J. R. Barr, M.A., was the first senior mistress. Her successors have been: Miss J. Knapp, B.A., Miss J. Stewart, M.A., Miss D. Stewart, M.A., Miss M. Prestwich, Miss E. E. Stephens, M.A., Miss E. M. McCarthy, M.Sc., Miss R. Mason, M.A., and Miss C. Gunther, M.A., Dip.Ed.
A separate high school for girls was included in the Fraser Government's “Ten-year Regional Plan” (1946).
The Rectory, a hostel for boys, was opened in 1911, and Ayton House, the girls' hostel, in 1916.
The swimming bath (opened on 3 March, 1927) was sponsored by the Old Students' Association and built, at a cost of £3,000, as a memorial to the 36 old boys who made the supreme sacrifice during the First Great War. As a memorial to the 93 ex-students who gave their lives in the Empire's cause in World War No. 2, £3,000 is to be raised to provide a grandstand, dressing rooms, etc.
Chairmen:
Secretaries: C. A. de Lautour (honorary), 1886–1905; W. Morgan, 1905–17;
Boys: 1909, G. Redpath; 1910, W. H. Grant; 1911,
Girls: 1909, L. Harper; 1910, M. E. Moore; 1911, M. E. Moore; 1912, A. M. B. Butterfield; 1913, A. M. B. Butterfield; 1914, M. Langlands; 1915, R. B. Schwabe; 1916, K. N. Hueston; 1917, G. Mitchell; 1918, E. G. Hueston; 1919, C. S. Burns; 1920, E. Black; 1921, K. Hei; 1922; S. M. Foote; 1923, S. M. Foote; 1924,
University scholarships have been gained as under:
1909: G. Redpath, J.U.S.; W. P. Dunphy, cred. 1911: May Moore, cred. 1912:
Born in New York,
An ex-student of Gisborne High School,
A Native school was opened at Whakato in July, 1872 (F. J. Carrington, master). Kaiti Native school (T. Bryant) followed in September, 1872, and, then,
By 28 February, 1949, 70 boys had been assisted either with a scholarship or a bursary, at an aggregate outlay of £3,300, by the Barrington Miller Educational Trust, which was created by William Barrington Miller to assist boys born in New Zealand and resident in Gisborne or any one or more of the counties of Cook,
Poverty Bay escaped lightly on the occasion of the tragic earthquake which caused 151 deaths in and around Napier, 92 at Hastings, two at Wairoa and one at Mohaka on 3 February, 1931, and, in addition, did damage to property in
The first reference to an earthquake affecting the East Coast districts appears in the
Only tremors were felt in
An earthquake which affected both
A fairly heavy, but not a damaging, earthquake at 8.33 a.m. on 26 March, 1947, was followed by two seismic (or so-called “tidal”) waves which affected the coastline between
At Tatapouri the waters reached up to the windowsills of the hotel, wrecked a motor shed and carried away some small buildings. A “bach” and motor shed nearby were demolished. The superstructure of the 36-year-old wooden bridge over the Pouawa River was carried half a mile upstream. In Gisborne inner harbour the sea rushed in at about 5 feet above spring tide level. Just north of Mahia the natives made a large catch of fish which had become trapped in low-lying maize fields. A smaller seismic wave, which followed an earthquake on 19 May, 1947, was most pronounced along the beaches adjacent to
Seismic waves had been experienced on the East Coast on several earlier occasions. In August, 1840 (Opotiki Native Land Court minute book, No. 9), a wave of this character threw H.M.S. Buffalo on shore at Whitianga (
An extraordinary swelling of the sea was observed in Go Ahead, which was aground at the entrance, lost no time in scrambling up the rigging. A cargo that had been landed at Port Awanui for
Mainly on account of the growth of settlement on the Poverty Bay Flats, a big flood in January, 1876, did more damage than any of its predecessors. At Wharekaia 22.85 inches of rain fell in a week. The flood waters broke out of Awapuni Lagoon, flattening the sandhills and reaching the bay. At Kaiariki the Greene family awoke to find that their home was on the opposite side of the river to that on which it had previously stood. A boat was sent from Gisborne to rescue seven women and six children who were marooned at Makauri. Mrs. Bilham, who lived on the western side of the
An inundation in the 1820's was called by the natives the Kingi Hori (King George) flood.
The bursting of the larger lake at Papuni led to grotesque conjectures on the part of the natives as to how the flood had originated.
A flood in July, 1906, caused so much water to overflow from the
[References to the disastrous floods on the East Coast in 1916–17 appear in the chapters dealing with Uawa County and Waiapu County.]
Poverty Bay's most destructive flood occurred on 14 May, 1948. In the early portion of the storm, half of the roof of the grandstand on Childers Road Reserve was blown off. A house in Andrew Street,
Between Kaiteratahi and the sea 21,000 of the 39,000 acres of flat land were submerged.
Lack of rain in
The earliest heavy gale recorded in Orete was driven on shore at Star of Canada on to Kaiti Beach in June, 1912. A fierce westerly in March, 1928, stripped the leaves off maize growing in exposed positions on the Flats. During Christmas, 1933, a woolshed at Waingake was blown down.
The residents of Southern Cross ran into a dense cloud of dust off East Island and put out well off the land. [When Mount Ngauruhoe was active on 30 April, 1948, grey, gritty ash, not quite as fine as flour, drifted over to
A shocking tragedy occurred whilst sheepdog trials were in progress at Matawai on 2 April, 1948. Lightning zigzagged among a group of onlookers standing on a rise. Graham Leslie Hooper (aged 18 years), a shepherd, of Motuhora, was killed. Treatment for shock had to be given to: Ronald Harris, aged 36, Motuhora; Norman Johansen (31), Motuhora; Thomas Mitchell (37),
During the night of 19 February, 1938, a cloudburst caused unprecedented flooding in the watersheds of the Kopuawhara and Maraetaha streams. The single men's quarters at No. 4 railway camp at Kopuawhara were swept away and 20 men and one woman were drowned. There were 19 survivors. At Boyd's camp, at the northern end of the line, the living quarters of seven married workers were carried away, and one life was lost. The Kopuawhara victims were: Jack Treacey (Wairoa), George H. Davis (Gisborne), Wm. Dunn (Christchurch), Robt. Johnson, Wm. Auld (Gisborne), Fred. I. C. Clark (Opotiki), Geo. Barbarich (Waipukurau), David Barclay (Auckland), Ed. McGivern, Hugh Sloan, Thos. Hall (Gisborne), Hira Waaka (Raupango), Fred. A. Fountain (
A minor tornado on 26 November, 1892, blazed a path, a few chains wide, at Makauri towards W. King's sawmill. Some trees were uprooted and a shed was demolished. Some of the roofing iron landed nearly a mile away. D. Malone's shed was shifted across a road.
The earliest fall of snow on record in
An extraordinary blowout occurred in May, 1930, at the cold mud springs in Waimata Valley. They had erupted on previous occasions, but not as extensively. Explosions of gas brought up sufficient mud to raise the height of an area of some acres by, in places, as much as from 10 feet to 15 feet. The gas produced a steady flame when ignited.
Although it is improbable that the trader New Zealand: Travels and Adventures (London, 1838), vol. 1, p. 303, he says that, whilst he was residing in the vicinity of
Whilst Captain Harris was on a visit to Sydney in 1837, he notified a
Convinced that the bone was that of a huge, extinct eagle, Dr. Rule took it to England in 1839. He showed it to
Meanwhile, William Williams, Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, 1879, p. 64) says that they were told by the natives about “a certain monstrous animal: while some said that it was a bird, and others a person, all agreed that it was called a ‘moa.’” It was described as an immense cock … having a face like that of a man.” The natives added that the “sole survivor lived on Whakapunake
Strangely enough, the
Moa footprints were first observed in New Zealand on the left bank of Waikanae Creek close to its entrance into Turanganui River at Gisborne. Some stone slabs bearing the markings were sent to the Auckland Museum in 1871. In an address to the Auckland Philosophical Society (29 May, 1871),
An important discovery of moa bones was made, by chance, by Geoffrey Swarbrick at the back of his property at Otoko in December, 1930. Whilst he was resting on a ridge he thrust his hand into a sink-hole. It came in contact with a bone which proved to be that of a moa. Clearing away the pumice from the aperture, he was able to enter, but not to stand upright in, the cavity. It was found to contain the bones of about a dozen moas, the largest, which Mr. Goffe mounted for him, being about 6 feet high. Massive rocks formed the sides and the roof of the hole, which must have been much larger when the moas took refuge in it during a tremendous upheaval accompanied by volcanic activity.
The first discoverer of a sea-eel (or sea-snake) in New Zealand waters was a
Much alarm was occasioned among the East Coast natives in August,
Rotomahana. They stated that it had risen out of the water to a great height, that it was about 100 feet long, and that it had a black back and a white belly. Two 10-ft. fins were added to its alleged make-up. As Hawke's Bay had just experienced a severe earthquake the general opinion was that what had been seen was the trunk of a large tree which had been wrenched from the bed of the sea.
Wild rumours were current in July, 1913, to the effect that a strange monster was roaming off the East Coast. Officers of s.s. Mokoia claimed to have seen it off Rosamond averred that they had observed it between
High hopes were entertained in
Mr. Lysnar and a party set out at once from Gisborne with the object of taking the reptile alive. Their gear included several rolls of wire netting to make a fence around the tree. Even when “Dummy” informed the hunters that he had returned to the spot to recover his slasher their suspicions were not aroused. On the other hand, they were greatly encouraged when he indicated that the kumi had had the temerity to put its head out of a hole and stare at him! Members of the party were stationed with guns at vantage points, and, after a long wait, the tree was thoroughly examined, but all in vain.
The subject was discussed at meetings of several branches of the New Zealand Philosophical Institute. In general, the leading naturalists proved very sceptical. Interest in the matter quickly faded when Mr. H. Hill, of Napier, confessed that, during the previous year, he had been hoaxed by this self-same “Dummy,” who had guided him to a very remote spot in
Tuamotu Island (near the north head of
A perfect specimen of a sea-tree was brought up from a depth of 50 fathoms by Mr. Zame whilst he was fishing off the Ariel Reef (near
Several peculiar fishes have been found in and around Atlanta was off Portland Island in January, 1892, a flying fish 10½ inches long landed on the deck. In September, 1938, F. Faram caught a cone fish at Opoutama. It was about 4 inches long, resembled a schnapper, and was covered with hard, bony, pentagonal plates.
The largest fish ever caught at Gisborne was a sunfish (orthageriscus mola). Whilst some men were at work on the breakwater on 12 December, 1889, they saw it on the eastern side, about a quarter of a mile off. W. J. Fox and three of his mates rowed over to the spot, brought it to the surface again by dropping a plug of dynamite, and towed it to the breakwater. After it died, a worm (like a piece of narrow tape and several yards long) emerged from its mouth. The length of the sunfish from snout to tail was 9 feet 8 inches, and its depth, from tip to tip of fins, was 11 feet 6 inches. It was covered with small red insects, the flesh was like white India rubber, and the eye opened out to the size of a 56lb. shot. In October, 1938, a smaller specimen was hooked on a schnapper line off the Gisborne breakwater.
Thirteen rats which J. B. Lee caught at The Animals of New Zealand” (1923).
Seeing that
Whilst a native church (90 feet by 45 feet) was being erected at Manutuke in 1851 to replace the structure blown down in 1842, the
The war canoe Te Toki-a-Tapiri (Tapiri's axe)—one of the richest treasures in Auckland Museum—graced the waters of
In the late 1850's Te Toki-a-Tapiri was sold to Ngati-te-Ata tribe for £400, and the money was handed to
Turanga House, which is in the
Mr. Tareha, M.H.R. for Eastern Maori District, told the members of the Wellington Philosophical Society in August, 1868, that the Maoris who came in Tanetawa canoe were highly-skilled carvers, and that Lazarus's House was one of the great works of their descendants. He added that the ancient god of carving was Taukarua, and that it was Tuaneko who discovered the art of painting.
A beautiful storehouse, Nuku te Whatewha, is among the
W. J. Phillipps, F.L.S. (Carved Maori Houses in the Eastern Districts of the North Island) says that carvings of a meeting-house at
Hau te Ana-nui-o-Tangaroa, a meeting-house at
According to the New Zealand Journal of Science and Technology, Vol. XIII, No. 2, p. 78 (1931), a secret carved burial-house stood at Hurimoana (Manutuke, Poverty Bay). In 1925 Mrs. J. Woodbine Johnson (a daughter of Tiopira and Maora Pani) told W. J. Phillipps that it
In recent years several very fine meeting-houses have been built in the Poverty Bay-East Coast-Wairoa area. Incorporated in them, to afford greater stability and to ensure greater comfort, are materials never dreamt of by the forbears of the present Maori generation. Poho-o-Rawiri, on Kaiti, which was opened in 1925, has concrete foundations, a steel ridgepole (to comply with the borough building regulations, and the first to be used in a Maori meeting-house), walls of timber, and a galvanised iron roof. Electricity is the form of lighting used. Rich carving adorns the front of the building, and, within, in addition to many attractive light carvings, there are beautiful decorative panels, displaying, in great variety, intricate and artistic tukutuku patterns. Dimensions: 83 feet × 39 feet.
Whitireia, at Whangara, which was opened in April, 1939, is, like its neighbour (Waho te Rangi), a memorial to Paikea, but is much larger. Waho te Rangi has a frieze depicting Paikea's journey to New Zealand on the back of a whale; above the gable of Whitireia there is a carved whale, with Paikea astride. Carved figures representing famous ancestors stand along the walls of Whitireia. According to tradition, the original Whitireia stood on Whangara Island, and was erected by Paikea about 600 years ago.
Takitimu, the carved meeting-house at Wairoa which honours the memory of
The Uepohatu Memorial Hall at Ruatoria, which was opened by the Governor-General (
On a rise at Tikitiki (E.C.) stands the most ornate Native church in New Zealand. It was erected as a memorial to the
The Ngati-Kahungunu war memorial meeting-house at Nuhaka was erected by the
Most of the marine casualties which occurred between
Several vessels which were wrecked on Mahia in the very early days were plundered. When the brig Byron went ashore at Table Cape in
New Zealander drifted on to Table Cape. The natives took charge of the wreck and robbed the crew even of their clothes. The U.S. brig Falco, which was driven ashore off Whangawehi, on 26 July, 1845, was plundered by Maoris and pakeha whalers. In February, 1847, the schooner Hotourangi, which was wrecked at Waikokopu, was stripped by Europeans. The schooners Falcon and Post Boy, wrecked on Mahia in March, 1850, were despoiled by a gang of convicts and deserters from ships. Among the large number of wrecks in the vicinity of Mahia in later years, the most serious were: s.s. Tasmania (2,252 tons), off Table Cape, with the loss of 11 lives (29 July, 1897); and s.s. Tongariro (8,073 tons), on Bull Rock, without loss of life (30 August, 1916).
Only vague references to shipping casualties within Queen (Kuini), stranded on bar of Eudora, beached at Muriwai (July, 1851); brig Sisters, driven on to Kaiti Beach at spot where the Star of Canada stranded in 1912 (16 April, 1852); cutter Ben Lomond, stranded near the same spot shortly afterwards; sch. Gem, wrecked on bar of Turanganui River (August, 1865); sch. Agnes, stranded on bar of Turanganui River, and carried over the rocks on to the western side (23 June, 1867); s.s. Pretty Jane, temporarily stranded at mouth of Go Ahead, temporarily stranded at entrance to Turanganui River (2 May, 1877).
Mishaps in Poverty Bay in the 1880's and 1890's included: Barque Lochnagar, which failed to beat out of the bay, was squared away and run on to Waikanae Beach on 26 October, 1880, and was refloated; cutter Wahapu, which was swept out of the Isabella, wrecked off the mouth of the Rio Grande, driven on Waikanae Beach (30 April, 1884); ketch Comet, stranded on bar of Turanganui River in May, 1885, but was got off; cutter Antelope, temporarily stranded on Kaiti Beach (January, 1886); cutter Anna Eliza, blown on to Kaiti rocks on 1 March, 1886, but refloated; s.s. Taupo, stranded on Tuamotu Reef on 28 April, 1886, but was got off; brigantine Aratapu, temporarily ashore on Waikanae Beach (25 July, 1886); sch. Onward, wrecked at mouth of Turanganui River (17 May, 1887); cutter Sir Donald, broke up off Tuahine Point (20 May, 1887); brigantine Clansman, stranded on Waikanae Beach (4 April, 1889); sch. Awaroa, wrecked on Tuamotu Reef (17 June, 1892); ketch Reliance, stranded on Muriwai Beach (29 March, 1893); s.s. Moa, temporarily stranded at mouth of Turanganui River (2 April, 1894); and sch. Spray, went to pieces on Waikanae Beach (23 May, 1895).
The scow Ururoa stranded on Waikanae Beach on 11 August, 1901, but was got off; barque Gladys, laden with wool, went ashore on Kaiti Beach on 31 July, 1903, but was refloated; s.s. Star of Canada (7,280 tons), wrecked on Kaiti Beach (23 June, 1912); s.s. Arahura and s.s. Waimate collided in Huanui, stranded on Waikanae Beach (11 May, 1921) but was refloated; s.s. Koutunui, slightly damaged on reef off Kaiti (9 July, 1946).
Along the East Coast between Martha, holed on a rock 15 miles east of Gable End Foreland, but did not sink (1835); hull of schooner Speculator came ashore between Anaura Bay and Mawhai Point (early in 1842); sch. Gannet, went to pieces on Anaura Beach (31 August, 1843); sch. Mary Ann, stranded on bar of Uawa River, but was refloated and went on to Auckland (June, 1846); Lady Fitzroy Two Brothers and Flying Fish, lost “on East Coast” (July, 1847); sch. Pilot (Kingi Paerata), foundered off Whareponga (22 May, 1852); sch. Children, stranded at Whareponga (October, 1854); sch. Kate Williams, lost after leaving
The ketch Jessie drifted ashore bottom up near Saucy Kate was ashore at Mercury, stranded near Waiapu River mouth (February, 1887); sch. Columbia, last seen off Three Brothers, broke up near Turihaua (30 August, 1888); sch. Louie, believed to have been lost on the Ariel Reef (14 May, 1892); sch. Marmion foundered near Hinemoa drowned
Mawhera, temporarily stranded between East Island and mainland (September, 1899); brigantine Linda Weber, lost after passing
The sch. Haeremai was lost after passing Aotea, capsized off Sir Henry, foundered off Kaeo was refloated off the beach at Orete, on beach at Waiapu, lost both masts off Squall, struck a rock off Horoera and sank (1 February, 1916); s.s. Port Elliot (7,395 tons), wrecked off Horoera (12 January, 1924); s.s. Northumberland, struck a rock off Gable End Foreland (25 January, 1927) and came on to Gisborne; trawler Serfib, abandoned, in a sinking condition, off
Mystery attached to the disappearance of the cutter Wave from Wairoa in 1856. She had been built by some natives for Thaddeus Lewis. In official quarters it was feared that she had been lost on her way to Auckland. Some people believed that Lewis had made off to Valparaiso. An old man, who was known by the name Parker at Samoa, told Mormon missionaries in 1926 that he was the half-caste lad Smith whom Lewis had taken away. They had, he added, settled down there as father and son.
When s.s. Star of the Evening was wrecked at Pouawa in February, 1867, one of the crew swam ashore with a line, but it parted. A sailor, the cook, and a steward failed to reach the shore. The captain and four other members of the crew got ashore. Two passengers, who followed them, were drowned, and another fell off the forestay and also perished. Five sailors, who remained on the wreck, were saved next day. Divers failed to recover £10,000 worth of worn coinage that was on board. In December, 1918, a lad found a worn George III halfcrown dated 1817 on Tatapouri Beach.
Much excitement was caused at Gisborne on 1 November, 1885, when s.s. Wairarapa raced into the roadstead with volumes of smoke issuing from amidships. She had gold worth £50,000 on board. Fire had been discovered in a linen locker when she was 20 miles off Gisborne. All the cushions and movable fittings had been thrown overboard. Hastily, her passengers were landed on Kaiti Beach. The Gisborne Fire Brigade took its manual pump out on a punt and assisted to quell the outbreak. (The Wairarapa was lost, with 121 lives, on
Flying a signal for a doctor, s.s. Manapouri entered
S.s. Tasmania was southward-bound when she was wrecked off Mahia on 29 July, 1897. In dirty, thick weather she had entered
A narrow escape from foundering was experienced by the ship Grace Harwar on 25 December, 1900. En route from Delagoa Bay to Gisborne in ballast, she shipped a big sea off Fanny (16/1/1901) and towed into
With a broken tailshaft, s.s. Taviuni (engaged in the Islands fruit trade) was adrift off the Ariel Reef on 29 August, 1902. One of her boats brought the news to Gisborne. S.s. Mimiro found her by means of rockets. Twice the tow lines parted. When the second hitch occurred the vessels were off Pakarae. As the weather began to thicken, the Mimiro had to put out to sea. The Taviuni dropped anchor for the night five miles from Gable End Foreland. Next morning s.s. Omapere brought her into
Stripped of her main set of sails by fire a fortnight before off Samuel Plimsoll was discovered on 30 September, 1902, near the Ariel Reef with only a small sail on the foremast. She was pursuing a southerly course. The trawler Beatrice failed to catch up on her, and the dredger John Townley, which was also sent out, followed the trawler back into port. Next day s.s.
The yacht Kia Ora (2½ tons), which left Gisborne for London, via Tilikum whilst she was in New Zealand waters. He had confirmed his reputation for derring-do by rowing across the basin of Waimangu Geyser when, at any moment, he and his craft might have been hurled hundreds of feet amid flying rocks and scalding steam. When the Kia Ora was 300 miles south-east of the Chathams, he fell from the rigging and was fatally injured. His companion (G. H. Sowden) brought the craft back to Gisborne.
A violent gale was raging at midnight on 23 June, 1912, when the Star of Canada dragged her anchors in Gisborne roadstead and was driven on to Kaiti Beach. Captain Hart had decided at 10 p.m. to put to sea, but, as the fires had been drawn to enable the boilers to be cleaned, steam could not at once be got up. Another anchor was about to be dropped when the vessel struck. Many of the residents were aroused by the booming of her distress signals, but it was not until H. Amos (of the Post and Telegraph Department) went round and read her morse messages that it became known that she was aground. Daylight revealed that she was well down by the head. The salvage tug Terawhiti, from Wellington, was unable to release her. On 3 July she broke her back and was abandoned to the underwriters. The bridge was bought by
When the s.s. Arahura and the Home liner Waimate collided in Gisborne roadstead at 11 p.m. on 1 March, 1917, both were under way. The Arahura had a large number of passengers for Auckland, and most of them had retired. Some of them, wearing lifebelts, hastily appeared on deck. As a precautionary measure, the boats were swung out. With several feet of water in her engineroom, the Arahura was edged close to the groyne. The Waimate's stem was twisted, and she was holed in her bow above the waterline. Both vessels went on to Auckland after temporary repairs had been made.
A terrible fate befell the master and crew of the American-owned schooner Bertha Dolbeer, en route from
Three fatalities marred the work of salvaging the ketch Huanui, which stranded on Waikanae Beach, opposite Stanley Road, on 11 May, 1921. A boat from the Karoro capsized, and two of its occupants (Captain Martin and a man named Hadfield) were drowned. Captains Anderson, J. Coleman and Crocker, who were on the beach, launched a boat to render assistance, but it also capsized, and Captain Anderson was drowned. Royal Humane Society silver medals were awarded to Captains Coleman and Crocker and the next-of-kin of Captain Anderson.
A bush fire, which was mistaken for the Port Elliot (formerly the Indrabarah) at midnight in a thick fog near Horoera on 12 January, 1924. Her crew of 70, who had taken to the boats and had remained nearby, were picked up by the g.s. Tutanekai, one of several vessels which answered the S.O.S. call.
When s.s. Northumberland struck a rock off the Gable End Foreland on 25 January, 1927, a hole 15 feet long and 2 feet wide was torn in the bilge of No. 2 hold. She developed a pronounced list, but, with a collision, mat adjusted over the aperture, she came on to Gisborne under her own steam, and, after temporary repairs had been made, she went to Auckland.
There was no lack of musical and histrionic talent in
The Gisborne Amateur Operatic Society (formed in 1892) produced: “Iolanthe” (1892), “Rip Van Winkle: (1894), “The Mikado” (1896), “Iolanthe: (1903), “The Gondoliers” (1906), “The Geisha” (1912), “Les Cloches de Corneville” (1913), “San Toy” (1916), “A Country Girl” (1922), “The Toreador” (1923), “Floradora” (1924), “A Runaway Girl” (1925), “Miss Hook of Holland” (1926), “The Arcadians” (1928), “The Belle of
In 1906 the Gisborne Harmonic Society (
Formed in 1916, the R.S.A. Male Choir has had in the role of conductor: J. C. Welby, H. Towsey, G. Crawshaw, T. Birchnall and J. L. South. In 1933 the Gisborne Repertory Society (Incorp.) was established. Miss E. Miller was the producer until 1948. In 1943 the High School Old Students' Little Theatre (Incorp.) was founded. A branch of the British Music Society (sponsored by H. F. Wise in 1946) became the Gisborne Music Society (Incorp.) in March, 1949.
Gisborne's first theatre, the Music Hall (later the Theatre Royal), was built by Captain Read. It stood on the site now occupied by The King's, and was opened in January, 1873. The floor was 7 feet above ground level, so that the windows might be opened without patrons having to put up with annoyance from larrikins outside. It was lighted with three quadrate kerosene burners suspended from the ceiling and bracket lamps on the walls. The first public ball was held there on 23/1/1873.
Gisborne soon became a very popular show town. Due to the enterprise of, in turn, J. R. Scott, S. Stevenson, J. Score,
A sad boating accident marred a visit by an Italian Concert Company on 17 September, 1892. As the visitors were being brought ashore in a launch, a boat containing six lads overturned in the swell on the bar. Some of the men jumped overboard and brought the boys to the launch, but two—sons of John Warren, clerk to Cook County—were found to be beyond human aid. On account of the widespread grief, the concert was poorly attended.
When it became known that bad weather would prevent Madame Patey's Concert Party from getting ashore, some of Gisborne's “young bloods” risked going out to the steamer in the hope that they might make the acquaintance of its members. Eventually, they demanded to see the leading lady, but she would not emerge from her cabin, and they were bundled off. This escapade led to a ban being placed upon the opening of the bar of any Union S.S. Co. vessel whilst it was in Gisborne roadstead.
On account of a strong southerly, the steamer by which Mark Twain journeyed to Gisborne in 1895 could not be detained; he cancelled his lecture. With much interest, however, he watched the tender make a rough passage out to the roadstead to embark a police-escorted prisoner bound for Napier gaol. “What unlawful act could any man possibly have committed to deserve to undergo such an awful ordeal in addition to a
Nothing pleased the early residents—natives as well as pakehas—better than an opportunity to see a circus, no matter how tall the charges. Barlow's, the first circus worthy of the name to visit Gisborne, appeared in October, 1876. The pakehas were placed on one side of the tent and the Maoris on the other. Two clowns strolled in on stilts, and the native side emptied before anybody could say “Jack Robinson!” In order to obtain a visit by Fillis's circus,
Moving pictures were first shown in Gisborne by Cooper and McDermott in July, 1901. The first permanent cinema—“Pathe Pictures”—was opened at His Majesty's Theatre on 12 August, 1909, by W. B. Miller. In November, 1910, Gisborne Amusements Company started a rival cinema at the Garrison Hall, but, a month later, it was taken over by Hayward's Picture Enterprises Ltd., and closed early in 1911. Pictures were presented, for some years, at the Opera House, which was opened on 23 October, 1912. A continuous cinema, “The World's,” was also conducted between 1914 and 1917. When the Palace (now the Regent) was opened in 1916 Gisborne had four cinemas. Everybody's (now the Majestic) was erected, in 1917, and The King's in 1933. Only the Regent, Majestic and The King's have been in the field in more recent years.
New Zealand Holiday and several novels with a New Zealand background.
Miss
Early in 1872 there was a “wood instrument band” at Ormond under Mr. Clements. Some Gisborne bandsmen, who owned their own instruments, assisted an orchestra known as “The Musicale.” The Gisborne Brass Band was formed on 5 April, 1873. Its first conductor was H. M. L. Atcherley, who had been the conductor of the Wairoa Brass Band. Under Thomas Faram, the band became the J Battery Band in December, 1878. When it was re-formed in March, 1886. under S. G. Poppelwell, it was again attached to J. Battery. The title “City Band” was first used in 1888, when Tom Morrison was the conductor. In turn, the band became associated with other military units, and, temporarily, appeared under other designations.
The first contests which the City Band attended were held at Masterton in 1903. At Gisborne, in 1912, A. E. Lawrence led it to victory in B grade. Under C. Chesterton, at Nelson, in 1921, it tied for first place in B grade against stronger competition. In A grade, at Wellington, in 1922, the band, under Mr. Chesterton, was highly praised for its fine performance in the second test piece, in which it was placed second. Life memberships were awarded in 1947 to the following veteran players: W. Harris (39 years), A. Sebire (38 years) and V. Norman (36 years).
When the Whataupoko Band was formed in 1895, under T. Aston, it had only nine members, who practised “under the canopy of the heavens,” but a Fair and Art Union in 1901 enabled it to buy a full set of instruments at a cost of £350. Bands
The Gisborne Military Band was formed in 1931, with R. Wyke as conductor. It was, at the outset, a reed and brass band. In 1939 G. H. Douglas succeeded Mr. Wyke. The Gisborne Home Guard Band was organised in 1941 from the Military Band to furnish music for the Home Defence units. Mr. Douglas accepted the conductorship in an honorary capacity. There are also two pipe bands in Gisborne—the Poverty Bay Pipe Band (incorporated in 1940) and the Gisborne Highland Pipe Band (incorporated in 1946).
A Drum and Fife Band, established in connection with Cook County Rifles, made its first public appearance at Ormond in February, 1886.
Established in 1886, the Gisborne Salvation Army Band has proved a valuable local institution, as well as a useful adjunct to its parent organisation. Its nucleus consisted of only two instrumentalists—Bro. Tremain (cornet) and Bro. Stuckey (drum).
The first report on a route to link Gisborne with the main system of railways was made by C. B. Knorff (an inspecting engineer) in 1886. He sketched a line starting at Napier and proceeding, via Mohaka (but avoiding Wairoa), to Opoiti, and thence through Mangapoike and
A “Battle of the Railway Routes”—a struggle which lasted for many years—now began. Further exploratory surveys followed the establishment of the East Coast Railway League in April, 1897. J. Stewart, of Auckland, mapped out two routes between Gisborne and Rotorua—one, via the Urewera Country, and the other, via Opotiki. Recommending the latter, he held that it presented “no engineering difficulties whatever.” When discontent arose in 1899 because only £2,000 had been voted by the Government for the section between Gisborne and Motu, the
On 14 January, 1900—a red-letter day for
The line was completed as far as Motuhora (49 miles) in November, 1917, and, then, work was discontinued. In 1938 there seemed every prospect that steps would be taken at once to rail the gap between Motuhora and Taneatua. It was announced by the
In April, 1911, work was begun at the Gisborne end of what became known as the “inland” line to link up at Wairoa with a line that was about to be built from Napier. By the close of 1914 the rails had been laid to Ngatapa, and, in 1915, the
On behalf of the Massey Government, Mr. Coates (Minister for Public Works) then announced that, as it would be many years before Gisborne and Napier could be linked by rail, it had been decided to effect substantial road improvements “to provide at least one sure avenue of communication between
A Railways Board, set up by the Forbes Government in 1930, decided that a line between Napier and Gisborne “would not pay for the axle grease,” and work was stopped on the Gisborne-Waikokopu section in January, 1931, and on the Napier-Wairoa section in October, 1931. Up till 31 March, 1931, £3,713,180 had been spent on construction work between Napier and Gisborne (inclusive of the Ngatapa and Waikokopu lines). When the “close down” order was issued a start was about to be made on the tunnels at the Gisborne end, and the only major work which required to be carried out south of Wairoa was the Mohaka viaduct, which had been scheduled to be completed in eight months.
Not until 1934 was an official hint given that the question whether work on the line should be resumed was about to be considered. [Since September, 1931, a Coalition Liberal-Reform Government had been in office, with Mr. Forbes as Prime Minister and Mr. Coates as Minister of Public Works.] On the eve of the General Election in 1935 the Labour Party promised that, if it gained the Treasury Benches, work on the line (and on two in the
By June, 1937, the Mohaka viaduct (908 feet long and standing 312 feet above the creek bed) was finished, and, two months later, the line between Napier and Wairoa was ready for use by a goods-train service. A cloudburst on 19–20 February, 1938, led to the deaths, by drowning, of a score of workers at Kopuawhara, and wrought grave damage both at the Gisborne end and the Napier end of the line. Further damage was inflicted by floods in April and May. The line from Napier to Waikokopu
How timely the completion of the line proved was indicated by the
The major works between Gisborne and Waikokopu included three long tunnels—Waiau-Tikiwhata (3,278 yards), Coast (1,016 yards) and Waikoura (1,544 yards), and ten smaller tunnels, aggregating 1,015 yards. As the country to be pierced was of stable sandstone, it warranted the adoption of the “American,” or “arched,” system of timbering, which had not previously been used in New Zealand in the construction of single-track tunnels. Electrically-operated muck-scrapers loaded up to 95 per cent. of the spoil into trucks without manual effort. The concrete lining was placed in position by electrically-driven pumps.
The Waipaoa River bridge, which consists of six 30-feet and nine 60-feet steel spans, was the first in New Zealand to be provided with a tetrahedral apron of 32 ton blocks. It was required for the protection of the northern bank of the river, and is similar to those used in the Mississippi River protection works. Twenty-two bridges had to be erected between Waikokopu and Gisborne. One of the four structures over the Waiau Stream has the longest reinforced concrete arch-span (180 feet) in a railway bridge in the Dominion. The bed of the stream had to be lowered and widened, involving the removal of 75,000 cubic yards of papa and boulders in water.
Poverty Bay Standard.—Est. 5 October, 1872, as a weekly, price 6d., by Henry Edwin Webb; bi-weekly, 1/1/1873, 3d.; tri-weekly, 10/1/1874, 2d. It was resuscitated as the Gisborne Standard on 26/4/1880, by C. H. Webb and J. Mogridge. In November, 1883, Captain Porter and A. W. Croft became the owners, and changed the title to the Telephone. The Gisborne Standard reappeared in 1886, and, in 1892, it was styled the New Zealand Standard and Cook County Gazette.
Poverty Bay Herald (now the Gisborne Herald).—Est. 5 January, 1874, as a biweekly morning journal by Dinwiddie, Morrison, Carlile and Grigg, of Napier, who traded in Gisborne under the style of Carlile and Co. On 14/9/1877 the business was taken over by the Poverty Bay Printing and Publishing Co., and the Herald was changed to an evening journal. It became a tri-weekly in June, 1878, and a daily in October, 1878. In December, 1879, it became the property of
Wairoa Free Press.—Est. 12 May, 1877, by Wairoa Guardian in 1880.
Te Waka Maori o Nui Tirani.—Est. on 21 August, 1878, by Grindell and Gannon.
Facts.—Est. on 13 July, 1883, and published for Captain Kerr by Webb and Mogridge: copies until 17 August, 1883, are in the
The Telèphone.—Est. in November, 1883, by Captain Porter and A. W. Croft; ceased publication in March, 1885.
Takitimu.—Est. in the 1880's; a 4 pp. Maori newspaper; printers, Webb and Mogridge; editor,
Te Waka Maori o Aotearoa.—Est. 29 February, 1884; printers, Porter and Croft.
Poverty Bay Independent.—Est. 7 March, 1885, by John Baldwin, as a tri-weekly morning journal; ceased publication in September, 1886.
Gisborne Star.—Est. 1894; it had only a brief career.
The Telephone (a weekly, and the second newspaper in Gisborne to bear that title).—Est. 6 July, 1895, by Jones and Steele. (Incorporated in the Gisborne Times.)
Te Pipiwharauroa.—Printed at Nelson, March, 1898-October, 1899; then by Te Rau Press (
Gisborne Times.—Established as a morning journal on 2 January, 1901, by Jones Slack and Gaudin. In 1907 it was taken over by the Gisborne Times Co. Ltd. The business became the property of the Gisborne Publishing Co. Ltd. in August, 1910, and was conducted by The Times, and, in 1938, sold the publishing rights to the Gisborne Herald Co. Ltd.
East Coast Mail.—Est. at Wairoa in September, 1907; ceased publication on 3 January, 1909, when the premises were destroyed by fire.
East Coast Watch and Waiapu County Gasette.—Est. at East Coast Press.
Wairoa Star.—Est. in 1922.
Te Rau Press.—Est. on 4 October, 1924; a weekly, published in Gisborne. A Maori journal of like name was published in the 1890's.
Gisborne Courier (November, 1935, till October, 1936).—A weekly, printed outside the district.
Comerang, Beautiful Star and Pacific. He was harbourmaster at Gisborne from 1875 till 1886, and then became district agent for the Public Trustee. For 15 years he was chairman of directors of the Gisborne Gas Co. Ltd. He died on 4 May, 1911. Walter H. Chrisp (a son) served on the staff of the Herald from 1885 till 1944, occupying the position of secretary from 1908 till he retired.
Independent (Wellington) in 1845. He was trained on the Independent, and then became foreman of the New Zealand Mail. In 1876 he took up fruit farming at Richmond, and, in 1883, settled in Gisborne. He died on 10 April, 1914. Allan Leonard Muir (one of his sons), who died on 3 October, 1935, was editor of the Herald for nearly 40 years.
New Zealander, Evening News and New Zealand Herald. He joined the staff of the Daily Telegraph (Napier) in 1877, and, two years later, became foreman of the Poverty Bay Herald. In 1898 he went into business as a bookseller and printer. He was a director of the Gisborne Gas Company Ltd. for 45 years. He died on 5 August, 1940.
Druids: Turanganui Lodge, No. 7, with F. Cassin as A.D., was opened at Gisborne on 17 June, 1884, a Royal Arch Chapter in February, 1926, and a juvenile lodge on 12 October, 1946. By 1909 the men's lodge had 400 members, and held securities valued at £5,000. For many years the Druids' ball was a popular annual function. M. W. Craig, P.S., appointed secretary in 1909, retired in 1949.
Foresters: Court William Gladstone, No. 6036 (Alfred Walker, first C.R.), was opened at Gisborne on 30 January, 1877. a ladies' lodge, Court Townley, No. 8292, on 6 September, 1895, and a juvenile lodge, Court Jellicoe, on 18 November, 1924.
Freemasonry: Turanganui, No. 1480, E.C., was established at Gisborne in June, 1874, Nesbitt Lodge on 7 March, 1879, Lodge Montrose, No. 722, S.C., 10/10/1885 (when 10 candidates were initiated), Abercorn Lodge, No. 76, N.Z.C. (initially No. 472, I.C.), on 18 September, 1886, and Gisborne, No. 233, N.Z.C., on 24 February,
Good Templars: Pioneer Lodge (sponsored by the
Hibernian Society: St. Peter's branch (with M. Jennings as president) was established at Gisborne on 2 October, 1875, and St. Patrick's (Father Mulvihill, president) on 25 March, 1902.
Oddfellowship, M.U.: Loyal Gisborne Lodge, No. 6087 (sponsored by John Warren, P.G., and with W. H. Steele as N.G.), was opened in Gisborne on 28 October, 1874. A juvenile lodge was established in 1894. Sister A. D. Ambridge was the first sister to pass through the chairs. A Past Grands' Lodge was opened in October, 1939, and the Charles Ambridge Juvenile Lodge on 27 October, 1945. The secretaryship was held by Charles H. Ambridge for 53 years. He died on 1 January, 1944.
Oddfellowship (I.O.O.F., N.Z.): Star of Gisborne Lodge, No. 61, was constituted at Gisborne in 1901, with
Loyal Orange Lodge.—The men's lodge at Gisborne (formed in the early 1880's) was the largest in the Order in New Zealand outside the cities in 1918. A women's Lodge, Queen Mary, No. 21, and lodges for boys and girls were also formed. In 1946 the Orange Hall at Gisborne (built in 1929) was sold, and the lodge ceased to function as actively as hitherto.
Rechabites (Independent Order of, S.U.): Gisborne Tent, No. 54 (Canon Webb, sponsor), was opened in August, 1892, a female branch, Star of New Zealand Tent, No. 6, on 17 July, 1901, and a juvenile lodge, Ballance Tent, No. 12, on 12 May, 1896.
Gisborne: Its Birth and Growth—Nucleus Bought for £2,000—Town Named after Hon. W. Gisborne—Early Sales of Allotments —Area of Borough in 1949: 3,324 Acres.
The site of the town of Gisborne belonged conjointly to the Rongowhakaata and T'Aitanga-a-Mahaki tribes. In March, 1868, the nucleus (741 acres) was bought by the Crown. It was bounded on the east by the Turanganui River, on the north by the Taruheru River, on the west by a line which, to-day, marks Lytton Road, and, on the seaward side, by an irregular line along the edge of Waikanae swamp. As the chiefs feared that
A fresh agreement was made on 9 August, 1869, between
The block was surveyed by Alexander Munro (a nephew of Sir D. Munro). He was assisted by The London Illustrated News). The township was named Gisborne in honour of the
Miller's Corner was given to Herald site. Plenty of good sections were available at low prices in June, 1874. The Opera House site was then priced at only £23, the Power Board office site at £22, and Townley's Corner at £29. In 1875 Captain Read offered
The European population of Gisborne in 1874 was 554. By 1886 it had grown to 2,194. In 1906 there were 5664 European residents in the town, which then included Kaiti and Whataupoko. For 1926 the figures (including Mangapapa and Outer Kaiti) were: Europeans, 12,848; natives, 282. The 1945 census showed: Europeans, 14,052; natives, 713. Within the “Gisborne urban area,” which comprises the borough and portions of Cook County regarded as suburban to Gisborne, the 1945 aggregate was 16,984 (inclusive of 873 natives), plus 3 per cent. as an allowance for residents absent on war activities. In 1948 the estimated population of the combined area was 18,500.
The area of Gisborne in 1949 was 3,324 acres. In 1876 Waikanae had been added. Kaiti (valued at a shade over £11 per acre in 1885) and Whataupoko joined in 1904. They were followed in 1924 by the more populous portions of Mangapapa and Outer Kaiti. Mangapapa had become a town district on 8 May, 1914, when its population was 1,200, and its capital value £192,763. W. J. McCliskie was chairman, and H. E. Hill the clerk. The merger poll was carried with only 12 votes to spare.
The capital value of all rateable property within the borough in 1877 was £150,802. By 1908 the figure had risen to £1,001,176, in 1917 to £2,314,5001 and in 1927 to £5,657,019. On account of the world-wide depression, values had then to be reduced, and, in 1946, the valuations were: Unimproved, £1,136,997; improvements, £3,259,050; capital value, £4,396,047. The net capital value in 1949 was £6,899,437.
Borough rates for 1877–8 (six months only) came to £669. In 1922 the figures were: General rates, £20,990; special, £24,871; total, £45,861. The aggregate for 1948–9 was £83,557 (including general £34,029; special rates, £34,925; hospital rate, £9,239; Catchment Board rate, £2,368).
The borough debt at 31 March, 1915, stood at £354,349. On 31 March, 1949, the net aggregate was £484,500. Most of the borrowing took place between 1905 and 1926—£255,000 between 1905 and 1914, and £325,000 between 1914 and 1926.
Rulers and Statesmen of New Zealand, and in 1889 The Colony of New Zealand. He died on 7 January, 1898.
When the provincial system of government was inaugurated in 1853
For the year 1870–1 only £99 was collected in rates. The General Government provided a subsidy of £82. A rate estimated to yield £500 was struck for 1871–2. In October, 1872, when the treasury was empty, Captain Read earned the board's grateful thanks by making a temporary advance at 10 per cent. interest. No cost attached to the annual election. Each year a meeting of the ratepayers was convened. The chairman reviewed the work done during the previous 12 months. Any ratepayer was at liberty to ask questions. Nominations were then called for five
Details of the European population on 1 March, 1874, are as follows: Kawakawa: 9 males and 3 females; total, 12. Waiapu: 13 males and 7 females; total, 20. Gisborne: 318 males and 236 females; total, 554. Ormond: 154 males and 97 females; total, 251. Other localities: 254 males and 110 females; total, 364. Grand total, 1,201. The large population at Ormond is accounted for by the fact that it was headquarters of the Armed Constabulary. Named after the
The General Government met the cost of the formation of the main highways. In 1872 the Gisborne to Ormond Road (estimated cost, £5,200) was begun. Much of the work at the Ormond end was carried out by the Armed Constabulary. No provision was made for metalling. A start was then made to build a road from Makaraka to Te Arai (estimated cost, £1,500). In 1873, the Highways Board received a grant of £680 to maintain these roads, the work being restricted to throwing the mud out of the watertables on to the crown of the road. L. and F. Simpson secured a contract in 1872 to cut a bridle track from Ormond to Opotiki. Only resident native labour could be employed. Some of the cuttings on the northern section had to be hewn through solid rock.
Early in 1873 the work of making a bridle track from Gisborne to Hicks Bay was let to the natives in 35 sections.
So much discontent arose over what was described as “the shabby treatment” which the Auckland Provincial Council had meted out to
As a sequel to the complaint, a seat for
The privately-owned ferries were taken over by the Highways Board in 1872. They included a boat ferry on the Taranganui River, a punt at
Gisborne was incorporated as a borough under a proclamation issued on 12 May, 1877, by the Marquis of Normanby.
The Council lost no time in providing a punt for the Turanganui River. It brought in a rental of £100 per annum. The scale of charges which the first licensee (H. Brownlow) had to abide by was as under: Foot passengers, 3d. each way; a man and a horse, 2/-; a four-wheel trap and one horse, 2/6; ditto, with two horses, 3/6; dray and two bullocks, 2/6, with a further charge of 1/- for each additional pair in yoke; sheep, up to 20, 3d. each; cattle, goats and pigs, 3d. each; horses, 6d; foals and calves, free; goods per ton measurement, 1/6, but if they had to be loaded or unloaded by the ferryman, 3/6 per ton. Double rates were levied between sunset and 6 a.m.
Many of the residents probably did not welcome the appointment of Thomas Faram as inspector of nuisances. In April, 1878, he stressed the primitive conditions in which some of them were living. “It would,” he reported, “hardly be credited were I to specify the wretchedly dirty state of some of the premises, and I can only express my astonishment that, impregnated as the atmosphere is by such noisome and offensive smells, there has not been some great sickness during the present dry season. There are places much too dirty for pigs to live in …” Another bugbear which troubled this conscientious official was the fire hazard. He strongly
On 17 June, 1878, it was decided, by 100 votes to 5, to borrow £10,000 for ten years at 6 per cent., with a sinking fund of 7 per cent. per annum, mainly to meet the cost of metalling Gladstone Road. During the lengthy interval that elapsed before the loan money became available but little work could be undertaken. When a new footpath was made, or an old one repaired, half the cost had to be met by the owners of the frontages. Under by-laws enacted in 1879, the outer walls (except the front wall) of every new structure in Gladstone Road were required to be constructed of brick, concrete or corrugated iron. No new premises in the main street could be roofed with shingles, and all new chimneys had to be built either in brick or stone. An earth closet had to be provided at every home.
The task of providing Gisborne with good streets baffled its civic rulers for over half a century. First-class metal in large deposits was not available in handy positions, and the surface of the business area was composed mostly of sand and silt. A contract for formation work in Gladstone Road was let in May, 1874, by the Highways Board. Papa transported in punts from Kaiti Beach was used for foundations, and shingle from the “island” in the Waimata River for surfacing. During the wet winter of 1875 the papa turned to mud and most of the shingle disappeared. Crossings were then made with flat stones obtained from Tuamotu Island. In Upper Gladstone Road fascines were laid down. During the winter of 1876 a wagon had to be dug out at a spot just above the Royal Hotel.
Trees, chiefly poplars, were planted by the borough authorities along the sides of Gladstone Road in 1878. It was believed that they would assist to lessen the dust nuisance, besides affording shade, in summer, for horses tied to the hitching posts which stood in front of shops. The residents were also encouraged to plant trees, other than willows, in front of their premises. Many visitors regarded the stately rows as an attractive adjunct. Only very reluctantly did the council allow the Post and Telegraph Department in 1886 to trim some of the trees which interfered with its lines. In 1897, as many of the trees were proving a nuisance, a start was made to remove them.
The loan moneys authorised in June, 1878, became available in October, 1880, through the good offices of
In the middle 1880's, spawls from Waihirere were obtained for road foundations. Within two years, however, the deposit could no longer be profitably worked. Stone from other localities was tried, but only a small proportion proved of fair quality. A horse-drawn mud-scraper had to be procured in 1902. Only very limited supplies of Patutahi stone could be spared by Cook County, and, for some years, the borough had to rely mainly upon Kaiteratahi gravel.
A quarry at Gentle Annie was opened by the borough in 1911. It was
When W. Douglas Lysnar became the leader of the council in 1908 a new phase of borough politics began. A majority of the members were prepared to support his ambitious plans through thick and thin. The minority formed themselves into an organised opposition. Mr. Lysnar's followers were faithful to a degree. On one occasion, when a division was being taken, one of them was found to have dozed off. He was awakened and asked to indicate how he wished his vote to be recorded. Naively, he replied: “The same way as Mr. Lysnar!” Many of the meetings were very lively, and some of them lasted till daylight.
Loan proposals brought down in December, 1909, totalled £175,000. They included: Sewerage, £60,500; tram system, £25,000; electric power plant, £16,142; and street improvements, £35,000. The ratepayers were permitted to vote only for or against the issues as a whole, and the poll resulted: For, 861 votes; against, 279. Mr. Lysnar went to London and raised the loan at 4 per cent. for 30 years. To cover his expenses he received a much-debated grant of £800. It proved unfortunate that a sinking fund of only ½ per cent. was adopted. When the loan fell due in 1940 only £63,955 had accumulated. What made matters worse was that the exchange rate on London then stood at 25 per cent. A fresh loan of £151,800 was needed, in addition to the sinking fund, to repay the old loan.
By the end of 1946 there were 54.3 miles of formed legal roads and 5.5 miles of unformed legal roads in the borough. The length of bitumen matrix and/or concrete roads was then 9.7 miles. There were also 14 miles of bitumen or tar-sealed roads. Roads that were only metalled or gravelled aggregated 29.5 miles. Footpaths permanently sealed ran into 25.36 miles, and the extent of kerbing and channelling was 11.25 miles. Bridges of 25 feet in length and over numbered 11, with an aggregate length of 2,454 feet.
Gisborne's misfortune in not being blessed with a plentiful, nearby supply of water for domestic purposes was first noted by Captain Cook. A spring near the site now occupied by the
The contract in connection with the
To augment the supply a pipeline was laid, in 1917, from the Mangapoike stream over the watershed to the
Upon the advice of a consulting engineer, a start was made to construct a 6,000-foot tunnel to allow the water from the dam to be led direct into the
So desperate did the supply position become during the drought early in 1946 that the need to draw water from the
Laid down in 1907, the 15-inch main from the
Gisborne is the only town in New Zealand in which the storage-battery system of tramways was tried. Whilst W. D. Lysnar (the mayor) was in the United States of America in 1910, he consulted Thomas Edison (the eminent inventor), and, upon his return home, two of the novel trams were ordered. The system was inaugurated on 16 April, 1913. For ten years the only line ran along Gladstone Road from the Post Office to Stanley Road (176 chains). A third tram was bought in 1917 and a fourth in 1919. On 24 November, 1923, a line through Whataupoko, via Ormond Road (111 chains) was opened. The capital expenditure had then reached £57,000, and the system had shown a loss each year.
It was decided in September, 1925, by 1,054 votes to 902, and in November, 1926, by 1,187 votes to 959, that the system should be “scrapped,” but, in turn, these polls were upset. Before a third poll could be held the borough was required by a Compensation Court to take over four motor buses from L. H. Coham and pay him £2,059, on the ground that his service was in substantial competition with a borough passenger service. Both bus and tram services were then operated under municipal control.
Intersected by the Turanganui River and its two large outspreading arms—the Taruheru River and the Waimata River—and also by Waikanae Creek, Gisborne, which is divided into four areas, is already served by eleven bridges (exclsive of the harbour bridge). Neither the Peel Steet bridge (opened on 24/11/1923) nor the Galdstone Road bridge (openeed on 26/3/1925) is surpassed in appearance or in strength by any bridge of similar size elsewhere in the Dominion.
The first bridge over the Taruheru River at Peel Street was built by the New Zealand Land Settlement Company (in which
The first building boom in Gisborne was experienced in the 1870's. There was another very busy period in the early and middle 1920's. In 1921 permits to the amount of £153,834 were issued. During the world depression (1929–33) building fell off to a very low level. Only £16,000 worth of work was carried out in 1931. Another boom began at the close of the Second World War. In 1945–46 the permits aggregated £146,000; 1946–47, £281,000; 1947–48, £215,797; and 1948–49, £215,446. The average cost of private dwellings in Gisborne has varied as under: 1912–13, £420; 1024–25, £979; 1932–33 (depression period), £502; 1944–45, £1,340; and 1948–49, £1,703. No figures have been released concerning the cost of building State houses in the town.
Some very close mayoral contests have been held in Gisborne. In 1880
A by-election for councillor in October, 1888, resulted in each of the three candidates—W. L. File, J. Ponsford and A. Taylor—receiving 130 votes. In a by-election in May, 1910, T. J. Jackson (758 votes) beat Georgd Smith (757). Alfred Ledger, a candidate for a seat on the council in 1886, advertised that he had received a requisition to stand from: “James Honesty,” “John Truth,” “Edward Butcher,” “Fred. Draper,” and so on. Only 11 of the 408 voters supported the humorist, whose tally still stands as a record low polling figure. Among seven candidates for two vacancies on the council in September, 1911, was Wong King, a Chinese market gardener. He stated afterwards that, when he signed the nomination paper, he was under the impression that he was nominating his proposers! With 134 votes he came lowest on the poll.
The first half-holiday poll held in Gisborne (April, 1921) resulted: Saturday, 1,476 votes; Thursday, 1,475. There was a margin of only 60 votes in favour of the erection of the Peel Street ferro-concrete bridge, and the Galdstone Road bridge proposal was carried with only 15 votes to spare.
Since the incorporation of the Borough of Gisborne in 1877 only 18 residents have occupied the position of “Chief Magistrate.” The record in respect of greatest length of service was held by
W. F. Crawford , 1877–78;T. W. Porter , 1878–81; C. D. Bennett, 1881–82; E. K. Brown, 1882–83;T. W. Porter , 1883–84; C. A. de Lautour, 1884–85;A. McDonald , part 1885–86; H. Lewis, part 1885–86;T. W. Porter , 1886–87;W. H. Tucker , 1887–89; C. A. de Lautour, 1889–90;J. Townley , 1890–1908;W. Douglas Lysnar 1908–11;W. Pettie , 1911–13; J. R. Kirk, 19131–14;W. G. Sherratt , 1914–19;G. T. Wildish , 1919–27; C. E. Armstrong, part 1927–28; J. Blair, part, 1927–28;D. W. Coleman , 1928–33; J. Jackson, 1933–35;D. W. Coleman , 1935–41; N. H. Bull, 1941–.
Mount Ida Chronicle. He served as mayor of Naseby, was a member of the first Education Board of Otago, represented Mount Ida on the Otago Provincial Council (1874–6), and was M.H.R. for Mount Ida (1876–84). Moving to the North Island, he unsuccessfully contested the Newton and Waiapu seats. He was mayor of Gisborne for two terms, served on the Harbour Board, Hospital Board and High School Board, and, for 20 years, was chairman of directors of the Gisborne S.F.M. and M. Co. Ltd. He died in December, 1930.
Hillgrove Times (N.S.W.). He died in August, 1929.
Borough engineers:J. Drummond , 1877–88; R. J. Reynolds, 1883–86;J. Drummond , 1886–1900 (as required);G. J. Winter , 1900–06 (as required); E. Harvey Gibbon, 1906–07; A. J. Paterson, 1910–13; W. T. Mansfield, 1913–15; de Gennes Fraser, 1916–17; A. Slinger, 1917–18;J. A. MacDonald , 1919–23; J. G. Alexander, 1923–24; A. Young, 1924–30; G. Darton, 1930–32; E. Thomas, 1932–42; G. H. Clapcott, 1942–46, and consulting engineer, 1946–; G. M. Beaumont, 1946–.
Town Clerks: C. D. Bennett, 1877–78; Bedford Sherriff, 1878–82; John Bourke, 1882–91; R. D. B. Robinson, 1891–1933;W. M. Jenkins , M.B.E., 1933–.
When Cook County was established in 1876 it comprised the areas which, to-day, form the counties of Cook, Waikohu, Uawa, Waiapu and Matakaoa, and it extended from
The county's first set of estimates (16 March, 1877) anticipated receipts totalling £3,541, the main items being: Rates, £1,541; Government subsidy, £500; and publicans' licence fees, £800. Roads proclaimed main roads were: Gisborne-Opotiki, East Coast and Gisborne-Wairoa (inland)—all to the boundaries of the old Highways District. A Public Works vote of £1,750 was received in April, 1877, and a schedule of road works, was drawn up as follows: Gisborne Borough to Makaraka, £200; Makaraka to King's Road, £300; King's Road-a-Hika, £250 Waerenga-a-Hika to Ormond, £250; road and approaches to proposed bridge over
Towards the close of 1877 the council opened up the stone deposit at Waihirere, and laid down a tramline. At the outset the trucks were drawn by a small engine, which was driven by Fred Benson, with whom Bill Watt was associated as fireman. A larger engine was afterwards obtained, but it played havoc with the line. In the end, horses had to be employed. Waihirere stone was used for the foundations of the road betwen Makaraka and Ormond, and it has stood up to a constant stream of traffic. A lot of stone from the quarry also went into the foundations of Gisborne's main thoroughfare. When the quarry began to fail in 1885 another was opened up in the Patutahi district. This quarry proved a valuable source of supply, and is still (1949) being drawn upon. Supplementary supplies have, for some years, been obtained from Waerenga-o-Kuri.
During the winter of 1878 J. E. Hills considered himself lucky that
According to the census taken in 1878, there were 1,541 European residents within the original boundaries of Cook County—Waiapu Riding, 109;
1906: Cook County, 7,173; Waiapu County, 858; total, 8,031.
1926: Matakaoa, 539; Waiapu, 1,809; Uawa, 1,074; Waikohu, 2,604;Te Karaka T.D., 321; Cook County, 5,495; Patutahi T.D., 283; total, 12,125.
1945: Matakaoa, 303; Waiapu, 1,641; Uawa, 749; Waikohu, 1,912;Te Karaka T.D., 262; Cook County, 5,247; Patutahi T.D., 203; total, 10,317, plus 3 per cent, to represent residents out of the district on war service.
The Maori population within the area originally occupied by Cook County has more than doubled in less than 40 years, whereas the European population during the same period has increased not much above 25 percent, and was, in 1945, much below the 1926 figure. Maori census figures:
1906: Waiapu, 2,611; Cook County, approximately 1,500; total, 4,111.
1926: Matakaoa, 963; Waiapu, 3,292; Uawa, 592; Waikohu, 536; Cook, 940; total, 6,323.
1945: Matakaoa, 1,547; Waiapu, 4,341; Uawa, 754; Waikohu, 1,028: Cook, 1,468; total, 9,138, plus 3 per cent. as an allowance in respect of native residents absent on war activities.
On 28 March, 1886, the native population of Gisborne and Cook County (as originally constituted) was 3,739.
In 1906 the combined European and Maori populations in the area which originally formed Cook County was 12,141; in 1926, 18,448; and in 1945, 19,455, plus 3 per cent.
In August, 1885, the ratepayers of Waimata, Tolaga and Waiapu Ridings decided to petition the Government to form their areas into a separate county. They complained that, during the previous six years, £29,578 had been spent in the Gisborne, Te Arai and Waikohu Ridings and only £5,149 in their ridings. The rateable value of, and number of electors in, each of the ridings then was: Gisborne, £226,330, 182 electors, with an aggregate of 280 votes;
As the council never had much money to expend on works not listed on its schedule, many early deputations had to return home empty-handed. In 1902 some coastal ratepayers were so sore when their request for road works was declined that they failed to smile when Captain Tucker rebuked them with the facetious remark: “What more should you require? You already have a road (he was alluding to the beach) which is washed twice a day by the Creator!” When Rua, the Maori” prophet,” applied in 1908 for better access to his settlement at Maungapohatu, he was told that he would have to provide £150 towards the cost.
The need for the adoption of roadmaking methods which would produce more durable results was stressed by Mr. Keane (the county overseer) in 1919. He pointed out that only a few of the roads had lasted even a third of the term of 36 years relating to the loans which had been raised to construct them. His estimate of the cost of improving the Gisborne-Morere, Gisborne-Kaiteratahi, Gisborne-Hangaroa, Gisborne-Mangapoike and Gisborne-Waimata roads was: Metalling only, £114,100; metalling and tar-sealing, £257,300; and, for concrete, £405,200. Early in 1920 the council sent him to the United States of America to study the latest methods of roadmaking and to inspect the newest types of plant.
A proposal to borrow £150,000 for road and bridge works was rejected in 1923 by 910 votes to 665. However, in 1924, the ratepayers agreed, by 1,016 votes to 181, that £153,000 should be raised. On the occasion of the first poll, ratepayers were allowed to vote in respect of each of their holdings, and some of them exercised as many as 10 votes. No ratepayer was permitted to cast more than three votes in the case of the second poll. With the aid of grants made by the Main Highways Board the county highways were soon greatly improved.
The capital value of the undivided county in 1877 was £343,385, in 1900 (after Waiapu and Matakaoa had seceded) it was £2,581,000, in 1939 (after Waikohu and Uawa had also hived off) £5,294,358, and in 1949 £6,895,361, (net).
Area of the county (1947), 791 square miles. Rateable properties, 3,033. Ratepayers, 2,085. Debt (1949), £171,660. Sinking funds, £17,593. Population (including Patutahi T.D.) in 1945, 6,918. Roads: Bituminous or cement concrete, 0.01 miles; bitumen or tar surfaced, 89.25 miles; metal or gravel, 291.85 miles; formed but not paved, 80.9 miles; bridle tracks, 28.5 miles, and unformed legal roads, 129 miles. Bridges: Concrete or stone, 10 (aggregating 985 feet); steel and concrete, 4 (710 feet); steel, concrete and timber, 8 (690 feet); hardwood, 50 (5,010 feet); native timbers, 8 (780 feet).
Administrators: Chairmen—
County Clerks:
Engineers:
The Waiapu County, which then included the area which became Matakaoa County, was formed in 1890. Its first council comprised: E. H. Henderson, W. Milner, A. H. Wallis, Travers, Connolly and White. At a meeting at Port Awanui on 27/12/1890 Mr. Henderson was elected chairman.
In March, 1874, there were only 32 European residents on the East Coast above Uawa—9 males and 3 females in the
The Guide to Travellers section of the Poverty Bay Almanac for 1884 contained a warning to visitors to Waiapu not to attempt to pass round headlands where there was no track. Mention is made of a track from Poverty Bay Independent praised the development work which was being undertaken by
It was not until 1894 that steps were taken to effect appreciable improvements to the old native track leading north from
Floods have, on several occasions, done considerable damage to roads and bridges. The greatest setback was suffered in May, 1916, when the overall damage was estimated at £30,000. Both the Tikitiki bridge (opened in February, 1914) and the Rotokautuku bridge (then only recently erected) were damaged. The Tikitiki bridge was again extensively damaged in February, 1917. A further flood in March, 1918, swept away four of the spans, and the site was abandoned.
Phenomenal rains at
In the heyday of development on the East Coast shipping was a very important industry. All inward goods and outward produce had to be “surfed” at
The pattern of a large section of the East Coast was completely altered by the diversion of traffic from the coastline to the inland route. For many years Port Awanui had three hotels, a courthouse, police station,
Tokomaru Harbour Board is the only harbour board in New Zealand that has never levied a harbour rate. In 1911 it built a wharf at a cost of £10,000, and, in 1914, made substantial improvements. [A jetty had been built at Te Ariuri in 1906. Mr. McCracken (who carried out the work) used large manuka trunks obtained from “Mangaroa” for piles. A wool store was then erected and a dumping plant installed.] In 1925 some rocks were removed, enabling vessels drawing up to 11 feet 6 inches to berth. Two years later the board bought the New Zealand Shipping Co.'s brick wool sheds, etc., for £13,000. A new wharf and approach were built in 1940 at a cost of £28,300. The port's busiest years were from 1913 till 1916, when 400 vessels (aggregate tonnage, about 400,000) were handled annually. As in the case of other small ports, it suffered a heavy decline in business when—during the Second World War—it was excluded from the itineraries of Home vessels.
Harbour Board Chairmen:
A severe outbreak of typhoid fever, which necessitated the establishment of a temporary camp at Ruatoria, led to the erection of a small hospital in 1907 at
County Chairmen: E. H. Henderson, 1890–91; A. H. Wallis, 1891–02; T. E. Sherwood, 1902–03; A. B. Williams, 1903–09;
From 1890 till 1893 the county offices were at Tuparoa, from 1893 till 1930 at
There were several “gold rushes” in the Waiapu in the early days. In 1874 about 100 natives went prospecting on and around Beautiful Star, claimed to have met, on the East Coast, a native who had a few ounces of gold. He and a mate named Hill found a lot of mundic on the
Upon his retirement in 1946, after fifty years' service as a contractor and/or employee of Waiapu County, Charles H, McCracken was presented with a special letter of appreciation and a substantial gratuity.
Uawa County (constituted on 10 December, 1918) had made two earlier attempts to break away from Cook County—in 1885, in conjunction with Waimata and Waiapu, and, in 1909, when it was proposed to establish a separate county under the name “Takirau County.” Although many of its ratepayers had complained bitterly of lack of roads and bridges, a proposal to raise £25,000 for such works was rejected in October, 1910, but only by the slender margin of 3 2/3 votes below the required three-fifths majority. The first council comprised: C. E. Smith, J. A. Moore and
During the pioneering days a flat-bottomed boat was used to convey passengers across the Uawa River. Station cattle en route to Gisborne had to be swum over. Everybody with a boat turned out to give a hand, as the work provided a lot of good sport. In 1883 a punt (attached to an overhead cable and operated by means of a windlass) was established. W. Lockwood, senior, was placed in charge. Between 1885 and 1893, the ferryman was Enoch Kirk. He was credited with ferrying 2,400 sheep in four hours. The punt would carry a coach and five horses. A whaleboat was, at first, used to tender passengers and lighter cargo at
The first bridge over the Uawa River was built in 1905 at a cost of £6,000. For two years toll charges were levied—6d. per person and 1/-for each horse. W. E. Holder was the first custodian. On 12 May, 1916, a flood—the first of thirteen in twelve months—caused portion of the bridge to subside. Two more spans were wrecked during a flood in January, 1917. Another flood on 4 February, 1917, when 19 inches of rain fell in 18 hours, did further damage. So great was the rush of water that a camber over six feet high was formed at the mouth of the river. Until a new bridge became available the ferry service had again to be conducted. The second structure was carried away by a flood in February, 1938, but, fortunately, a concrete bridge had just been completed, and traffic was able to use it within 12 hours.
When the county was established, the coastal road between Gisborne and
Chairmen:
Engineers: J. P. Guthrie, 1919–30; G. W. King, 1930–38; C. Percy, 1939–.
County Clerks: F. T. Robinson, 1919–24; H. L. Tempest, 1924–47; A. B. Smith, 1947–48; R. Tregurtha, 1948–.
The site of
With 52 white residents, and as many more within easy distance,
A distressing tragedy occurred on 11 June, 1887, whilst Mrs. Enoch Kirk and three of her children were being brought ashore from s.s. Australia. Harry Glover was in charge of the surf boat, and his crew comprised Rawiri and Ropihana Tautau and Harry Hiutau. Inside the bar the boat shipped a wave and capsized. Glover got Mrs. Kirk ashore, but she expired. Rawiri Tautau saved himself. A boat manned by Constable M. G. Stagpoole, Joe James and Sam Gilman went to the rescue of the others, but it also capsized. Gilman swam ashore. The constable lashed Hiutau to his upturned boat, and they were picked up by a boat sent from the steamer. In addition to Mrs. Kirk and her children—Nellie (aged 9 years), Ralph (2 years) and Maud (1 year)—Joe James and Ropihana Tautau also lost their lives. Constable Stagpoole was awarded a silver medal by the Royal Humane Society of Australia.
On 25 January, 1923, the ratepayers of
For her invaluable services in the early days in cases of sickness, Mrs.
Waikohu County (900 square miles) was constituted in October, 1908. About two-thirds of the area was then in productive use. Much of the remainder was in heavy bush. Practically all the roads (188 miles) were unmetalled, many of them being only 9-foot tracks. The council first met on 3 March, 1909, its personnel being:
The county took over a loan of £4,941 from the Waikohu Road Board, also loans amounting to £25,907 from Cook County. It had, up to 31 March, 1947, raised loans amounting, in the aggregate, to £88,815, all the money being borrowed in New Zealand. Debentures amounting to £42,000 were converted in 1935, and the conversion loan will expire in 1960. The net public debt at 31 March, 1947, was £49,894. Approximately one-half will be paid off by 1950. Of the loans raised by the county, £8,500 was
By 1947 2¼ miles of roads had been sealed, 297½ miles metalled, and 101 miles formed to a width of 16 feet, but not metalled. The bridges then numbered 66, with an aggregate length of 6,903 feet.
Statistics.—Rates: 1909–10, £7,813; 1946–7, £29,572. Ratepayers: 1909–10, 335; 1946–7, 623. Rateable properties: 1909–10, 637; 1946–47, 1,239. Capital value of the county: 1909–10, £1,407,172; 1949, £3,829,879.
Chairmen:
There were 96 Europeans in the Waikohu Road District in 1878. The number of Maoris then is not officially known. In 1906 the combined population was 1858. By 1926 the European population was: County, 2,604;
Matakaoa County was formed in 1919, and the first council meeting was held on 22 May, 1920.
Early in its career the county suffered heavy setbacks. It assumed a liability of £15,000 (being part of the Waiapu County's main road and bridges loan) and another of £1,200 in connection with the
The county's revenue was further adversely affected during the depression in the late 1920's and early 1930's. Forty per cent. of the county had not left the natives' hands, and only 20 per cent. was European freehold. As many of the residents were unable to meet their rating obligations, the council, in 1932, sought guidance from the Government. On 1 May, 1933, the county was placed under
In 1878 there were 9 Europeans at Horoera, 6 at
During the early days of European settlement in
Captain Read, who had built two small jetties within the river, was permitted by the Auckland Provincial Council in 1872 to erect a public wharf on the western side, and, to enable him to recover his outlay, he was allowed to charge wharfage dues over a period of 15 years. G. Harris was sent from Wellington to act as collector of customs. In October, 1874,
In 1877
Reporting on the port in 1880,
In 1884 control of the harbour was vested in a board. Its members (who met for the first time on 19/2/1885) were: W. Sievwright,
By 998 votes to 5 the ratepayers, on 15 April, 1885, sanctioned the raising of £200,000 to build, at or near the site reported on by
Appointed engineer in July, 1885,
A start was made early in 1886 to build the breakwater under the day labour system.
By 1890 1,100 feet of breakwater (running into a depth of between 12 feet and 14 feet at low tide) and a portion of the groyne had been built at a cost of £105,000. A sandspit then formed alongside the breakwater,
Upon Mr. Bell's advice the dredge John Townley was obtained in 1902. Although she proved useful, the sandspit kept on recurring. [She remained in commission until 1929, and was sunk on the northern side of Young Nick's Head in June, 1931.] A further section of the groyne was then completed. The Marine Department vetoed a proposal by L. H. Reynolds, C.E., that sluice gates should be built below the junction of the Waimata and Taruheru Rivers, but permitted the Turanganui River to be restricted to some extent on the Kaiti side just below the Gladstone Road bridge. In 1907 F. W. Marchant, C.E., submitted a plan of an outer harbour, off Pa Hill, which he estimated would cost £330,000. Legislative authority to take a poll on a proposal to borrow £400,000 was not availed of.
Upon the arrival of the dredge Maui from Scotland on 7 May, 1910, high hopes were raised that a satisfactory inner harbour would be gained. She cost £34,000 and was capable of excavating to a depth of 26 feet. Working under favourable conditions, she speedily cut a channel, 120 feet wide and 16 feet deep at low water, from the mouth of the river to the wharves. To counteract the range at the entrance, the breakwater was extended in 1911, but the old nuisance of a sandbank reappeared.
When J. A. MacDonald, M.I.C.E., became the board's engineer in February, 1912, he hurried along the work of widening and deepening the channel. In December of that year s.s. Takapuna was able to begin a wharf-to-wharf passenger service between Gisborne and Napier. Among even larger vessels which came into the river was s.s. Kaitangata, which was 289 feet long and drew 17 feet. In February, 1914, H.M.S. Philomel (2,875 tons) had no difficulty in berthing close to the Gladstone Road bridge, although she was drawing 17 feet. A loan poll on 17 December, 1913, which was carried by 1,105 votes to 469, provided, inter alia, £107,000 for new works, including a further extension of the breakwater. Waiapu gained exclusion from the harbour district.
A startling change came over the scene in 1916, when a series of siltbearing floods between May and October destroyed the inner harbour. Where, previously, there had been a depth of 16 feet 6 inches at low water, there was now only 4 feet 6 inches. Further floods spoiled three attempts that were made during 1916 to restore the channel. The stern, uphill battle continued throughout 1917, but another series of floods was experienced. By March, 1918, a depth of from 8 feet to 9 feet had been obtained, but floods obliterated the gain. The Maui was laid up in June, 1918. She was taken to Auckland in 1920, and lay there until 1927, when she was hired by the Marine Department to do some work at Westport. The State bought her in 1929 for £16,000, but reconditioning, to bring her up to survey standards, cost the board £9,370.
In 1918, Mr. Reynolds submitted a plan for a harbour with two chambers. To obviate the silt nuisance, it provided that the river should be diverted on to Waikanae Beach. It was intended that only the western compartment (which would have stood between the river channel and the diversion cut) should, at the outset, be built, and that the entrance should be protected by a breakwater sweeping in an easterly direction
Parliament, in 1919, sanctioned the taking of a poll on a proposal to raise £1,000,000 for a harbour to accommodate vessels of large tonnage. Waiapu and Uawa gained exclusion from the proposed harbour district, but a small portion of Wairoa County was added. During 1920 the Reynolds plan was referred to a commission (W. Ferguson, C.E., Blair Mason, C.E., and
There was much controversy as to whether the commission's plan or the Reynolds plan should be adopted. In 1922 Mr. Reynolds eliminated from his plan some of the outer wharves, and reduced his estimate to £750,000. The Board (
In October, 1923, the engineer sought permission to purchase the necessary plant. However, W. G. Sherratt proposed, and C. H. Williams seconded, that only the river section of the works should, at the outset, be put in hand. The motion was defeated by 11 votes to 4.
Mr. Campbell, who held that the Reynolds scheme would cost £250,000 above the amount of the loan (£1,000,000), then proposed a modified plan, which omitted the outer breakwater, provided for a reduction in the depth of the channel, and included what is now known as the Kaiti Basin. This scheme (estimated to cost £500,000) was approved by the board, but the Crown Law Office ruled that it differed from that which the ratepayers had endorsed. On 24 April, 1924, the board went back to the Reynolds plan, with the addition of the Kaiti Basin. It also decided that all the work, excepting the railway bridge, the concrete wharves, the goods sheds and the breakwaters, should be carried out by day labour.
Among about £150,000 worth of plant that was obtained, the most expensive item was the dredge Korua, which, together with three steel hopper barges and a tug, cost about £64,000. [Between 1925 and 1931 the Korua excavated 1,920,000 tons of spoil. Together with two barges and a tug, she was unavailingly offered to Napier Harbour Board in 1934 for £8,000. In April, 1940, after she had lain idle in Waikanae Basin for nine years, she was sunk off Young Nick's Head.]
Tenders closed in September, 1925, for the main breakwater contract, but none came to hand. A property at Whareongaonga was then acquired, at a cost of £3,000, for a quarry, and scows and expensive equipment were procured. Attempts to build a small breakwater there to protect a jetty failed. The hulk Monowai was bought for £1,200, and, in November, 1925,
When the dredging of the diversion cut was finished on 1 July, 1927, it was found that the balance of the loan moneys would not meet the cost of completing the whole scheme. Approval was now given by the Government to a restriction of activities to the development of an inner harbour, with a berthing basin on the Kaiti side. Part of the land required was the site of the old Poho-o-Rawiri pa (1 acre 1 rood 5 poles). The native owners received £10,000 for it. On the casting vote of the chairman (Mr. Sherratt), the day labour system was retained.
In February, 1928, Mr. Campbell, who was anxious to proceed with the work of extending the existing breakwater, as well as with the inner harbour works, so that the diversion cut might be brought into use as soon as possible, asked the board to authorise the expenditure of £100,000 above the figure (£750,000) which it had assured the ratepayers, prior to the poll, it would not go without their renewed consent. Mr. Broadhurst moved, Mr. Williams seconded, and it was resolved, that the work on the breakwater should be stopped and that the balance of the loan moneys should be used to enable the Kaiti Basin to be further dredged and upon such other works as might be deemed necessary to complete the second section of the inner harbour. Mr. Campbell resigned on the ground that he could not accept responsibility for the Board's policy, and C. F. Marshall-Smith, C.E., was appointed in his stead.
The dredging of Kaiti Basin was completed in August, 1928, and the final gap in the diversion wall was closed on 26 October, 1929. By 1932 the basin was available for shipping. Additional berthages along the eastern side of the channel have also proved very useful. Vessels drawing up to 17 feet 6 inches can now (1949) safely enter or leave the basin during three hours before, or two hours after, high water. The capital outlay was £814,000.
Chairmen (under board control): A. Graham, 1885–87; W. Sievwright, 1887–88;
Engineers (under board control): J. Thomson, 1885–90; J. King, 1897–1903; D. A. McLeod (working supervisor), 1903–12;
Harbourmasters: J. Kennedy, 1874–75;
Secretaries (under board control): J. Bourke, 1885–91; J. W. Witty, 1891–1912, and then assistant treasurer till February, 1919;
The busiest period experienced at the port of Gisborne lay between 1903 and 1916. In 1909, 491 steamers (696,198 tons) and 83 sailing vessels (7,987 tons) were handled. This aggregate was nearly equalled in 1914. In 1906, 142 sailing vessels (16,092 tons) paid visits, but, in 1927, only one (200 tons) called.
The first lighthouse at Tuahine Point was brought into use on 1 May, 1905. It was destroyed by fire on the night of 26 July, 1905. Its successor was equipped with the first acetylene light to be installed on the New Zealand coasts.
Harbour improvement schemes—even the ideas of laymen—were invited by Gisborne Harbour Board in 1917. About a score were received, but not one was entertained. In 1921–22
In July, 1948, N. V. Vickerman, C.E. (engineer to Auckland Harbour Board) informed the board that it would cost £2,860,000 to complete the Reynolds scheme. As an alternative (to cost only £410,000), he suggested that deep-water berthages, to
John Thomson, B.E. (known as “Belltopper” Thomson, because he frequently wore a morning coat and a silk hat), returned to the West Coast (
Robert Campbell (born in Scotland) served his apprenticeship with Denny Bros., shipbuilders, Dumbarton (1891–7), and then, for four years, was on the staff of W. Hill and Co. Ltd., engineering contractors, London.
When Captain Tuatea for 24 years, retired in June, 1929, consequent upon Gisborne ceasing to be a port of call for passenger steamers, he was publicly presented with an illuminated address and a well-filled wallet. He had carried 300,000 passengers to or from Gisborne roadstead without a single mishap, although many of the trips had had to be made in stormy weather, necessitating the use of a basket, on a number of occasions, to lift passengers up to, or from, the deck of a steamer.
The need for an organisation in Gisborne to care for the sick and aid the indigent led to the formation, in 1875, of a Ladies' Benevolent Society. An epidemic of one or more maladies marred each summer. Fortunate were those children who escaped some form of “hot-weather” sickness. The death rate was very high. Even adults were not immune from a complaint which became known outside the district as “Gisborne fever.”
A cottage hospital for men—the Poverty Bay Hospital—was opened in Aberdeen Road in July, 1876, as it had been found that two elderly residents who were paralysed had nobody to attend to them. The building had formed portion of the old immigration barracks. Public donations (£200) met the cost of furnishings.
In October, 1878, the hospital came under the control of a Management Committee composed of the mayor of Gisborne, the chairman of Cook County, Dr. Pollen, and seven members elected by subscribers to a Hospital Society, each subscriber being allowed one vote for each 10/6 of his subscription, with a maximum of four votes. The administration of charitable relief was delegated to the Benevolent Society. On account of Dr. Pollen's action in vetoing a proposal that a female patient might be accommodated “by having the outbuilding used as a woodshed put in order,” a general hospital, with accommodation for 18 male and 7 female patients, besides several private wards, was built, at a cost of £475, mainly from the old timber in some of the adjacent cottages. It was opened in January, 1880. An isolation ward was added in 1883, following upon an epidemic of scarlet fever, during which a patient, who had been admitted by the wardsman by mistake, had to be treated in an outhouse.
No domestic was accepted as a patient if she was unable to pay, unless a guarantee of payment was received from her employer. A charge of 20/- per week in advance was made to cover the cost of board for any relative, or friend, who stayed at the hospital to assist in nursing a patient. The wardsman was held liable for the fees (except in an urgent case) if he admitted a patient without a proper order. The sale of annual tickets entitling the holder to free treatment in case of injury or sickness was not favoured, as it was felt that some residents might wait, before buying a ticket, until they became in need of treatment. A night nurse was appointed at a salary of 10/- per week on condition that, if her services were required outside the hospital, the remuneration for such service was paid into the hospital funds.
Established in 1885, the Cook Hospital and Charitable Aid Board was composed of members of Gisborne Borough Council and those of Cook County Council, with C. A. de Lautour as first chairman. Control of charitable relief was left in the hands of the Benevolent Society. In March, 1886, contributors of 5/- or upwards to the hospital funds elected as first Hospital Trustees:
The matron was reappointed at a salary of £60 per annum. Some members and the doctor had favoured the appointment of an outsider who had high nursing qualifications, but one member considered that the institution was “too young to have a trained nurse,” and another held that “trained nurses were always a failure and the cause of trouble.” Tenders accepted for supplies reflect the low prices ruling on account of the depression. Beef, mutton, pork, sausages, etc., were obtained at 2d. per lb all round, and bread at 2½d. per 2lb. loaf. The Trustees were very perturbed to find that the cost of drugs for a single month had been £23. Captain Tucker said that it was a terrible sum for so short a period. “It is ruinous,” commented
An Old Men's Home was established in Roebuck Road in May, 1891. It consisted of some old cottages. Previously, indigent residents had been granted a weekly allowance. Mrs. Armour (the first custodian) was paid as under: 1 to 3 inmates, at 15/- each per week; 4 to 6, at 10/-; 7 to 9, at 8/6; and 10 to 12, at 7/6. In 1903 a new home was built, but funds did not permit rooms to be added for indigent elderly women. The fine Memorial Home at Mangapapa was opened on 18 February, 1926. It was conducted by Mr. and Mrs. R. C. Vigis (who had entered the board's employ in October, 1901) until December, 1936. Mr. and Mrs. S. W. Garley were their successors (1937–40). In January, 1941, Mr. and Mrs. F. J. Butler became the custodians. There was an average of 40 men and 12 women in the home in 1948.
A report compiled by Dr. Valentine (District Health Officer) showed that, between 1 January, 1894, and 19 May, 1901, 284 cases of typhoid and 127 of diphtheria had been notified in Gisborne. Of the typhoia cases 208 had arisen in the town, and 105 of the diphtheria cases had had a like origin. During the seven-year period deaths had occurred in Gisborne, Kaiti and Whataupoko as under: Typhoid, 24; diphtheria, 19; diarrhœa, 49; and phthisis, 23.
The first election of members of Cook Hospital Board by popular vote was held on 8 March, 1910, and resulted: Gisborne Borough—
An ideal site for the new Cook Hospital was acquired. It comprised about 23 acres, and the cost was, approximately, £100 per acre. The new institution was ready for occupation by the end of 1914. There were four main wards, each having accommodation for 24 patients, a children's ward for 12 or more patients, and several private wards. The total cost—including a nurses' home to accommodate 60 nurses, a superintendent's residence, an isolation block and a laundry block, together with the fittings—was £63,076. Additions up to 1948 have included: A new nurses' home, £29,160; boiler-house, £17,580; Cook Maternity Home, £8,216; chest (T.B.) block, £31,908; and polytechnic block, £50,297.
Poverty Bay's first resident doctor was, probably, Dr. Bowles King, who was drowned in Te Arai River in the early 1850's.
In 1946–47 the number of in-patients treated at Cook Hospital was 2,892. The out-patients (including Army personnel for X-ray examination) totalled 5,309. Beds available in 1948 comprised: Main block, 173; chest block, 48; Isolation block, 28; chronic ward, 16; Cook Maternity Home, 13. There was accommodation for 129 nurses.
Gifts to Cook Hospital have included: £15,000 by Mr. C. J. Morris for a Convalescent Home; £5,000 by
Public unrest in connection with Cook Hospital in 1917 led to the dispatch of a petition bearing 6,000 names to the Government. H. W. Bishop, S.M., who conducted an inquiry, found, inter alia, “that there had been on the board an element determined to make difficulties,” “that one member had made himself very busy espousing the cause of individual nurses who had come under the ban of the matron,” and, in regard to the matron (Miss Tait), “that few women would have had the courage and the grit to have seen the trouble through.”
In 1947 the Government restricted the extent to which hospital boards could make levies on local bodies to .5d. in the £ on the rateable capital value. How appreciably this decision eased the burden on contributories to Cook Hospital Board is shown by the figures for 1946–47, with those for 1947–48 in parentheses for comparison: Cook County, £20,890 (£10,763); Gisborne Borough, £17,777 (£9,160); Waikohu County, £12,782 (£6,585); Uawa County, £4,950 (£2,550).
Chairmen of Cook Hospital Board:
Superintendents: H. Pollen, 1876–96; F. Innes (relieving), 1885–86; J. Craig, 1896–1901; McGregor, 1901–02; D. Morrison, 1902–07; W. Carlyle Wilson, 1908–13; F. Kahlenberg, 1913–16;
Matrons: Mrs. M. Mitchell, 1876–81; Mrs. E. Chrisp, 1881–84; Mrs. Benfield, 1884–86 Miss Guilbride, 1886–87; Miss Swain, 1887–90; Miss C. Stewart, 1890–09; Miss Godfrey, 1909–15; Miss Tait, 1916–18; Miss Bicknell, 1918–20; Miss McArdle, 1920–21; Miss Walshe, 1921–23; Miss B. Nurse, 1923–25; Miss K. E. Benjamin, 1925–32; Miss G. M. Liepst, 1933–42;
Secretaries of Cook Hospital Board: H. M. Porter, 1910–16; E. Fenton, 1917–18; H. M. Wait, 1918–19; G. L. Evans, 1919–29; C. A. Harries, 1930–.
An epidemic of la grippe occurred in
In 1854 measles was carried to Wairoa by some
Between July and October, 1891, typhoid in a severe form broke out on the East Coast, causing scores of deaths. There were 72 fatal cases in Waiapu alone. A severe outbreak of typhoid fever in Waiapu in March, 1911, had its origin at Hiruharama. Sixty cases of diphtheria (including 28 in Gisborne) were reported in
During the dreadful epidemic of pneumonic influenza in November, 1918, the steamer services to and from Gisborne were stopped; all buildings (except churches) in which large numbers of people were accustomed to congregate were closed, the banks did not open for ten days, tangis were prohibited, business premises were closed at 3 p.m. each day, and food for invalids was distributed by volunteer drivers. A Vigilance Committee at Wairoa advertised that callers there would require to be disinfected and medically examined, and that suspects would be quarantined for five days. Visitors were also warned that no accommodation would be made available to them, and that they were on no account to approach a garage for petrol. Among 5,959 deaths in the Dominion only 58 were notified at Gisborne. Most of the victims came within the 30–40 age group, and the percentage of deaths among men was slightly higher than among women.
Among 950 cases of infantile paralysis in the Dominion in 1948 only 23 occurred in the East Cape Health District.
In the earliest days of European settlement in the East Coast districts an improvised wick, steeped in a dish of whale oil, was the only available form of illuminant. Some of the traders began to import candles from Sydney in the 1850's. During the next decade kerosene lamps were introduced. A dozen street kerosene lamps were erected by the Highways Board before it was disbanded in 1877.
The Gisborne Gas Company Ltd. was formed in 1883 with a capital of £10,000. Premises in the inner area first gained the advantage of a supply of gas on 12 August, 1884. During the following October the 417
Electric light, heat and power were made available to the residents of Gisborne by the municipal authority on 20 March, 1912. At the outset the power station was equipped with two 100 h.p. diesel engines and a steam plant. In 1913 a third diesel unit was installed, and another was added in 1914. It had been estimated that £16,142 would prove an adequate outlay, but, by 31 March, 1921, over £45,000 had been expended out of loans. A further loan of £20,000 had just been raised when the Power Board took over the concern in 1926. Between 1912 and 1926 the receipts aggregated £218,839.
Petitions in favour of the setting up of a Power Board were signed in 1923 by 597 of the 2,313 ratepayers of Gisborne Borough, 426 of the 1,470 ratepayers of Cook County, and by a majority of the ratepayers of Patutahi Town District. Waikohu County, Te Karaka Town District and Mangapapa successfully petitioned to be admitted. Members of the first board (elected on 18 June, 1924) were: Borough representatives—
By 1,203 votes to 244 the ratepayers, on 24 March, 1926, approved the raising of a loan of £280,000 to finance the purchase of, and the augmentation of, the borough plant and to carry out reticulation work to enable light and power to be supplied to the rural areas. When the change-over took place the number of consumers (all within the borough) was 2,713, and the consumption was 1,200,000 units per annum. The revenue for 1925–6 had been £25,392 and the expenditure £21,117. Two more diesel engines were obtained to strengthen what has proved a valuable stand-by plant. On 23 September, 1927, the “juice” was switched on to Cook County and Waikohu County. On 10 April, 1931 (whilst the world-wide slump was at its height) the ratepayers, by 1,116 votes to 286, approved the raising of a supplementary loan of £78,000 for extensions.
As at 31 March, 1948, the population within the board's district was 35,800 and there were 7,480 consumers (6,016 domestic and 1,464 commercial). Loans authorised totalled £623,474, and the loans raised aggregated £538,474. The capital account then stood at £463,778, with a loan liability of £292,942. Route lines totalled 477 miles. Units purchased and generated during the previous 12 months aggregated 26,349,300, of which 23,486,122 were retailed. The demand would have been greater if the Government had not instituted heavy supply “cuts” during the period. Revenue for the year totalled £114,054 and the expenditure (working costs £79,444 and capital charges £32,745) £112,189. There were then in use 2,803 ranges, 2,770 water heaters, and 339 milking-machine motors.
Chairman:
A company styled “The Waikohu Hydro-Electric Co. Ltd.,” with F. de Lautour as sponsor, set about to establish hydro-electric works in the Waikohu district in 1920. When the Poverty Bay Electric Power Board was established the company made overtures in the hope that the State might either take over its scheme or else assist it with finance to complete it. Both requests were rejected, mainly on the ground that the productive capacity of the plant during dry spells was likely to prove inadequate. The project was then abandoned.
In July, 1925, residents of
The Poverty Bay Catchment Board was formed in 1945, with initial elective members as follows: P. W. Barrett and
In 1875, wings, or spurs, were built at Ormond to check erosion. After the big flood in 1876 O. W. L. Bousfield advised the settlers that, if cuts were made at the worst bends, the river, in time, would make fresh bends.
The Poverty Bay Rivers Board was formed in 1912. It did not raise any loans, and it exercised its rating powers only sparingly, ceasing to levy any rate after 1935. In 1914 Mr. Laing-Meason, C.E. (Wellington) advised it that the Matawhero bend and Tietjen's bend should be eliminated, stopbanks built, etc., at a cost of £45,000.
With the aid of a State grant a cut was opened in June, 1946, through a sandspit about two miles north of the estuary of the
Tree-planting for hillside stabilisation is an important section of the board's policy. One million acres will, it is estimated, require to be treated. It is planned to have stocks of young trees available by 1953, and
A discussion at a meeting of the
The initial rate was ¼ d. in the £ over the whole district, but occupiers of areas classified as “infested areas” had to pay an additional one-sixteenth of a penny in the £. In 1912 the rating system was changed to that of payment per head of stock, each head of cattle being regarded as the equivalent of five sheep. Double the ordinary rate was then levied in the case of “infested areas,” but, in 1930, the surtax was dropped. The board's policy has been to employ a staff of rabbiters, as well as inspectors. For many years “kills” did not exceed more than a score per month on either boundary. Stock depastured in the board's district represents a sheep equivalent of about 7,000,000.
Up till the end of the 1930's the income from rates did not greatly exceed £2,000 per annum, and it was supplemented by a State subsidy of £ for £. In recent years, on account of the heavier infiltration of the pest from
Chairmen:
Success in quelling a fire in Gisborne in the early days depended solely upon its discovery in its incipient stages and upon a supply of tank or well water proving handy. Ladders, buckets, axes and crowbars were then the only firefighting appliances. A by-law passed in 1877 required a tank to be installed at every shop and home in the business area.
The first serious conflagration occurred on 2 November, 1877, when sparks from a burning cottage at the corner of Read's Quay and Lowe Street were carried by a gale on to the shingle roof of the Masonic Hotel. The building might have been saved if an old man named “Tinker” Dawson had not lost his nerve when he was half-way up the only long ladder on the spot. Not until he had been assisted to descend could buckets of water be taken up, and, by then, the fire had got out of hand. Several other premises, including the Standard office, were also destroyed.
Steps were at once taken to improve the fire-fighting appliances. A number of large tanks (filled with river water) were placed in the business area. Two manuals and 1,000 feet of hose came to hand in March, 1878. A volunteer brigade, with the mayor (
A conflagration in the Albion Hotel block on 11 February, 1879, caused damage estimated at between £20,000 and £25,000. It destroyed the premises of:
Whilst the residents were at church on 5 February, 1882, Early Gisborne's most spectacular outbreak occurred among heavy consignments of merchandise, spirits, etc., stored in the basement of J. W. Carr's bondstore near the corner of Gladstone Road and Customhouse Street. Quickly, Graham, Pitt and Bennett's premises were also enveloped, and the fire then swept along the block, destroying, in turn, the Union Bank and the Argyll (Coronation) Hotel. The reflection could be seen 16 miles out to sea. Ignited spirits found their way from the bondstore through a drain into the Turanganui River. For three days the ruins continued to smoulder.
In March, 1882, a steam pumping engine (which had been an exhibit at the Sydney Exhibition) was purchased by public subscription, the cost (£750) being raised in a single day. The borough took over all the equipment from the brigade trustees in February, 1883, and a new brigade—the Gisborne Volunteer Fire Brigade—was formed in August. When a fire broke out next door to the British Empire Hotel in September, 1886, the manuals were hurried to the scene, and it was considered smart work on the part of the brigade (which was then under
During a very serious outbreak of fire in the Albion Hotel block on 7 March, 1887, the steam pump was taken to the riverbank near the site of the rotunda. This fire, which started in the Albion Stables, also destroyed the new Albion Hotel and the premises of
An underground main from the fire station, via Peel Street, to Gladstone Road, was laid in 1890. One branch was taken to the Customhouse Street corner and another nearly to Grey Street. It was supplied by the steam pumping plant, which stood above a well close to the Taruheru River.
There was an extensive fire in the block opposite the Herald Office on 24 May, 1894, the sufferers being: G. How Chow (restaurant), J. Erskine (baker), Garrett (boot shop), Mrs. Menzies (boardinghouse), and Mrs. Ledger (draper). On 16 May, 1897, a big blaze at the corner of Gladstone Road and Customhouse Street gutted Williams and Kettle's premises, the Bank of New South Wales (which stood on the corner) and Pettie's drapery shop. The Herald premises suffered by fire in 1900, and the main section of the Gisborne Central School was destroyed in 1904.
Destructive fires in Gisborne in more recent years have been as follows: Gisborne Club, Lowe Street (15 October, 1910); Common, Shelton and Co.'s offices, Peel Street (27 November, 1913);
When a fire broke out in Teat and Friar's building in 1908 the water supply from
The steam plant was used for the last time on the occasion of a fire in Hallam's shop in Hall's Block in March, 1910. A heavy flood had broken the
For many years His Majesty's Theatre, which stood in Customhouse Street, was Gisborne's principal place of entertainment. It replaced the Academy of Music, and was built, in 1900, at a cost of £5,000, by the trustees in the estate of
The Garrison Hall (built in 1909 at a cost of £4,000) stood in Fitzherbert Street on the site now occupied by the Army Hall. The site was bought by the trustees of the old Volunteer Hall property in Customhouse Street in 1907 for £1,200, and the Government assisted to finance the cost of the new hall by buying the old hall and site for £1,100 and making a grant of £2,900. The trustees raised a private mortgage of £1,500. The roof was supported by wooden arches and there was a clear floor space, at the outset, of 144 feet by 132 feet. The Army Hall, which cost £13,000, was opened on 1 October, 1942.
Among the large number of country and Coast hotels which were destroyed by fire the largest was the Te Karaka Hotel, of 55 rooms (1913). Two of the three hotels at
The Gisborne Fire Board held its first meeting on 13 July, 1908.
The Gisborne Fire Brigade (1949) is composed of a superintendent, two foremen and 23 firemen (including two permanent hands), and its equipment includes four mobile engines, three mobile pumps, and two stationary pumps.
Stars for 25 years' service have been won as under: Still serving in 1948.
Superintendents:
Thirty-one brigades attended the United Fire Brigades' demonstrations held at Gisborne in February, 1946, and 299 teams competed for prize money aggregating £250.
Automobile Association, Auckland (Gisborne Branch): In 1926 the Poverty Bay Motor Association (formed on 17/2/1917) linked up with the A.A.A. Local chairman: F. Tolerton, 1926–.
Gisborne Beautifying Society (formed in 1897, with C. A. de Lautour as president and G. E. Darton, secretary, and resuscitated on several occasions): Much valuable work was carried out at different periods. The largest undertaking was the transformation of the riverbank between the Gladstone Road and Peel Street bridges. A feature of the society's activities in the 1930's was the extensive planting of native trees (including pohutakawas) and pines on Waikanae Beach, Waiuni Beach and Lysnar Park.
Gisborne Burns Society (2 December, 1938): President, Dr. R. M. Gunn. The anniversary of the birth of the “Bard of Ayr” was first celebrated in Gisborne by members of the Poverty Bay Caledonian Club, which was formed in 1878,
Gisborne Chamber of Commerce (4 February, 1885, and resuscitated in 1894 and again in 1908): In his annual report for 1885 A. Parnell (the first president) mentioned that inquiries had been made as to what protection the Government intended to afford Gisborne in the event of war with Russia, and that a reply had been received that cruisers would be available to protect the seaboard. He also stated that a few consignments of frozen meat had been sent to London, but that the high coastal rate of 3/- per head and the low prices ruling at Home had precluded any profit. A Junior Chamber of Commerce, with
Gisborne Co-Operative Building Society (2 February, 1899): By December, 1947, twelve issues had been floated and five had terminated. Nearly £600,000 had been granted to members by way of loans. Chairmen: L. T. Symes, W. Morgan, C. H. Ambridge and H. Miller. Secretaries: A. G. Beere (1899–1939), M. W. Craig (1939–).
Gisborne Law Society (18 January, 1907):
Gisborne Permanent Land, Building and Mutual Investment Society (12 May, 1874): Initial directors: J. Buchanan, J. Meldrum, T. W. Porter, A. Y. Ross, M. G. Nasmith and J. R. Morgan. It was not uncommon for small borrowers in the 1870's to be required to pay interest up to 17½ per cent; hence the movement to form the society, which is now one of the oldest institutions in the district, and has F. R. Ball for its secretary.
Gisborne Savage Club (19 May, 1913): The first korero was held on 19 June, 1913. When the membership reached 400 it had to be pegged. On account of the lack of a suitable hall the club went into recess from 1941 till 1948. Mrs. Ada Emily Beer, J.P. (one of its members),
Rangatiras:
Gisborne 30,000 Club (4 May, 1936): James Chrisp (the sponsor) was chairman until his death on 3 July, 1946, when P. W. Bushnell was elected to the position. B. S. Bree was appointed organiser and secretary in 1943. A. J. Cox (one of its members) made a gift of a £500 paid-up insurance policy to the club, acquired several strips (in all 5 acres 24 poles) along the banks of Waikanae Creek and presented them to the town to form an Alfred Cox Park, and raised sufficient money to enable the first section (two miles) of a marine drive along Waikanae Beach to be formed. The club plans to establish a holiday camp, on the latest English lines, on Churchill Park (about three acres adjacent to Waikanae Beach), which it presented to the town.
Gisborne R.S.A. (1916): When the first Anzac Dinner was held in Gisborne (25/4/1917) there were 187 members. Captain W. T. Pitt (the first president) was president of the N.Z.R.S.A. in 1917. The branch became moribund in 1921, but was resuscitated on 23 June, 1926, and sub-associations were formed at
During the economic depression in the late 1920's and early 1930's the association greatly helped unemployed members by assisting to provide funds to enable the McRae Bath and Darton Field to be constructed and improvements to be made to the riverbank in the vicinity of the War Memorial and to the Kaiti Beach Road. To mark its appreciation of the steadfast manner in which the public had co-operated with it through the years, the association presented to the district, for a park, portion of Kaiti Hill, which, on behalf of its members,
The association acquired an acre at the south-west corner of Childers Road and Bright Street, Gisborne, as a site for a block of buildings (including a Memorial Hall and club premises) as a memorial to the district servicemen who gave their lives during the Second World War. In 1945 it was proposed that this memorial should be the district's memorial, and the Gisborne Borough Council and the counties of Cook, Waiapu, Uawa, Waikohu and Matakaoa signified their approval. A preliminary campaign for donations yielded over £10,000, together with a promise from a private trust to donate £4,000 when the project was ready to take material shape.
Presidents: Captain W. T. Pitt (1916), Sergeant-Major W. R. Williams (1917), Captain Turnbull, D.S.O. (1918), F. H. Bedford (1919), Lieutenant-Colonel Moir (1920–21),
A Gisborne branch of the Second N.Z.E.F. Association (Incorp.) was
Farmers' Union, Poverty Bay Branch (19 October, 1901). J. Macfarlane was the first president, and W. Lissant Clayton organising secretary. In April, 1946, the members linked up with Federated Farmers of New Zealand. The retiring president (J. E. Benson) had held office for 15 years, and C. Blackburn had been secretary since 1928.
Federated Farmers of New Zealand, Gisborne Provincial District (22 June, 1945); Branches, with membership in May, 1949, were formed at Gisborne (477), Matawai (85), Te Karaka (129),
Heritage, Gisborne Branch (May, 1945).
Old Folks' Association (17 March, 1943): In 1948, when the membership stood at about 400, a valuable site in Bright Street was acquired for club premises. Presidents: G. Smith, J. McLeod, C. E. Greig, J. Pirie, J. S. Moss and F. Fox
Poverty Bay Acclimatisation Society (20 May, 1881):
Poverty Bay A. and P. Association (31 August, 1875):
In September, 1913, the association acquired a block of 38 acres adjacent to the Park from the Riparata Estate, and, in 1925, through H. G. Tucker, it obtained an adjoining block of 34 acres (which the Tucker Estate had sold at £120 per acre, but which had fallen back upon its hands) for £2,225 on terms enabling the payment of the principal to stand over for 20 years. Mr. Tucker paid the cost of levelling, building, the terrace, the timber for 2,000 seats, the cattle-ramp, and of many of the shrubs and trees. In addition, he placed £2,500 in a trust account to be drawn on at the rate of 10/- for every £ collected for building improvements. The new ground was ready to accommodate the whole show in 1930.
The membership stood at 796 in 1935; by 1946 it had reached 1,303. Only £44 was taken at the gates in 1884; the figure in 1946 was £1,261.
Presidents:
Henry George Tucker (born at Okitu in 1868) was the eldest son of
Thomas Holden (born in Lancashire in 1851) was brought out to New Zealand by his parents in 1859. His father (
Poverty Bay Sheepdog Trials Club: The first trials in
Poverty Bay Winter Show Association (1922–38): Keen rivalry between Makaraka-Matawhero and Waerenga-a-Hika in the district courts section was a feature of the earlier shows. In 1927 a
Red Cross Society, Gisborne Branch (30 January, 1939): Dr. A. L. Singer was elected first president. A special feature of the branch's activities during the Second World War and subsequently, was the splendid work carried out by the ladies' transport section under Miss D. Bagnall as commandant. During the five-year period up to 31 March, 1947, its members made 5,832 trips, aggregating 50,939 miles, to assist 9,352 service personnel from trains to their homes or from their homes to and from hospital.
Rotary Club of Gisborne (26 April, 1926): Past presidents: A. L. Muir,
St. John Ambulance Association, Gisborne Branch. First aid classes were inaugurated in Gisborne in July, 1895.
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (13 April, 1907): First president,
Tai-Rawhiti Maori Association, “Te Ropu o te Tai-Rawhiti” (10 July, 1931): Patron, Sir A. T. Ngata; president, Echoes of the Pa.
Turanganui Public Library (12 April, 1869): This is the oldest public institution in
Y.M.C.A., Gisborne and East Coast Branch: The first branch was formed in April, 1880. It was resuscitated in March, 1903, with C. Rosie as president, to stress the religious side of the movement. In 1908 steps were taken to include social and sports activities.
Waikanae Beach Improvement Society (28 May, 1918): Waikanae Beach—which, to avoid confusion with the beach of like name on the mainland opposite
The society owed its origin to an offer by the Borough Council in 1918 to grant a subsidy of £150 towards the cost of new bathing sheds if the public subscribed a like amount. In the ranks of the earliest workers were: C. W. Cameron, R. Stone Florance, T. J. Adair, W. J. Robinson, R. Morse, D. S. Jamison, J. Mouat, T. Todd, C. Bruce, C. G. Bloore,
Waikanae Beach could not have been so named by the natives; they used the designation “Te Oneroa.” The Waikanae block lies on the north side of Waikanae Creek. Wai-o-Hiharore block abuts on the beach.
The Gisborne branch of the Navy League (formed 26 August, 1909) was the largest outside the cities in 1910. Gisborne Central School provided 328 members. On Empire Day in 1913 a huge bonfire was made on Kaiti Hill as one of a chain encircling the Empire.
A Gisborne branch of the Overseas Club (formed on 5 April, 1911) raised sufficient moneys in 1917 to enable two aeroplanes to be presented to the Royal Air Force.
The Poverty Bay branch of the New Zealand Philosophical Institute (formed on 11 June, 1918, with
Cook County Women's Guild (formed on 29 November, 1907): The promoters were: Mesdames A. Scott, A. Melksham and E. West. Mrs. J. Townley was the first president and Mrs. Scott the first secretary. Application for incorporation was made on 27 May, 1908. A two-roomed daytime shelter for neglected children was opened in Grey Street on 1 July, 1908. The Elizabeth Townley Maternity Hospital, built by the Guild in 1910 on a two-acre site in Childers Road provided by the State, became a St. Helen's Maternity Hospital. A large Children's Home was erected in 1913 at a cost of £1,725 on a site of two acres in Awapuni Road donated by
Dickens Club (September, 1931): R. Johnson was the first president and Mrs. J. Pirie first secretary.
Crippled Children's Society, Gisborne Branch (sponsored by the Rotary Club on 27 March, 1935): President, F. W. Nolan; Welfare Officer, Mrs. A. P. Dickson. The society's district extends from East Cape to Nuhaka. Several hundred cases have already been treated, chiefly at Cook Hospital, special cases being sent on to Wellington.
Girl Guide Movement, Gisborne Branch (1925): Mrs. D. J. Davies was Guider in charge of the first company. The first camp was held in January, 1926, at “Rimuroa.” In 1935 Rotorua, Katikati, Tauranga, Taupo, Wairoa and Gisborne were included in a “Poverty Bay Guide Province,” with Gisborne for its headquarters, and Mrs. L. Balfour as Provincial Commissioner. Rotorua was retransferred to “Auckland Guide Province” in 1947. Miss W. Lysnar (Provincial Camp Adviser, 1935–46) was the first
Gisborne Business and Professional Women's Club (1925): Mrs. L. T. Burnard was the first president, and Miss McShane the first secretary. Miss Perry, M.A., was the first chairwoman. Mrs. Hugh Jones was president from 1928 till 1946. Her successor was Mrs. Garbett.
Gisborne Townswomen's Guild (August, 1935): The sponsor was Miss Jerome Spencer, O.B.E., of Rissington (
Gisborne Women's Club (17 October, 1912): Mrs. (Dr.) Reeve was the first president and Mesdames W. F. J. Anderson and T. A. Crawford became joint secretaries. Literary, gardening, cards and arts and crafts circles were established. During both Great Wars members made many articles required by the soldiers and associated themselves with various movements to promote the interests of wives and children of servicemen. The membership in 1949 was about 100.
Lady Galway League: The Gisborne branch was wound up on 31 October, 1946, after functioning successfully for over six years. Mrs. N. H. Bull, M.B.E., was patron, Mrs. G. Robertson, M.B.E., president, and Mrs. Cowing hon, secretary. Its members sent 300 cases of new clothing and mended garments to the British Women's Volunteer Service for distribution among bombed-out families in England.
National Council of Women, Poverty Bay Branch (September, 1894): Its initial title was “The Gisborne Women's Political Association.” Mrs. M. H. Sievwright, who had been in the forefront of the women's franchise movement, was the sponsor. On 12 April, 1901, a “Council of Waiapu Women” was established (Waiapu, at that time, was the name of the electorate of which Gisborne was the chief centre). Mrs. (Canon) Fox was its first president and Mrs. Sievwright secretary. In 1902 Mrs. Sievwright became president, and Miss Sampson secretary. The branch was re-formed on 11 April, 1917, with Mrs. N. F. Walker as president and Misses Sandall and Spence as joint secretaries.
Mrs.
Plunket Society, Gisborne Branch (8 August, 1912): Mrs. C. A. de Lautour was the first president and Mesdames W. F. J. Anderson and W. Reeve joint secretaries. Messrs. J. Blair,
Poverty Bay and East Coast Children's Health Camp Committee (23 September, 1935): H. Holmes (deputy-mayor) was elected chairman. For some months
As St. Helen's Hospital was required to be vacated in 1939, the trustees of the King George Memorial Fund made a grant to enable a permanent camp to be established. A portion of Park Domain was secured, and, on 11 October, 1941, the camp was opened. During 1946–47, 236 children, including some from as far afield as Whakatane and Wairoa, passed through the institution. In 1947 it was decided that the camp should remain open all the year round instead of only during the summer months. The cost of conducting it is about £2,000 per annum. Members of the first executive still associated with the movement in 1949 were: Mr. H. Holmes (as chairman), Mrs. G. A. Nicholls and Messrs. A. Cassin, H. H. de Costa and W. Ogilvie.
Poverty Bay Women's Division of Federated Farmers of New Zealand (Incorp.), formerly the Women's Division of the New Zealand Farmers' Union (March, 1936): Initial officers—President, Mrs. Theo. Field; secretary, Miss A. Field; provincial housekeeping secretary, Mrs. Allan Morrison. Branches: Muriwai, Waimata, Te Arai, Ngatapa, Waerenga-o-Kuri and “Hill Country.”
Poverty Bay Representative Committee (April, 1939): Established to aid in any national emergency, and also to promote
Victoria League, Poverty Bay Branch (1913): During the first Great War, members made street appeals and conducted a shop to collect funds for the British Red Cross Society and for the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in England. Upon Mrs. Henry White's suggestion, the district was subdivided into 12 sub-districts, each of which undertook to stock the shop with meat, produce, fruit, cakes, etc., and conduct it once every three months. By March, 1919, when the shop was closed, the branch had raised £18,476, of which the shop returns amounted to £15,834. Prominent among the leaders were Mrs. W. R. Barker (president), Mrs. R. J. Reynolds (president of the Poverty Bay Ladies' League),
The branch celebrated the jubilee of the parent body in 1927 by holding a Jubilee Ball, to which the district's pioneers were invited. It has since made a point of entertaining the pioneers and the inmates of the Memorial Home each Empire Day. During the Second World War its members made 19,300 garments for children in bombed-out areas in Britain, 500 “hussifs” for New Zealand servicemen, pyjamas and other garments for soldiers in hospitals, and garments for the Patriotic Shop. A Young Contingent was formed in 1940 to assist in entertaining members of the R.N.Z.A.F. stationed in Gisborne. Much of the success attained by the branch in its earlier years was due to the enthusiasm of Miss A. L. Rees, who was president for 16 years. Roll of presidents: Mrs. W. R. Barker, Mrs. H. Williams, Mrs. E. J. Matthews, Mrs. L. Cotterill, Miss A. L. Rees, Mrs. L. Balfour and Mrs. P. Hockley.
Women's Christian Temperance Union, Gisborne Branch. The first president was Mrs. (Canon) Webb. From 1899 till 1902 its members conducted a Coffee Room and Reading Room as a meeting place for young men, the object being “to discourage them from drifting into the hotels.” The branch has taken an active part in all social welfare movements. In 1948
Women's Institutes, Poverty Bay Federation (1 April, 1931): The first Women's Institute was formed at Matawai in May, 1928, by Miss Bibby, of Waipawa. Probably the distinction fell to that district because her mother was an aunt of a resident (Mrs. Smith). In June, 1928, Miss A. E. Jerome Spencer, O.B.E. (founder of the movement in New Zealand) formed an institute at Patutahi. At the first group meeting (1/4/1931), a P.B. Federation of Women's Institute was established,
Women's National Reserve (1915): Mrs. J. R. Kirk was the first president, and Miss E. L. Faubert the first secretary. Its activities during the first Great War included the training of members to replace men called up for active service, lectures on first aid and home training, and the entertainment of mothers, wives and children of soldiers abroad. The members sponsored the holding of the commemorative service which is held each Anzac Day beside the Soldiers' Plot at Taruheru Cemetery.
Y.W.C.A., Gisborne Branch (1921): Mrs. R. Johnstone was the first president and Mesdames F. de Lautour and C. G. Holdsworth were joint secretaries. In 1922 there were 354 members—122 under 20 years, 168 over 20 years, and 64 sustaining members. For some years a hostel and cafeteria were conducted. The branch then disbanded.
Lively Early-day Meetings—Constabulary Parade with Swords Unsheathed—Quaint Rules Enforced.
Now the oldest racing club in the distriet, the Poverty Bay Turf Club held its first meeting in 1870 on S. Parsons's property at Matawhero. A meeting was held at Ormond in 1873 by the Armed Constabulary. The Waerenga-a-Hika Jockey Club was formed in 1874. Races sponsored by natives were held at Waiapu in January, 1874, and at Manutahi in the following month. The first races at
A memorable brush between pakehas and Maoris took place at the first meeting held at Matawhero. When trouble appeared likely, Major Westrup called to ex-members of the Forest Rangers to “Fall in!” The men, some of whom rushed for their horses, armed themselves with any weapon—from stirrup leathers to palings—that came to hand. It seemed likely that the natives would make a stand, but they broke and fled across the Waipaoa River. On the occasion of the next meeting a squad of Armed Constabulary, with swords unsheathed, was in attendance.
Steps were taken in October, 1872, to organise the Turf Club more thoroughly. A Turf Committee was set up, comprising:
Four races were set down for the first day: Maiden Plate (20 sovs.), w.f.a., 3 miles; Turanga Stakes (20 sovs.), 1½ miles, aged, 11 st., 5, 4 and 3-year-olds in same reduction as under the Auckland rule; Scurry Stakes (15 sovs.), 1 mile heats, w.f.a.; and Hack Race (5 sovs.), 1 mile, catch weights, for horses which had not been entered for other than hack races and which had not been sweated in clothing. On the second day the programme was: Hurdle Race (20 sovs.), 2 miles, five flights of 3 ft. 9 in. fences, w.f.a.; Pony Race (10 sovs.), 14 hands and under, with 9 st. top-weight and an allowance of 71b. per inch below, 1 mile heats; Ladies' Purse (20 sovs.), 2 miles, w.f.a.; Consolation Handicap (10 sovs.), 1½ miles, for all beaten horses; and Hack Race (5 sovs.), 1½-mile heats, catch weights.
No person was permitted to enter a horse for other than the Hack Races unless he had subscribed at least two guineas to the race fund. Entries had to be accompanied by a fee of 15 per cent. of the stake. All fees were added to the stake. The winner of any private match was required to pay 10/- to the stewards. To assist in meeting the expenses 5 per cent. of the winnings was deducted. Nominations were received from: T. Goldsmith, S. C. Caulton,
Not the least enjoyable feature of the meeting (readers of the Standard were told) was that a full hour was allowed each day for an alfresco lunch. “The popping of corks, that exquisite spiral grinding of the corkscrew, the jingling of glasses, the domestic clatter of plates and dishes, the merry laugh and pleasant joke—all these things combined to make rural festivity complete.” The absence of many of the ladies on the second day was attributed to “the necessity imposed on them to husband their beauty and strength for the ball.”
In January, 1874, a feature of the programme was a Cavalry Race, run over 3 miles, owners up in uniform, but without accoutrements, and at welter weight, 12 st. 4 lbs. A condition of entry was that the horse must have been ridden at all parades since the previous October. The “gate” was bought by R. Kelly for £30. Patrons on foot were charged 1/- for admittance, horses 2/-, and vehicles 3/-; grandstand, 2/6. After the races the grandstand was sold for £14. R. Kelly and G. Saunders each paid £25 for the right to have a liquor booth. Transport to the ground by four-wheel brake cost 7/6 return. Among the patrons were a number of Maori belles “got up regardless of expense, their riding habits, hats and every other requisite being in the newest style.”
Notable horses from other districts soon began to make their appearance at races in
On a Sunday morning in August, 1878, a race was held, for a bet of £20, Gladstone Road between R. Thelwall on a stock horse and
Shopkeepers did a roaring trade in gauze for men, as well as for women and children, on dusty race days in Early Gisborne. Describing conditions on the occasion of the Turf Club's meeting in January, 1884, the Telephone remarked: “Even for those who veiled themselves heavily, the ride out to the course was most unpleasant. Heads were enveloped in networks of various colours, and it was scarcely possible to distinguish one's dearest friends.”
A “tote,” borrowed from an Auckland resident named Adams, was used at one of the early Turf Club meetings. It was 5 feet long an1 3 feet high, and was manipulated by a handle. The club was prepared to buy it, but a letter to the owner was returned marked “Addressee Unknown.” Eventually the machine was sold, and the proceeds handed to the Hospital Fund. W. Stock, of Napier, operated a portable “tote” at the meeting in February, 1882, and the investments totalled £349. In the 1890's a small machine went the rounds of the country meetings. The natives at Anaura were content to use a blackboard.
An exciting finish occurred at the Gisborne Racing Club's meeting on 10 July, 1903.
Dividends on four horses had to be paid out on the Maiden Scurry at the Gisborne Racing Club's February meeting in 1991. Thel judge (W. G. Sherratt) was unable to separate three horses which finished next after the winner.
A very profitable meeting for Poverty Bay Turf followers was the Grand National fixture at Riccarton in August, 1910. The “double” was won by two district-bred and owned horses. C. Morse's Te Arai (Monaca-Frolic) bred by John Clark, and sold by him for £26, won the Steeples (3½ miles) with 11 st. 9 1b. up in 7 min. 15 1–5 sees., and G. B. Oman's Paisano (Strowan-Booby), bred by J. Robson and part-owned by D. J. Barry, won the Hurdles (about 2 miles) with 12 st. 1 1b. up in 3 min. 46 3–5 secs. Faugh a Ballagh, which won the Steeples in 1887, had, earlier, been a station hack in
The horse that has brought most fame to
As a four-year-old Golden Souvenir (Lang Bian-Valadore), also bred and owned by E. Fitzgerald, had a phenomenal season in 1945–46. At Riccarton he scored a brilliant victory in the New Zealand Cup, won the Churchill Cup on the second day, and, on the third day, was beaten in the Canterbury Cup by only half a head. Over the season he won the then record total of £10,545.
The first Rugby club in Adventures in Maoriland in the 'Seventies), H. Humphries, W. S. H. Haig, G. J. Winter and Wi Mackey. Napier won by 4 points (two tries) to nil. In a return match at Farndon on 3/9/1878, W. S. Hart, D. Ferguson and W. B. Mill replaced Ward, Haig and Mackey. Napier again won by 4 points to nil. In 1879
In 1886 the Gisborne Football Club decided to adhere strictly to the English Rugby Union rules. The Union Club (formed on 31/3/1886)
The Poverty Bay Rugby Union (formed on 30 August, 1890) adopted the Auckland Rugby Union rules. By then the Union Club had been replaced by Turanganui Club (formed in 1889). Waimata also had a good team. The first team known as Takitimu was composed chiefly of Muriwai natives. As its forwards were reputed to delight in kicking in the scrums, their opponents usually insisted that they should play without boots! Other country teams also sprang up. In 1892 a lease of Tucker's Paddock was obtained for five years. Affiliation with the N.Z.R.U. followed.
Prominent players in the 1890's included:
Lieutenant New Zealand Herald critic to remark: “Kaipara delighted the crowd with his bumping, reminding them of Davie Gage.” Whilst he was in Australia with Parata's Maori team in 1910 the Sydney Bulletin described him as being “as sharp as a needle and as slippery as an cel.” In 1913 an Auckland critic referred to him as “The Wizard.” When war broke out in 1914 he at once volunteered. Invalided home from Gallipoli, he spent a few months with his parents at Rotorua, and then rejoined the 1st Maoris, who were then in France, and was posted to “D” Company of the New Zealand Pioneer Battalion. During the wiring of the posts in front of La Basseville on 3 August, 1917, he was killed by a piece of shell whilst assisting to carry Te Tuhi (his wounded batman) into a sap.
Rugby Almanack of New Zealand selected him as one of the five most promising players for that year. In 1938 he gained
In Rugby Recollections (1948) W. J. Townsend, a veteran Welsh critic, says: “If J. R. Sherratt [of
P. Henderson, a Gisbornite, was playing for Wanganui when he was selected for the All Black team which toured
When Harding's Anglo-Welsh team visited Gisborne in July, 1908, the hotels were so heavily booked up that the party had to be split up. According to R. A. Barr (True Story of the Tour), one landlord greeted
“As we fought in the past, so we are going to fight again. But, as you have come with love in your hearts, it will be only a fight of sport. Strangers! You will be playing against some of my grandchildren. I warn you that you may be struck down as if by lightning! I say to you: ‘Pakehas, be careful! Welcome! Welcome to you!’”
Poverty Bay was represented by:
1921: Springboks defeated
1923:
1925:
1930: Prentice's British team defeated Poverty Bay-Bay of Plenty-East Coast, 25–11.
1937: Springboks defeated Poverty Bay-Bay of Plenty-East Coast, 33–3. Eric Grant, who played for the combined side, became a member of the New Zealand Universities' team which toured Japan, and, during World War No. 2, he was selected to play for Scotland.
1946: Australia defeated
1949: Australia, 20; Poverty Bay-East Coast, 12.
Poverty Bay has played five challenge matches for the Ranfurly Shield:
1911: v. Auckland, lost, 10–29, after leading at the interval by 4.3.
1913: v. Auckland, lost, 3–27. S. S. Dean (the manager for the
1923: v.
1924: v.
1948: v. Otago (played in rain and on a soggy ground), lost, 0–40. In 1947
In “Interpro.” contests
v. East Coast—1923, won 19–18; 1924, won 18–6 and 16–3; 1925, won 14–12 and 24–8; 1926, lost 11–14; 1927, won 11–6 and 16–6; 1928, lost 7–9 and won 13–3; 1929, won 26–3 and 19–17; 1930, won 11–9 and 16–14; 1931, drawn 11–11; 1932, lost 3–12, won, 21–11; 1933, lost 7–12, won 19–14;; 1934, won 31–0 and 25–21; 1935, lost 9–10 and 13–19; 1937, won 13–11, lost 13–17; 1938, lost 10–15, won 20–13; 1940, won 13–3; 1947, won 13–0 and 15–12; 1948, won 17–5 and 14–8; 1949, won 19–11 and 11–6.
v. Manawatu—1924, won 20–9.
v. Wanganui—1900, won 3–0; 1926, won 10–6; 1936, lost 10–13; 1937, lost 11–29.
v. Bay of Plenty—1920, lost 0–8; 1922, lost 11–12; 1924, won 24–9; 1926, won 22–6; 1920, won 22–8 and 16–9; 1930, won 31–14, lost 3–29; 1931, won 19–17, lost 12–14; 1934, lost 5–11; 1935, lost 12–16; 1937, won 25–11; 1939, won 11–8; 1940, lost 18–20; 1947, won 17–3; 1948, lost 9–10; 1949, lost 9–13.
v. Wairarapa—1927, lost 17–20; 1935, lost 3–12; 1937, won 14–11; 1939, lost 3–17; 1947, won 11–6; 1949, won 12–6.
v. Wellington—1894, lost 5–19. v. Wellington Colts—1933, lost 8–30; 1936, won 19–16.
v. Bush Districts—1909, lost 0–9; 1910, won 17–3; 1924, won 6–3; 1925, won 50–12; 1939, lost 6–14; 1947, won 8–7.
v. Canterbury—1887, lost 0–3; 1948, lost 3–12.
v. Otago—1948 (Ranfurly Shield), lost 0–40.
v. Southland—1948, lost 5–20.
v. Thames Valley—1931, won 23–3; 1934, won 9–8.
v. Auckland—1895, lost 0–14; 1907, lost 3–14; 1909, lost 8–12; 1911 (Ran furly Shield), lost 10–29; 1913 (Ranfurly Shield), lost 3–27; 1925, lost 6–11; 1926, won 17–14.
v. Hawke's Bay—Of the 44 contests held since 1892,
v. Taranaki—1890, drawn 1–1; 1929, lost 6–19.
v. Waikato—1929, won 16–3.
v. Tai-Rawhiti—1936, won 18–8.
v. Seddon Shield Districts—1926, won 31–14.
Rugby became organised on the East Coast in May, 1903. There were then clubs at
The first contest between Waiapu and
Matches which East Coast has played against outside districts have resulted as under:
v. Poverty Bay—(See under
v. Bay of Plenty—1930, lost 3–6 and won 19–3; 1935, won 12–6; 1937, drawn 0–0; 1947, lost 9–11; 1949, won 25–24.
v. Thames Valley—1931, won 5–3; 1947, drawn 0–0.
v. Hawke's Bay—1932, lost 8–14; 1934, lost 11–22.
v. Waikato—1929, lost 11–15; 1947, lost 8–11.
v. Taranaki—1929, won 3–0.
Rugby Almanack for New Zealand named him as one of the five best players in New Zealand in 1936. Again in 1936–37–38–39 he gained a place in the
Rugby Almanack named him as one of the five best players in the Dominion in 1936. In that year he played against Australia (two tests) and captained the Maori XV against the visitors, and, in 1937, he played in all three tests against the Springboks. His appearances as a New Zealand “rep.” totalled 27. He was the veteran player in the Maori side which visited Australia in 1949.
A mishap which terminated fatally occurred during a match between Kaiti-City and Huia on Tucker's Paddock on 13 July, 1901. Thomas Everton Kirk, aged 22 years (captain of the Kaiti-City side) collided with a team-mate, and received an injury to his spine from which he died a week later. He belonged to Hamilton.
O. R. Olsen controlled senior and “rep.” matches in Gisborne for 25 years.
A contest memorable for rough play, rowdiness and fighting took place at Mata-whero in June, 1910, between Kaiti-City and Red Stars. Ordered off the field, a Maori member of the Red Star team harangued the referee from the sideline for the rest of the game. He was disqualified for life. The second spell was a continuous brawl, and, at the close of play, there was some fighting.
Poverty Bay players who secured inclusion in a
Poverty Bay and East Coast players selected for All Black trials—1924:
Contests in which Tai Rawhiti (
Football (Australian Rules): A Poverty Bay Football League was formed in March, 1907, and some games were played on Harris's Paddock. The movement was revived in June, 1909, and three teams were formed, but enthusiasm was again short-lived.
Rugby (Northern Union): The opening match was played at Taru-heru on 17 May, 1913, between teams styled “Gisborne” and “Taru-heru.” A visit was paid to Gisborne by a Napier team during the following month. Few prominent Rugby players were attracted, and interest in the new code waned. Ryland, Rukingi and Paratene were members of the New Zealand side which visited Australia in 1913, and Joe and Mason Lockwood, of East Coast, obtained places in a New Zealand team which toured Australia in 1922.
The Gisborne Amateur Boxing Association was formed on 17 February, 1910. During the 1920's tourneys staged by the Tokomaru Bay Boxing Association and the Te Karaka Boxing Association vied with those held
Neptune ran into a minefield and sank in the Mediterranean Sea on 19 December, 1941.
In the “pro.” ranks Bert Lowe won the New Zealand h.w. title on 6 October, 1912, by defeating Jim Mitchell, of Millerton, on points. He was permanently dethroned by Albert Pooley, of Auckland, in October, 1914. Lyn Robinson gained the New Zealand f.w. title from Harry Ireland in 1919, and finally lost it to Duke Maddock, of Hastings, in 1926. Jack Heeney captured the New Zealand m.w. title in 1919 by defeating
Amateur—
1915: Beat S. Nelson at Gisborne on a k.o.
1919: Drew with Brian McCleary at Hastings.
Professional—
1920: Beat W. Bartlett on a t.k.o. in the 9th round; beat G. Modrich on points; and, by beating A. Pooley on points, secured the New Zealand h.w. title.
1921: Beat Pooley on points; beat J. Cole (N.S.W. m.w. champion) at Te Karaka in the presence of a record gathering of “fans” for
1922 (in Australia): v. M. Gornik, won on a k.o.; v.
1923 (in New Zealand): Beat
1924 (in New Zealand): Beat E. Young at
1924 (in England): v. Phil Scott (British h.w. champion), lost on points (20 rounds); v. F. Hendricks (champion of Belgium), fight declared a “no contest”; v. Trooper Young, won on a k.o. in 3rd round; and v. George Cook (Australian champion), lost on points.
1925 (in
1925–6 (in England and Ireland): v. C. Smith, won on points; v. Phil Scott, lost on points; v. Tom Berry (British l.h.w. champion), won on points; v. B. Madden (Irish champion), won on points; v. J. Stanley, won on points.
1927 (in the United States): v. C. Anderson (a coloured boxer), won on a k.o. in the 9th round; v. P. Uzeudun (champion of Europe), lost on points; v. J. de Mave (10th in rank among the contenders for the world's h.w. crown), won on points; v. Bud Gorman, won on a foul; v. Uzeudun (whose ranking was 7th), a draw; v. J. Moloney (“The Boston Fat Boy”), won on a k.o. in the 1st round; v. J. Risko, won on points.
1928 (in the United States): v. J. Sharkey (another aspirant for the world h.w. title), a draw; v. J. Delaney (the former light h.w. world champion), won on points; v. Gene Tunney (holder of the world's h.w. crown), lost on a t.k.o. decision in the 11th round.
Heeney had 21 additional fights in the United States, with 5 wins, 13 losses, 2 draws and one “no decision” result. He was 35 years old when he hung up his gloves.
1929: Lost on points to J. Maloney; lost on points to Otto von Porat; won on a foul from Elzear Rioux; lost on a k.o. to Vittoria Campolo in 9th round; and beat George Hoffman on points.
1930: Lost to Tuffy Griffiths; beat George Panks: lost to Frank Crawley; and lost to Emmett Rocco.
1931: k.o'd by Max Baer in 3rd round; lost to
1932: Lost to Max Baer; beat Hans Birkie; drew with John Schwake; and lost to Patsy Pirione.
1933: v. Charlie Retzlaff, “no decision”; v. Stanley Poreda, lost on points.
On 25 May, 1909, the first of what was to have been a sertes of “boxing evenings” was staged by the Gisborne Pastimes Club. No charge was made for admittance. After a few “spars” had been put on a towel was placed in the ring. There was, at once, a shower of coins. As a police permit had not been obtained, court proceedings followed. Billy Crawford (the promoter) was fined 5/; but the information against the 68 patrons was dismissed.
The only boxing contest in Gisborne which had a fatal result took place in February, 1915.
In 1919
Born in Gisborne on 18 May, 1898,
Heeney was prominent in connection with two efforts at life-saving. On 27 January, 1918, when three young women—Misses Elizabeth Galloway and Elsie and
Afer his unsuccessful bid for the world h.w. title Heeney became an American citizen. In September, 1928, he and his American bride were accorded an open-air civic reception at Gisborne in the presence of some thousands of the residents. Heeney served in the United States Navy in the Pacific during World War No. 2.
Whilst J. W. Witty was on a visit to Napier in 1887 he strolled down to the Recreation Ground and watched a game of bowls between Dr. Hitchings and a Mr. Smith, who was known as “Nine O'clock Smith.” Upon his return home he and R. Louden formed the Kaiti Bowling Club, which leased, for 12 months, a court on the Gisborne Tennis Club's property in Rutene Road. Other pioneer players were: G. F. Butt, F. Skeet,
Formed in 1889, the Gisborne Bowling Club was registered on 28 June, 1890. It acquired three quarter-acre sections in Rawiri Street, through
The Whataupoko Bowling Club, whose members used
The Te Rau Bowling Club was sponsored in October, 1903, by
Formed in 1905, the Turanganui Bowling Club was promoted by
The Poverty Bay Bowling Club was formed on 12 May, 1920, with C. Matthews as president, S. C. Clare as secretary, and the following committee: J. Greig, W. Michie, T. Corson, J. S. Allan and D. G. Robertson. It leased from the borough a section at the corner of Ormond Road and Hall Street. The pavilion was built by voluntary labour. For many years the Strangers Club played on
With H. Miller as first president, the East Coast Bowling Centre was formed on 19 September, 1921. Clubs affiliated in 1948 were: Gisborne, Poverty Bay, Kahutia, Wairoa,
First Poverty Bay Champions of Champions:
Senior Singles—W. S. Coutts (
Pairs—P. L., Power and J. J. Martin, skip (Kahutia), 1928–29.
Rinks—A. W. Horne, E. Beatson, M. W. Craig,
Junior Singles—R. B. Watt (Kahutia), 1933.
Intermediate Singles—O. R. Olsen (Gisborne), 1938.
Intermediate Pairs—F. Fredericks and E. Roderick (
Junior Rinks—J. Robertson, F. York, H. Wootton, W. Neenan, skip (Kahutia)., 1938.
Triple crowns of outstanding interest have been gained as under:
Senior—S. McKenzie (
Junior—G. A. Weatherley (Kahutia): In 1942 he was lead for the champion junior rink, lead for the champion intermediate pair, and won the champion intermediate singles—a record probably unequalled in junior ranks in New Zealand.
Burton Cup: The Burton Cup (donated by
1910—Gisborne:
1911—Gisborne: Brown, J. Coleman, J. Greig, J. Ponsford (s) and A. Zachariah, A. J. Benzie, W. J. Hennessey, F. A. Martin (s).
1912—Gisborne: R. A. Johnson, C. G. Maher, G. Carter,
1913—Port Ahuriri: Dyer, Northcroft, Quinn, Wrightson (s).
1914—Turanganui: A. Sawyer, S. Thacker, M. W. Craig, J. J. Martin (s).
1915—Gisborne: E. Beatson, R. G. Crawford, T. Corson, T. A. Crawford (s).
1916—Gisborne: E. Ashton, A. T. Hookey, Cox, R. W. Kyme (s).
1917—Gisborne: Bullock, F. Harris, J.
1918—Hastings: T. Horton, T. J. Thompson, J. Holt, J. Beatson (s).
1919—Napier: Proctor, Wells, Plested, Letham (s).
1920—Hastings: Waters, Thompson, Land, King (s).
1921—Gisborne: J. Coleman, H. J. Grieve, H. E. Maude, M. W. Craig (s).
1922—Napier: Patrick, Daly, McCarthy, Sinclair (s).
1923—Napier: J. B. Andrews, F. C. Williams, C. Cunningham, H. Bull (s).
1924—Hastings: Bates, Crombie, Thompson, Kruse (s).
1925—Kahutia: J. Whitehead, O. Prince, R. Jenkins, B. Dudfield (s).
1926—
1927—Gisborne: W. Fairley, T. F. Crawford, E. J. Halford, G. R. Watson (s).
1928—Bluff Hill: W. Letham, J. T. Thompson, T. A. Plested, R. McLaren (s).
1929—Kahutia:
1930—Kahutia:
1931—Gisborne: J. Nasmith, W. A. Smith, J. W. Holmes, J. A. Engerbretsen (s).
1932—Kahutia: E. Robinson, G. Downey,
1933—
1934—Gisborne: D. M. Grade. J. Murray, A. J. Sutton, H. A. Armstrong (s).
1935—Gisborne:
1936—Kahutia:
1937—Gisborne: J. S. Waite, W. Neal,
1938—Gisborne: H. Gilmer, A. W. Bragg,
1939—Gisborne:
1940—Opotiki: G. N. Hammond, M. O. Kidd, C. Gordon, R. A. Hedley (s).
1941—Gisborne: C. Horne, J. Nasmith, F. Williams, H. A. Armstrong (s).
1942—
1943—Gisborne: W. Langlands, L. L. Winter, G. Henderson, P. W. Smith (s).
1944—
1945—Gisborne: R. N. Poulgrain, H. S. Irvine, M. W. Craig, J. H. Walker (s).
1946—Kahutia: S. Gooch, G. Brebner, R. Hickman, R. Graham (s).
1947—Gisborne: C. Horne, R. Johnson,
1948—Gisborne: H. Duckworth, J. K. Nasmith, F. Williams, H. A. Armstrong (s).
1949—Taradale: A. Atkins, M. Oliver, W. G. Ireland, P. Oliver (s).
Peace Shield: The Peace Shield commemorates the declaration of Peace after the First Great War (1914–18). Its cost was subscribed by local bowlers. Until 1922 contests for the trophy were conducted by a special committee. The shield was then handed over to the Centre for open competition at its tourney each New Year. Results:
1920—Gisborne: C. Hampton, H. J. Grieve, H. E. Maude, W. J. McDonald (s).
1921—Kahutia:
1922—Gisborne: E. Gibbs, J. A. Russell, E. J. Halford, A. W. Horne (s).
1923—Gisborne: E. Adair, J. Mahoney, R. Robertson,
1924—Kahutia: E. Lane, G. Vincent, J. Rothwell, S. Wootton (s).
1925—Kahutia: J. Whitehead, O. Prince, R. Jenkins, B. G. Dudfield (s).
1926—Gisborne: B. Sutton, W. Boys, I. Stephenson,
1927—Kahutia:
1928—Kahutia:
1929—Tolagal Bay: F. Wilkinson, J. S. Paterson, G. A. Crowley, E. Crowley (s).
1930—Gisborne: R. Clark, T. Adams, T. F. Crawford,
1931—Gisborne: J. Fowler, R. Robertson,
1932—Gisborne: C. D. Beaver, F. Williams, A. Hay, S. McKenzie (s).
1933—Gisborne: Galvin, Johnson, G. Crowley, E. Crowley (s).
1934—Kahutia: J. Walker, C. Holland,
1935—
1936—Gisborne: I. J. Quigley,
1937—Gisborne:
1938—Gisborne:
1939—Kahutia: C. T. C. Hands, C. G. Vail, C. Somervell, J. Newton (s).
1940—Gisborne: A. F. Salmon, O. R. Olsen, R. Johnson, H. E. Maude (s).
1941—
1942—
1943—Gisborne: J. Russell, J. Murray, O. R. Olsen, H. A. Armstrong (s).
1944—Gisborne: H. B. Tyerman, S. Massam,
1945—Gisborne: J. Riddell, W. Neal, F. Williams,
1946—Kahutia: G. P. Weatherley, Geo. Weatherley, C. Corbett, R. B. Watt (s).
1947—Gisborne: F. Stephens, R. Johnson, W. Langlands, J. H. Walker (s).
1948—Gisborne: F. Wise, R. Johnson, E. O'Brien, J. H. Walker (s).
1949—Kahutia: A. Falkner, G. Moore, C. Corbett, R. B. Watt (s).
North Island and National Titles: The activities of the Te Rau Bowling Club were marked by an episode which led to much amusement, and also great rejoicing, in Gisborne bowling circles. In 1907 the
In 1905 the
An amazing change of fortune gave a
In 1925 B. G. Dudfield skipped the winning Kahutia rinks for both the Burton Cup and the Peace Shield. When Gisborne won both contests in 1947 its teams were skipped by J. H. Walker.
The Gisborne Riverside (Women's) Bowling Club was formed in 1941 with 15 members. Five years later the membership stood at 48. At the outset the club used
A Gisborne Carpet Bowling Club—the first of its kind in New Zealand—affiliated, in 1910, with the Scottish Carpet Bowling Association, which sent out a medal for competition.
Athletic sports were first held in
The East Coast Amateur Athletic Club (formed on 9 December, 1886) required competitors to wear University costume or rowing, football or cricket uniforms. In 1895 a Gisborne Amateur Athletic and Cycling Club was formed. The Gisborne Amateur Athletic and Harrier Club (established in 1919) arranged visits by overseas teams as under:
1922—
1923—United States (Maurice Kirksey, who ran second in the 100 metres event at the 1920 Olympic Games, C. G. Krogness, who gained second place in the hurdles at the 1921 U.S.A. inter-varsity sports, and J. W. Merchant, an exponent of field events). Kirksey retired after running only a few steps in the 75 yards Dash, alleging that the local runners had got away to a flying start. There had been three previous false starts. As he had gained only fifth place in the 100 yards handicap it seemed that he was (as he claimed) off colour.
1926—United States (Jackson Scholz, who won the 200 metre event and came second in the 100 metre contest at the 1924 Olympic Games, and Lloyd Kahn, whose colours were lowered during his tour by Randolph Rose, the New Zealand amateur mile champion).
1931—United States (George Simpson, R. Kiser and H. Rothert). Simpson won the 100 yards contest in 9 4–5 secs., and Rothert threw the discus 135 feet 3 inches—both
1938—
By winning the 100 yards New Zealand ladies' championship at Christchurch in December, 1927, Miss Norma Wilson, of Gisborne, qualified for a place in the New Zealand team which competed at the Olympic Games at Amsterdam in 1928. She came second in her heat in the 100 metres, but, on account of the bad starting (which led to the starter being hooted off the field and replaced), she was able to obtain only third place in a semi-final, and did not become eligible to start in the final. At Stamford Bridge (England) Miss Wilson won her heat in the 100 yards event in 11 4–5secs., and came fourth in the final. In a scratch race she triumphed. At Middlesex she won her heat in the 120 yards contest in 13 1–5 secs. and the final in 13 2–5 secs. She competed at the New Zealand championships for 1929–30 at Wanganui, but had to be content with third place in the 100 yards event. In the 1932–33 season she emerged from retirement, and, at Christchurch, again won the ladies' title, her time being 11 2–5 secs.
District amateur records:
Men (Senior)—75 Yards: Ayres-Oosterlaak, South Africa (1922), D. Coates (1931), R. Dandy (1932), G. Quinn (1937), 7 4–5 secs. 100 Yards: G. Simpson, U.S.A. (1931) and J. R. Cumberbatch,
Cycling—One Mile: S. Parker (1939), 2 min. 29 4–5secs. Two Miles: F. Pollard (1928), 5 min. 11 2–5 secs. Five Miles: T. Campbell (1931), 14 min. 1 1–5 secs. Waihirere Circuit: G. Hewson (1930), 47 min. 54 secs. Makaraka Triple Circuit: F. Pollard (1928), 31 min. 44 4–5 secs. King's Road: A. Campbell (1931), 22 min. 34 secs. Gisborne-Te Karaka-Gisborne: J. Algie (1928), 1 h. 53 min. 51 secs. Fifty Miles: G. V. Griffin, Hawera (1925), 2 h. 34 min. 25 secs. Gisborne-Tatapouri: J. Algie (1928), 23 min. 21 secs.
Men (Junior)—100 Yards: R. Meban (1948), 10 secs. 220 Yards: R. Meban (1949), 22.5 secs. 220 Hurdles: R. Meban (1949), 26.5 secs. One Mile: J. Sloan (1948), 4 min. 36 secs. One and a-half Miles: J. Sloan (1948), 7 min. 25 secs. Three Miles: J. Sloan (1947), 16 min. 3 secs. Pole Vault: S. Garland (1949), 10 ft. 4½ inches. Javelin: W. Robinson (1949), 161 feet 3½ inches. Hop, Step and Jump: J. Cleary (1940), 42 feet 9½ inches. Hammer Throw: M. Roderick (1949), 110 feet 1 inch. Discus: W. Robinson (1949), 122 feet ½ inch.
Women—75 Yards: Miss N. Wilson (1929), 8 3–5 secs. 100 Yards: Miss Wilson (1929–30–31), 11 3–5 secs. 120 Yards: Miss Wilson (1929–30–33), 13 2–5 secs. 150 Yards: Miss N. Eastwood (1926, twice), 18 1–5 secs. Broad Jump: Miss R. Phillpotts (1944), 16 feet 6 inches. Javelin: Miss E. Smith (1949), 75 feet 7½ inches. Discus: Miss H. Shelton (1949), 73 feet 11 inches. Shot Putt: Miss B. Sheen (1937), 32 feet 11 inches. 440 Yards Relay: Misses Eastwood, Wilson, Hansen and McCarthy (1927), 52 4–5 secs.
G. Quinn (Gisborne) won senior national titles as under: 100 Yards (1937–38), 10 2–5 secs.; and 220 yards (1935–36) in 22 1–5 secs. and (1937–38) in 22 3–5 secs.
Junior National Titles (1949)—R. Meban (Gisborne), 100 Yards, 10.3 secs.; 220 Yards Hurdles, 25.7 secs. J. Sloan (Gisborne), Two Miles, 10 min. 10 2–5 secs.
Professional Athletics: At the early athletic sports in
The “Father of Cricket” in Basilisk on S. Parsons's pitch at Matawhero on 31 October, 1873. The Matawhero Cricket Club was formed by the Rev. W. H. Root in November, 1873, and the Poverty Bay Cricket Club at Gisborne in July, 1875. At Matawhero, on 1 January, 1877,
Nobody did more to promote interest in cricket in
The Poverty Bay Cricket Association was formed on 7 October, 1901, with
Up to and including 1948,
1900: E. R. Ludbrook, 94. 1901: Ludbrook, 73 and 67. 1912:
Bowling—1901: Hussey, 4 for 13. 1902: A. M. Beale, 3 for 34 and 6 for 11; Crawford, 7 for 43 and 4 for 29. 1912: McMahon, 4 for 20. 1913: McMahon, 5 for 53. 1914: F. Kahlenberg, 5 for 29 and 6 for 33. 1928: J. Schollum, 6 for 25. 1936: G. J. Robertson, 6 for 18 and 4 for 32. 1940: L. Thomson, 3 for 9. 1941: P. Stewart, 4 for 20. 1944: D. Jones, 3 for 14 and 3 for 24.
Matches in which
1914: v. Wanganui, lost by 201 runs. 1915: v. Wanganui, lost by 6 wickets. 1919: v. Wanganui, won by 3 wickets. 1920: v. Wanganui, won by 7 wickets; v. Wairarapa, won by an innings and 38 runs; v. Manawatu, won by 8 wickets. 1921: v. Wanganui, won by 2 wickets; v. Wairarapa, lost by 2 wickets. 1923: v. Wanganui, lost by 9 wickets. 1926: v. Wanganui, lost by 3 wickets. 1927: v. Taianaki, lost by 7 wickets. 1928: v. Wanganui, lost by 89 runs. 1930: v. Manawatu, lost by 156 runs. 1933: v. South Auckland, lost by 127 runs. 1934: v. Taranaki, lost on first innings. 1935: v. Manawatu, abandoned. 1936: v. Manawatu, lost by 7 wickets. 1948: v. Waikato (elimination round), lost by 4 wickets. 1949: v. Hutt Valley, lost by 93 runs.
Highest Poverty Bay scorers:
1915:
Noteworthy Bowling Performances—1914: McMahon, 8 for 79; Cattanach, 5 for 20. 1920:
Visits to Gisborne by overseas teams:
1914: Sims's Australian XI, 461;
1925: Mayne's Victorian XI, 505 for 6 wickets; Poverty Bay-Waiapu, 187 (
1928: Richardson's Australian XI, 120 for 1 wicket;
1936: Holmes's M.C.C. XI, 206 for 5 (declared) and 158 for 9 (declared);
1948: Fiji, 271 for 8 (declared) and 70 for 4 wickets;
In 1921,
The development of cricket on the East Coast was due to strenuous efforts on the part of scattered bands of enthusiasts. Nowhere else in
Waiapu challenged only once for the Hawke Cup (1930–31), but was overwhelmed by South Auckland. Up till the close of the 1938–39 season 27 matches had been played between
For Waiapu: 1924–25, J Oates 149; 1930–31, F. Bennett 127.
For Poverty Bay: 1929–30, S. Reeves 147; 1932–33, G. N. Lockett 121 and C. Fraser 110; 1933–34, S. Reeves 137 and E. Dow 118; 1934–35, P. Dow 101, M. K. Boon 128; 1935–36, M. K. Boon 121; 1937–38, E. James 111.
Bowling for Poverty Bay: Schwabe, 6 for 3 in 1924–25;
The Poverty Bay team which met
Several members of other families have been promincnt in district cricket. For Poverty Bay there were the brothers W. and J. Gibson and
Up till December, 1902, E. R. Ludbrook, in 10 “rep.” matches, had gained a batting average of 44.6, and surprise was expressed in
The highest first-wicket partnership in
Enterprise on the part of the Poverty Bay Cricket Association provided Gisborne with the “Oval,” its finest sports ground. In 1915 its executive (H. E. Maude, chairman), with the aid of a bank overdraft guaranteed by lovers of the game, acquired a block of 22 acres from Captain Tucker for £4,454. Nine acres were cut up, roaded and sold for residential sites. By 1923 over £3,000 had been expended on improvements, but the ground still lacked a pavilion. The undertaking proved too great a burden for the association. In 1926 it sold a one-half share to the Poverty Bay Ruboy Union for £3,500, and, in 1938, it handed over its equity in the property to the Rugby authorities in return for the perpetual right to use the ground, at an annual peppercorn rental, for cricket between 1 October and 31 March each year.
The first court in
In 1948, clubs (with membership in parentheses) affiliated to the
Winners of the District Championships (New Series):
Men's Singles—1927, N. H. Bull; 1928–29–30, P. R. D. Watson; 1931,
Ladies' Singles—1927, Miss P. Hopkinson; 1928, Mrs. W. R. Beattie; 1920, Miss A. Philp; 1930, Miss P. Hopkinson; 1931, Miss M. Humphreys; 1932, Miss J. Hopkinson; 1933, Mrs. R. Hutchinson; 1934, Miss W. Barns-Graham; 1935, Miss E. Plummer; 1936, Mrs. R. P. Baigent; 1937,
Men's Doubles—1927, N. H. Bull and D. E. Chrisp; 1928, N. R. Mackay and A. Shorland; 1929, D. E. Chrisp and P. R. D. Watson; 1930, M. Mitchell and P. R. D. Watson; 1931, H. D. Reid and W. Boddy; 1932,
Ladies' Doubles—1927,
Mixed Doubles—1927, N. H. Bull and Miss M. Bull; 1928, P. R. D. Watson and Miss P. Hopkinson; 1929, no contest; 1930, P. R. D. Watson and Miss W. Barns-Graham; 1931, J. G. Reeves and Miss E. Hegarty; 1932,
A few enthusiasts obtained permission in 1894 from Captain Tucker, Weekly News, 15/12/1948) that he and R. J. Reynolds were the pioneers. Some of the early players had to be content with clubs fashioned from manuka limbs. Many of the balls used for practice were also of the home-made variety, and included old composition cricket balls reduced to the required size.
In 1909, when some of the paddocks could no longer be used, R. J. Reynolds provided a playing area on “Sandown” free of charge. The Sandown links were opened on 17 April, 1909. Early in 1912 the right to use other properties was also obtained, and four additional holes were laid out on the western side of Lytton Road. “These holes,” commented a Gisborne Times writer, “are blind holes, and the course is a straight and narrow path between forests of fern. A slice or a pull spells disaster and, usually, the price of a new ball.” The present links at Awapuni were opened on 3 May, 1913. In its original state the area was a rough field overgrown with briars and fern.
Poverty Bay Golf Club champions:
Men—1895, G. T. Bull; 1896, A. Cuthbert; 1897, G. T. Bull; 1898, A. Cuthbert; 1899, G. T. Bull; 1900,
Women—1902, Mrs. W. B. Willock; 1903, Mrs. H. A. King; 1904–5, Miss N. Rutledge; 1906, Mrs. F. T. Morgan; 1907, Miss F. K. Adams; 1908–9–10, Miss E. Sweet; 1911–15, Miss D. V. Bull; 1916, Miss F. K. Adams; 1917, Mrs. L. T. Burnard; 1918–19, First Great War; 1920, Miss K. Booth; 1921, Miss F. K. Adams; 1922, Miss L. King; 1923, Miss Kettle; 1924, Miss King; 1925, Miss P. O'Meara; 1926,
Annual Amateur Open Tournament:
Men—1931–32, N. W. Parker; 1933,
Ladies—1935, Mrs. F. A. McFadyen; 1936–37–38,
The Turanganui Golf Club, whose members play on the Tuoi links at Te Hapara, was incorporated in 1936. It was founded by
Ladies—1937, Mrs. T. Keelan; 1938–39, Mrs. R. Bullivant; 1940–41–42–43, Mrs. R. G. Robb; 1944, Mrs. M. Kaua; 1945, Mrs. E. Stratum; 1946, Mrs. R. G. Robb; 1947–48, Mrs. M. Kaua. 1949, Mrs. L. Ngata.
Men—1937–38, R. Keiha; 1939–40, P. Kaua; 1941, R. W. Halbert; 1942, D. Ross; 1943, R. W. Halbert; 1944–45, C. Pere; 1946–47–48 P. Kaua. 1949, B. Corbett.
The Gisborne Park Golf Club secured the right to establish links on the Park Domain in time for the 1936 season. Club champions:
Men—1936, G. L. Winter; 1937, T. Pere; 1938, P. H. Dow; 1939, F. W. Dobbie; 1940, P. H. Dow; 1941, L. Lunken; 1942, no contest; 1943, H. F. Alen and A. D. Tarr (tie); 1944, A. D. Tarr; 1945, P. H. Dow; 1946, T. Atkins; 1947–48–49, R. Muir.
Ladies—1936–37–38, Mrs. E. E. Winter; 1939, Mrs. H. Tureia; 1940, Mrs. G. Brown; 1941, Miss M. Haisman; 1942, no contest; 1943–44, Miss M. Haisman; 1945, Mrs. G. Brown; 1946–47, Miss M. Haisman; 1948, Miss J. Byres; 1949, Mrs. T. Te Pairi.
Archery: The Gisborne Archery Club was formed in 1943. In an international contest promoted by the National Archery Association of U.S.A. in 1946,
Badminton: Introduced into Gisborne in 1925 by G. W. Langhorne, a member of the High School teaching staff, who had been a player both in India and in England. Clubs in various district centres followed. In 1948 there were 80 players in Gisborne.
Basketball: In April, 1907, Mrs. J. C. Jamieson (the wife of a visiting clergyman) taught the members of St Andrew's Y.W. Bible Class. Teams were formed in 1909 by C. R. Webster, the first secretary of the Gisborne Y.M.C.A. The game soon became a popular school sport. On 23 September, 1927, the Poverty Bay Basketball Association was formed, with
Clay Bird and Live Bird Shooting: The Poverty Bay Gun Club was formed in 1881, with A. C. Arthur as president. Strong clubs followed in several district centres, and, later, one was established at
Coursing: The Gisborne Coursing Club was formed in June, 1907.
Croquet: As early as 1885 both men and women engaged in this pastime on one of the Kaiti tennis courts. In more recent years, the bowling clubs placed greens at the disposal of players as long as they could be spared. The Poverty Bay Croquet Club (formed on 27/1/1927) used a Poverty Bay Bowling Club green until 1946, when it had to be given up, and the club disbanded. Formed on 24/10/1933, the Gisborne Croquet Club, which was, at first, provided with greens by the Gisborne Bowling Club, moved, in 1946, to the municipal croquet greens in Rutene Road. The Turanga Croquet Club (formed in January, 1936) first played on a green adjacent to the McRae Bath, but, later, also moved to the municipal greens. In April, 1949, the Barry Memorial Croquet Club, which will have its green on Barry Park, was established.
Cycling: “Penny-farthings,” with a front wheel 54 inches high and a back wheel a foot in height, made their appearance in Gisborne in 1883. The first locally-owned “safety”—it had solid tyres—was obtained by T. J. Adair in 1891. A Gisborne Bicycling Club was formed in 1892, and outings were held regularly. Road races were a special feature of the activities of the Britannia Cycling Club, which was formed in 1906. The 1921 Timaru to Christchurch road race (112 miles) was won by Allan Sutton, of Gisborne, his time being second fastest.
Flying: The Gisborne Aero Club (formed on 9 May, 1929, with J. G. Nolan as chairman), rented planes from the
The value of having a plane stationed at Gisborne was demonstrated in March. 1947, when Theresa Tangney (aged 21 years), a teacher at Manutahi Native District High School, became “bushed” on
A very gallant action on the part of M. L. (Pat) Holden on 11 November, 1943, earned for him the George Medal (the highest award for bravery that can be bestowed upon a civilian). Whilst a R.N.Z.A.F. plane was passing over his property at Pouawa it struck a building, crashed, and burst into flames. The pilot was F.O. Roland H. Browne, married, of Parnell, and he had for a companion F.O. Douglas J. Nilsson, of
Hockey: First played in
Formed on 16 May, 1902, the Poverty Bay Men's Hockey Association affiliated with the N.Z.H.A. on 24 April, 1903. In 1922
Hunting: In Poverty Bay this sport was first engaged in on 9 July, 1892, at Lavenham. H. Mason (who had formed the Hawke's Bay Hunt Club) acted as master, and H. Hassell filled the role of whip. Recalling the initial meet, Mr. Hassell (Weekly News, 13/8/1947) said: “I have vivid recollections of the first meet in
Polo: The Poverty Bay Polo Club (formed in March, 1892) was sponsored by Herbert N. Watson. During the first season
Winners of the A. H. Wallis Championship Cup:
1907: E. M. Monckton, T. Sherratt, R. R. Sherratt, O. Monckton. 1908: E. M. Monckton, T. Sherratt, R. R. Sherratt,
Note.—Two polo fatalities have occurred in
Rifle Shooting: The Gisborne Rifle Club was promoted by London Illustrated News described him as “New Zealand's Shooting Star!” However, he failed badly at Dunedin.
Formed in 1902, the Poverty Bay Rifle Association did much to maintain interest in rifle shooting during the last few years of the Volunteer movement.
F. J. Jeune became the Gisborne Defence Rifle Club's champion shot in 1921 and still (1949) retains that position. At Trentham in 1927 he came fifth for the Ballinger Belt and won the Kynoch Cup and the Ross Carbine Belt. Among over 1,000 competitors for the King's Prize at the Empiad at Sydney in 1938 he came eighty-fourth his aggregate being only 10 points below that of the winner. He won the King's Prize at Trentham in 1950.
Rinking: Introduced into Gisborne in November, 1876, by Mr. Burland, of Napier, roller skating was revived when the City Rink was built in the 1880's. Several mishaps occurred at the outset of a revival in 1910. A young woman, a girl and a young man each broke a wrist, a youth fractured a foot, a lad had both bones in his forearm broken, and another young man broke his arm.
Rowing: The Gisborne Rowing Club (formed in August, 1874) built its first shed opposite the site now occupied by the Harbour Board Offices. Captain Porter arranged with the natives for the use of the site. W. King (who donated the timber) was the first president, and
The first contest between Gisborne Rowing Club and Napier Rowing Club was held in 1876, and was won by Napier.
Formed in March, 1909, the Uawa Rowing Club, which had 60 members, held interchanges of visits with the Gisborne clubs, but its career was interrupted in 1925. It was resuscitated in March, 1948.
East Coast Rowing Association (formed in 1932 with jurisdiction over the clubs in
Scouting: This pastime was sponsored in Gisborne early in 1909 by E. W. Forrest. The pioneer troop used Captain Cumming's stable for a meeting place. By the end of 1909 the Excelsior, Y.M.C.A., Methodist and St. Andrew's Troops had been formed, and the Y.M.C.A. Rooms were the headquarters. The first camps were held at Waikohu and on Kaiti Beach in January, 1910. Many changes have since taken place. In 1949 there were Scout groups in Gisborne as under: Warneford, previously Y.M.C.A. (formed in 1925), Takitimu Sea Scouts (1939), Mangapapa (1914), Tainui Sea Scouts, previously the Marist Troop, and also Wesley (1947), Manutuke (1949), and Norwood (a Cub pack). Wairoa, Waikaremoana, Nuhaka and Ruatoria also had troops. District Commissioners: L. T. Redward (1909–21), H. A. King (1921–25),
The Takitimu Sea Scouts earned a Medal for Gallantry in 1946 by pluckily going to the assistance of the occupants of a launch which was in difficulties at the entrance to the Turanganui River. In 1947, at Tauranga, and in 1949, at Nelson, they tied for first place in the Jellicoe Trident national competitions. Three Poverty Bay lads—Scouter Keith Redstone and Scouts John Hebenton and Eric Faulkner—were members of the New Zealand contingent which attended the International Jamboree in France in 1947. Much of the money to meet their expenses (about £945) was raised by the boys and their friends by means of shop days, dances, cinema evenings, bottle drives, etc., and the balance by public subscriptions. Steps were taken in 1947 to obtain a Scout Hall for Gisborne. An Air Force building in Chalmers Road was bought, dismantled and re-erected by the Scouts (under the supervision of A. L. W. Martin) in Carnarvon Street. Public subscriptions ran into over £900, and the J. N. Williams Trust provided a subsidy of £383.
Soccer: The inaugural match in
Swimming: Competitive swimming did not prove popular in Gisborne until the Central School Bath (built in 1908) became available for tourneys. A club formed in 1882 had been resuscitated from time to time. The Gisborne Amateur Surf and Swimming Club (formed in 1919) induced several noted swimmers to visit the town. Bill Harris (the Hawaiian champion), who was rated as the second fastest white swimmer in the world, came along in 1921. Miss Pauline Hoeft (New Zealand and a world champion), who paid a visit in 1922, beat the best local male swimmers over 150 yards, W. Bousfield getting second place and
On 30 September, 1925, the Gisborne ratepayers, by 1,050 votes to 178, refused to sanction the raising of a loan to provide a municipal tepid pool. Undeterred, the sponsors of the movement merely dropped the idea that the bath should be equipped with a heating apparatus. By means of a Queen Carnival (which was won by Miss Valda Zachariah and which produced £960) and further appeals to the public, £1,800 was raised. The committee comprised: F. Tolerton, J. S. Wauchop,
Trotting: The first trotting meeting in Gisborne was held on Tucker's Paddock on 28 October, 1891, under the presidency of Captain Tucker. On 6 November, 1912, the
Wrestling: There was a mild wrestling boom in Gisborne in April, 1907, when Harry Pearce, Moana Paratene, Tawa Porter and Constable Tait engaged in a series of contests. In January, 1910, Porter lasted only 35 seconds against the famous wrestler Hackenschmidt. A contest between Paratene and Harry Groth for the New Zealand title in April, 1910, ended after the first fall, which was awarded to the former, because Groth refused to continue unless another referee was appointed. The Gisborne Wrestling Association was formed in 1931 by T. P. Smale and Reg. Humphreys.
Yachting: The Gisborne Boat and Yacht Club held its first contests in December, 1874, over a course around the wool ship Queen Bee; its career extended over only a few years. In December, 1946, the sport was revived by the Gisborne Yacht Club in the form of contests between small craft.
Prince Henry, Duke of Gloucester, visited Gisborne by motor car in December, 1934. He was accorded a civic reception on Childers Road Reserve, then visited Poho-o-Rawiri meeting-house, and, later, enjoyed a dip at Wainui Beach.
H.R.H. Prince George of Battenberg (a nephew of King George V) was on board H.M.S. New Zealand when she made her first call at
H.M.S. Renown (which brought out to New Zealand the Prince of Wales, later King Edward VIII, and now the Duke of Windsor) in April, 1920, nosed round Young Nick's Head, but, as the weather was unfavourable, she headed out to sea again. Her Royal passenger was not then on board. In March, 1927, the Renown made a brief call at
Viscount Jellicoe (commander of the British forces at the historic Battle of Jutland) twice visited New Zealand
The battle cruiser Repulse spent the morning of 9 May, 1924, in
Indefatigable Wizard and
Widespread interest was created by
Vice-Regal investitures at Gisborne and Ruatoria—the first to be held in the district—were a feature of the visit which
Percival Barker, Sen. (born in England in 1824), settled in Dunedin in the early 1860's, going into business first as a tailor, and, then, as an hotelkeeper. In 1875 he moved to
Dictionary of New Zealand Biography) quotes
Railways and the Steam Engine) says that, on the first trial, the Rocket attained 13 4–10 m.p.h., Sans Pariel 12 4–10 m.p.h. and Novelty 17½ m.p.h. In the second trial Rocket reached 14 2–10 m.p.h., and Novelty, whilst travelling at 15 m.p.h., came to grief on account of a tube bursting. Sans Pariel had dropped out of the contest. He died in March, 1884.
Land of Toi, By Pacific Waters (short stories) and Kowhai Blossoms (a book of verse).
Kate when she was plundered at Whakatane in 1865; James Fulloon and four others were slain. Subsequently, his father was murdered, and the murderer was captured in the Urewera Country. Mr. White died on 5 August, 1949.
Captain William Stewart, who claimed to have made the first purchase of land on the East Coast (1825) and who brought the first permanent white traders from Sydney to Poverty Bay (1831), was born in Scotland in 1776. He joined the Royal Navy and served in the
Story of New Zealand, vol. I, p. 291) says that Stewart was a good specimen of the sealer class and that, by birth, he was a Scottish Jacobite, “who had seen the world and had drunk Burgundy.” After residing in New Zealand for many years he returned to Scotland to see his forlorn wife, but she, having conceived him dead, had remarried and denied his personal identity. As a consequence he returned to New Zealand. Stewart, he adds, was in a destitute state when he made his last home in
Stewart figured in a romantic story based on a conjecture that a grave on Campbell Island contained the remains of Charlotte, a daughter of New Zealand, 1908), were that it was the mother who was suspected of being a spy, and she was driven away by Prince Charlie. Charlotte, who remained with her father till his death in 1788, died in the following year. Stewart did not find his way to the South Pacific until 12 years afterwards.
In Sir James Ross's account of the Antarctic expedition of 1840, mention is made of a claim by whalers that they had seen on Campbell Island a woman who appeared in the Royal Stewart tartan and with a sprig of heather in her bonnet. A woman and three men were left on the island by the New Zealander in 1835; they were taken off by the Enderbys' whaler
How it came about that Stewart's name was given to Dictionary of New Zealand Biography) says that Stewart took a sealing gang to the island in the Pegasus in 1803, but he does not mention any authority for a claim that Stewart was the first discoverer of the strait. The Alexander Turnbull Library has a sketch (supplied by the New South Wales Lands Department) which states that the strait was discovered and examined by
The “Smith” chart does not appear to have been wholly Smith's work. One of the legends upon it states: “In these stations Mr. Smith took meridian altitudes.” Another reads: “Mr. Smith speaks very highly of the excellence of the harbours, etc.” Port Adventure appears as Port Honduras (the name of a sealer). The Mitchell Librarian informed the writer (4/9/1940) that “no mention of the discovery of the strait is to be found in Sydney Gazette until March, 1809.” There is no record that Stewart ever claimed to have been the first discoverer of the strait. Perhaps his name was bestowed upon the island in recognition of his work in surveying its coasts in 1809 whilst he was chief officer of the Pegasus, and because he compiled the first chart, which was published in London in 1815.
Heta, an elderly native of Muriwai, told the writer in 1912, that Stewart lived with Captain Harris at Opou for about two years. Harris—in fact, everybody—was very good to him. He was not addicted to spirits and did not touch ale. Claret was his favourite drink. His beard was massive, but it had turned grey. As he strolled around he kept on muttering, and natives who overheard him would whisper to one another that his state of mental unrest was due to an evil spirit troubling him. Harris informed Harris Memoirs) says that Stewart was buried “at the south-east end of Captain Harris's old garden at Tapatahi (Opou, Poverty Bay).” The spot might have been washed away by floods in the Waipaoa River. On the other hand, there have also been accretions in the locality.
Endeavour in
It was as a result of this union that Hinematioro, the great “Queen of the East Coast,” was born. She chose for husband Te Hoa-a-Tiki, a grandson of Te Rewai, her great uncle. Their daughter (Ngarangi-Kahiwa) married Te Rongo Pumamao, who was a great grandson of the second wife of Marakauiti, one of her own great grandfathers.
The introduction of Ngunguru into
One day, whilst Tao was on the beach, the only thing that she found was the ngaruru shell; she threw it away. No matter which part of the beach she examined, the shell turned up. When she returned to the camp fire her basket was empty, although her companions had had no difficulty in filling theirs. To her friends she remarked: “A ngaruru was the only thing I saw. Even although I moved from place to place I was followed by the shell.” Next day, when she returned to the beach, there was the faithful ngaruru, and Tao placed it in her basket.
Whilst she was sitting in front of the fire that evening she noticed the strand of the pendant, and placed it on her necklet. Soon Tahito's love began to affect her overwhelmingly. Brought close to the embers, the ngaruru is said to have opened its lips and to have told her the old, old story in the form of a lament which Tahito had composed. Said the cockle: “When Tahito flung me on the waters, he cried: ‘Tell of my love to, Tao,’ and I, now dying, am fulfilling the trust that he reposed in me.” No time was lost by Tao in hitting the Kowhai trail leading to
Te Kani must have owed much to Hinematioro, whose fame, on account of her kindly disposition, spread far and wide. She would never permit the slaying of anybody to provide food, no matter how meagre the supplies on hand. When Marsden was at Rangihoua in 1820 he met a young East Coast captive woman, who claimed to be a niece of “Hina, a great Queen,” of whom, he said, he had often heard. Upon Te Wera's return from his first lengthy expedition to the south in April, 1821, he told the
Like some other distinguished figures in Maoridom,
When Pourewa pa was about to fall into Maori Wars of the Nineteenth Century, p. 172) says that her remains were buried on Whangara Island. When the ownership of Pourewa Island was being investigated by Judges Heale and O'Brien in July, 1881, evidence was tendered to the effect that the canoe was overtaken, and that
L'Astrolabe, which visited
On account of
Shortly afterwards a tumult arose when another canoe, in which there were two old and more heavily tattooed chiefs, put in an appearance.
According to Smith (supra, p. 172) New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, vol. 2, pp. 125–6), who first met
In an address at Gisborne in 1901,
It is stated by Smith (supra, pp. 171–2) that
Te Kani died on Paremata block (
When Captain Cook reached
On the day on which the Endeavour left
As a result of the inquiries that were made at
Nevertheless, the elusive Te Ratu remained in Cook's thoughts. Just before he sailed from New Zealand he wrote (Wharton's Captain Cook's Journal, pp. 220–1) that it was much to be regretted that they were obliged to leave the country without learning anything about him except his name. “Te Ratu,” he says, “was owned as chief by every one we met with from
Polack (New Zealand: Travels and Adventures, vol. 1, p. 45) says that when he inquired from the chiefs of
A very heated controversy as to which of two chiefs named Te Ratu who lived in Pipiwharauroa in 1906. The writer who set the ball rolling [No. 104, November, 1906] said that there were many descendants of that Te Ratu in
Strong exception to this claim was taken by Mrs.
Writing to The Gisborne Times (2 July, 1927),
Both Pimia Aata and Mrs. Gannon were capable and successful Native Land Court pleaders. Both, too, were recognised and acknowledged generally as high authorities in the lore and learning of their great tribe. They both belonged to the “blue blood” of that proud”tribe, by virtue of which distinction they enjoyed and exercised the prerogative of mutual recrimination as rangatiras of equal standing would do—but all in a Pickwickian sense. Indeed, to such a degree of bitterness did the controversy go that the two principal pleaders, when they met on the open pavements of the Gisborne streets, and away from the pages of the “Pipi,” did not fail to remind the world of their high lineage by the free use that they made of expletives which a constable on his beat would not accept from a common pakeha roysterer.
In early manhood Te Ratu (a) suffered the indignity of being made a slave. Trouble arose over the fishing rights at the mouth of the Waipaoa River, and Tarake, of
On account of a threat of reprisals,
When the remnant reached Kaiti, Konohi negotiated with Te Ikawhaingata for their return to their former lands, which, in their absence, had been seized by
Meantime, Te Ratu (a) had been retained as a slave by Hunaara, whose home was at Kokai. His lot, it is stated, became one of abject misery. One of his most terrifying experiences was to have a large crayfish placed on his bare back. According to the story, it tore into his flesh, “cutting it to ribbons.” Taking pity on him, Te Whi-o-te-Rangi (a benevolent old chief) advised him, saying: “When you are sent for water, contrive to break the calabash, so that your master will beat you.” Te Ratu (a) did as he was advised, and Te Whi-o-te-Rangi not only protected him, but returned him to his own people.
According to Dr.
Neither of the Te Ratus was a famous warrior, and neither held mana over a large area. Polack states that he learned in
The Maori leaders in Horouta and Takitimu, brought migrants who settled in these parts. In each locality some information has been handed down, but, in a number of cases, the name of the canoe which brought pioneer ancestors from whom descent is claimed is not known for certain. It is of especial interest that
Huge tree trunks jutting out twenty feet below the level of the banks of the Wairoa River attracted the attention of
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Page 204: Whilst a wedding party was in progress at a home in Hirini Street, Gisborne, at 8.45 p.m. on 31st March, 1927, Mrs. Queenie Eleanor Pettit, aged 35 years, was fatally injured by two shots fired from a rifle through a window. It transpired at the inquest that George Edward Nowell, aged 26 years, who committed suicide shortly afterwards in a nearby street, had mistaken her for another guest whom he had intended to shoot.
Page 433: The “Waiapu R.C. also merged with the Poverty Bay Turf Club in 1949, Page 440: Additions to Heeney's contests—1923: defeated
(n) indicates a general note; (b) a biographical reference.
Agnes, the, alleged capture of, on East Coast, 62–4, 67–8, 70.
Air Services, 352.
Anaura Bay (Tegadoo)—Cook's visit, 46–9; naming of, 50 (n), 121.
Banks, Sir J., 21, 34–5, 37–8, 40–3, 48–9, 50 (n), 52–3, 55, 59, 124, 464.
Basilisk, H.M.S., at
Biggs, Major, R. N., 220, 231, 234, 237–8, 240–1, 242–6, 248–53, 257, 271, 273 (b), 301, 305. 343.
Browne, Governor Gore, visit by, 211–2.
Cape Runaway, naming of, 59.
Census Returns, 182–3, 387, 398, 401, 405 (n). 407 (n), 408.
Cereals, introduction of, 103, 126–7, 134, 142, 145, 170, 319.
Chatham Islands—Exiling of rebels at, 228; escape of, 231–3.
Coach Services, 349–51.
Colenso, Rev. W., 28, 31–2, 46, 53, 69–70. 84, 86 (n), 125, 161, 165, 176 (n), 370.
Cook, Capt. J.—Re-discovery of New Zealand, with landfall at
Cook's Cove (
Cook County, 397–400.
Cook Hospital, 414–6.
Dairy Industry, 327–9.
District Institutions, 423–32.
Droughts, 368.
Earthquakes and seismic waves, 366–8.
East Cape—A Portuguese legend, 8–15; rounded by Cook, 59; naming of, 61 (n); early definition of, 81.
East Coast—Origin of tribes of, 1–7: migrations from, 6–7, 7 (n); Ngapuhi raids on, 72–9; early whalers off, 86; pioneer traders on, 130–7; first Christian services on, 157–8; Maori King's flag hoisted on, 213; war on, 219–26.
East Coast Native Trust, 313–4.
Ecclesiastical, 334–7.
Education—Schools, 359–66.
Electrical Storms, 369.
Endeavour, H.M.S., in
“
Falco, the U.S. brig, plundered at Mahia, 148.
Ferris, first trader at
Fraser, Col. J., 220–2, 225, 226 (b), 245–6, 276, 278, 280, 303.
George Medal (award to M. L. Holden), 452.
Gisborne—Purchase of site, 387; naming of, 387; early statistics, 387–8; early municipal problems, 390–4.
Gisborne Fire Board, 420–2.
Gisborne Harbour, development of, 408–12.
Gospel, spread of, to East Coast, 156–61.
Grace, Rev. T. S., 127, 170, 178, 208–11, 214 (n), 215–6, 226 (b), 320, 340, 373.
Grev, Governor Sir G., at Gisborne, 228.
Harris, Capt. J. W., 36 (n), 90, 94–102, 102 (n), 125, 139–40, 145–6, 187, 200, 209–10, 216, 217, 219, 221, 226 (n), 229, 255, 282, 322, 332, 370, 461.
Harris Memoirs, 36, 94, 95, 96, 99, 101, 110, 130, 145, 147, 319, 320, 461.
Hauhau and Kingite Revolt, on East Coast, 215–26.
Hawes, the, at
Horouta Canoe, the, 1–4.
Hotels, the pioneer, 340–1.
Immigrants, reach
Judicial—Crucifixion on East Coast, 196; woman hanged in
Kaupapa Mission Station, 162–3.
Kiwa, 2–5.
Kumi, hoax at Arowhana, 372.
Land Claims (old), 138–44.
Lands Confiscation Muddle, 305–9.
Lands, development by Maoris, 128–9.
Lands (Native) Problem, 310–14.
L'Astrolabe, at
Lysnar, W. Douglas, 290, 326, 328, 357–8 (b), 372, 392–3, 420.
Makaretu, fight at, 275–6.
Maori King Movement, on East Coast, 211–4.
Matakaoa County, 407–8.
Mata-atua Canoe, 36 (n).
Mawhai pa, 220–1.
Mawhai Point, whaling off, 146.
Military—Pioneer units, 343–4; Volunteering, 344; Boer and World Wars, 344–5; district war-time activities, 346–7.
Mohaka, Massacre at, 284–5.
Musical Societies, etc., 379–82.
McLean, Sir D., 95, 102 (n), 104, 147, 177–85, 189, 109, 209–10, 217, 219–22, 220, 234–5, 236 (n), 242–3, 246–51, 254 (n), 303, 306.
Native Craftsmanship, 373–5.
Native Lands (Validation of Titles) Court, 312–3.
Natural History, 370–3.
Newspapers and their founders, 384–5.
Ngapuhi raids on East Coast, 72–9.
Ngata, Sir A. T., 3, 128–9, 304 (n), 344, 354 (b), 357 (n), 374.
Paoa, 3.
Paparatu, fight at, 238–40.
Paper Currency (Read's), 191.
Parkinson, Sydney, 16, 19, 23, 28, 31–3, 35, 38, 39, 41, 47, 49, 50, 56, 59, 72.
Pastoral Industry—Early runholders, 315–8; sheep introduced, 184, 320; pioneer flock-owners, 321–2; scab menace, 322–3; introduction of ryegrass, 330; freezing works opened, 325–7; wool and meat statistics, 323–4.
Patutahi Block dispute, 306–9.
Pigs, introduction of, etc., 80, 81, 82–3, 98, 101, 103, 124–5, 145.
Pilgrim Fleet, 1–2.
Porter, Col. T. W., 117, 196, 224, 279, 282–7, 289–95, 297 (b), 301–2, 307, 311, 344.
Postal Services, etc., 333–4.
Potatoes, earliest on East Coast, 81–3, 86. (n), 98, 103, 124, 126.
Poverty Bay (Turanga)—Visit by Toi, 5; named by Cook, 40–1, 44 (n); invaded by Whakatohea, 89–91, 98; earliest white settlers in, 94–106; first white child born in, 167; first marriage of Europeans in, 150; earliest statistics of, 182–4; disaffection arises in, 208–14; early settlement and development of, 315–8; under Provincial Government, 388–90.
Poverty Bay Catchment Board, 419–20.
Poverty Bay Electric Power Board, 417–19.
Poverty Bay Highways Board, 388–90.
Poverty Bay Massacre, 245–73.
Poverty Bay Stone Anchor, 2.
Railways, building of, 382–4.
Read, Capt. G. E., 186–95 (b), 221, 264, 266, 303, 312, 340, 343, 354, 388, 408.
Ropata, Major (see
Ruakituri, fight at, 241–3.
Shipwrecks, etc., 375–9.
Sieges—Okauwharetoa, 76; Te Whetumatarau, 76; Pourewa, 77, 462–3; Tuatini, 77; Moumoukai, 78; Kaiuku, 87–9; Kekeparaoa, 89–91, 109, 126; Toka-a-Kuku,
91–3; Waerenga-a-Hika, 222–7, 300; Ngatapa, 276–9; Matai, 417.
Sports and Pastimes, 433–55.
Stafford, Hon. E. W., 225, 235, 236 (n), 243, 246–7, 270, 283.
Survey disputes, 314 (n).
Takitimu Canoe, 1–3.
Tegadoo (see
Te Koneke, fight at, 240.
Te Ratu, 464–7.
Te Wera, raids on East Coast, 76–7; settles at Mahia, 78; also 87–8, 91, 97, 374.
Tolaga Bay—Cook's visit, 50–8; naming of, 51 (n); sickness at, 45 (n); inscription left at, 54; raid, by
Trade—Opens on East Coast, 80–6; in
Travel, trials of in early days, 348–52.
Tukareaho, Matenga, 159–60.
Turanga (
Tutere, slaying of, 261.
Uawa County, 404–6.
Uawa Mission Station, 168–72.
Victoria Cross, award to Lieut. Ngarimu, 345–6.
Wahawaha, Major Ropata, 46, 57–8, 93, 115, 149, 197, 219, 221, 247–8, 275–6, 278, 279, 289–91, 293–5, 297 (b), 308, 387.
Waiapu, Bishopric of, 166–7.
Waiapu County, 400–4.
Waikohu County, 406–7.
Waipiro Block dispute, 312.
Westrup, Major C., 221, 238–40, 263, 267, 290, 293, 302–3, 307, 316 (b), 343, 449.
Whaling—Opens in Poverty Bay, 145; at Mahia, 146; on East Coast, 146.
Whare wanangas, 7.
Whitmore, Sir G. S., 238–43, 245, 252, 254 (n), 276–8, 280, 280 (b), 281, 288 (n).
Williams, Miss L. C. (Kate), 167 (b).
Williams, Bishop W., 73–8, 91–2, 102 (n), 110, 115, 122, 148, 150, 156–61, 162–5, 166–7 (b), 169, 175, 196, 216, 218, 219, 225 (n), 247, 330, 332, 348, 367, 370.
Williams, Bishop W. L., 19, 21, 36 (n), 54, 70, 75, 76, 99–100, 102 (n), 107–8, 115, 121, 156, 159, 162, 167 (b), 175, 200, 218, 228, 233, 237–8, 240, 243, 250, 253–4, 266, 279, 283, 301, 348, 367.
Witchcraft, 197–9
Young, Nicholas (“Young Nick”), 17–19.
See also (b) in main index; general items appear in parentheses.
Adair, W., 195 (408);
Babbington, G. (313), 154;
Cameron, E., 319; Campbell, R. (411), 413; Carroll, Joseph, 123;
Darton, G. E., 396; Deacon, E., 137; Delamere, Sam, 148–9; de
Erskine, J., 457;
Faram, Miss O., 381;
Gerrard, C., 154;
Hall, F., 343;
Jackson, E. S., 438;
Kaipara, Lieut. A. P., 436; Kawhia, Rev. R., 117; Keane, J. J., 400;
Lampila, Father J. (175), 176;
MacDonald, J. A. (410), 414;
Nasmith, M. G., 458;
Oates, W., sen., 403;
Pahewa, Rev. M., 117;
Reay, Rev. C. L. (165), 174;
Sawyer, A., 459;
Tarr, W., 319;
U'Ren, T., sen., 185.
Waddy, R., 120–1, 168, 221; Waitoa, Rev. R. (165), 174;