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My first experience of the Numbers in parentheses refer to Literature Cited, p. 527.
My field work was augmented by a careful study of
The large number of photographs taken by me and by
For assistance in the field, I am indebted to the inhabitants of the individual islands of the Cook group and to Judge
The a).
The areas of the respective islands in the Lower Group and their native population by the 1926 census are as follows:
Phaethon rubricauda) which nests on the island.
The flora is rich and provides the inhabitants with ample raw material for their houses, canoes, and other necessities.
During the rainy season, from December to January, the humidity is somewhat trying, but the temperature seldom exceeds 92 degrees F. In the cool season, May to September, the day temperature is about 75 degrees and the night temperature is rarely below 60 degrees.
About 20 miles of good road runs around the island near the shore line. Inland of this are the remains of an ancient road, still paved in places, called Te Ara-metua (The-road-of-theancestors) or Te Ara-nui-a-Toi (The-great-road-of-Toi) after Toi, the ancestor who lived many generations ago and who is credited with the construction of the road.
The Government buildings are in
Formerly, steamers trading between New Zealand and
The present villages of Ivirua and
As the passages through the reef are too small for commercial ships, fairly large outrigger canoes are built to load and unload the trading schooners or fruit steamers that call. The canoes are poled from the shore to the reef and are dragged over the reef edge when a wave of sufficient size helps to float them.
The fringing reef has no openings large enough for the boats that are now used for shipping fruit and landing cargo. The boats are dragged over the reef flat and are held against the outer side of the reef while the packed boxes of fruit are carried over the flat and loaded into the boats. Similarly, the cargo from the ship has to be unloaded at the reef edge and carried to the shore. When the sea is rough at one landing place, loading is carried out on the leeward side of the island, but sometimes the operations have to be abandoned and the fruit cargo is wasted.
itiki eel peculiar to
From the analysis of the physical measurements taken in the
The figures speak for themselves and definitely declare the kinship of the Cook Islanders with other Polynesian groups already familiar in the literature. In common with other Polynesians, the Cook Islanders are tall, robust, and well-developed specimens of mankind. In their cranial form they likewise betray their membership in the Polynesian family, having the typical tendency to brachycephaly, the peculiar massiveness of the face, and the characteristic combination of broad bizygomatic diameter with high, narrow foreheads. The nose is large and fleshy and the lips full. In complexion, the Cook Islanders are moderately brown-skinned with straight or wavy hair which, although luxuriant on the head, is only sparsely developed on the face and body. The eyes are full and dark brown and the epicanthus is usually absent.
Interisland differences occur and may be illustrated briefly by the averages of stature and three head measurements of males.
The people were divided into tribes claiming descent from eponymous ancestors. They were ruled by ariki and mataiapo chiefs to whom they paid rent (atinga) with part of the produce of their land holdings. They were warlike and engaged in frequent intertribal wars. Each tribe had its own gods who were worshipped with elaborate ritual on open temples termed marae. In war, they were somewhat cruel. In peace, they are industrious, kindly, and hospitable to the highest degree. They are fond of singing and dancing and the dances are often combined in pageants depicting important events in the traditional history of the islands. The historical pageants were encouraged by the Government, which promoted competitions between the different islands at an annual gathering held in
Cook Islanders suffered severely from introduced diseases after European contact, but now, as the result of adjustment and proper medical care, the death rate has decreased and the population appears to be gradually increasing.
The language spoken throughout the
The interchangeable Polynesian consonants, r and l and w and v, are represented correctly in the r and v, a usage which extends throughout central Polynesia. The alphabet which has been accepted officially by the Government is defective in that it provides no symbol for the sound of h, which, though not fully sounded, is represented in speech by a catch in the breath. This catch, termed the glottal closure by linguists, should be represented by the hamza or inverted comma placed above its position in the written word. In this work the hamza is used for the glottal closure which represents the h sound in the
In the Tahitian dialect, the k and ng sounds, which are present in the taria for taringa (ears), and thus conveyed incorrect information to readers not acquainted with the two dialects.
The following plants used for food, in the arts and crafts, and in personal decoration are listed for reference. For some it has not been possible to obtain the botanical name.
The early history of mataiapo chiefs whose offices became hereditary. The Makea and Karika ariki titles and the Tinomana offshoot at
The earliest settlement of the island is clothed in myth. Tonga'iti and his wife Ari, who were gods or deified ancestors, came from a forgotten land and found the island floating about, hence one of the names applied to it was Nuku-tere (floating-land). Tonga'iti climbed onto it and trod on it to make it firm, and Ari went underneath to fix its foundations. After enclosing the streams, the two separated to explore the land. Meanwhile, another mythical character named Toutika arrived on the scene. He introduced the miro tree, matie grass, three kinds of crabs (koiti, mati-roa, and tupa), and some fish. On. meeting Tonga'iti and Ari, he established, by trickery, a claim to priority of discovery. In a fit of despondency at being tricked, Tonga'iti entered a lizard and Ari entered an octopus. The subsequent movements of Toutika are not recorded. All three appear in the list of Rarotongan gods.
The first man to arrive was Ata-i-te-kura, who came from Iva which is held to be the raro, below; tonga, south).
Te Pua-karito. The island was named Utataki-'enua-o-utauta shortened to uta (cargo of people) and taki (to lead), and the meaning in full is "The leading of a cargo of people by Ru over the ocean." It was also named Ararau-'enua-o-Ru-ki-te-moana from Ararau-'enua (to search for land). Later there followed the brothers, Te 'Erui and Matareka, who fought and then fused with the descendants of Ru. Te 'Erui came in a double canoe, of which the main hull was named Te Rangi-pae-uta and the port hull was named Te Rangi-pae-tai. Tradition states Te 'Erui cut the channel named Te Rua-i-kakau through the coral reef with a stone adz named 'Aumapu. A later voyager of note was Ruatapu, who arrived sometime in the thirteenth century on a vessel named Tuehu-moana. The present inhabitants trace their descent from the ancestors mentioned.
manu includes insects and reptiles as well as birds. The Atiuans state that the manu referred to in the name were potipoti and rang'ua, both the names of insects. 'Enua-manu is thus more correctly translated as Land-of-insects. The name was probably applied by Mariri to stress the fact that the island was not inhabited by human beings and thus, in the indirect method commonly used by Polynesians, to record that he was the first discoverer. Later, the island was named
Apaipai-moana. He sailed in through a channel in the reef named Arapaea. He built an assembly house named Utaki, a dwelling house named Kapitirangi-o-Tangaroa, and a marae named Rangi-manuka. His daughter, Tara-matie-toro, married Tura, a grandson of Atiu-mua of
mangaia) over the island were frequent. The genealogies of the Ngativara tribe descended from the high priest Papaaunuku who accompanied the first settlers, only number 17 generations to 1900 A.D., a period of settlement that is too short for acceptance. The classical name of the island is A'ua'u (Levelled-off) and
The first island in the Lower Group to be discovered by the later wave of European voyagers was the small atoll of maro) of matting and pearl-shell breast ornaments, and Cook noted a red feather headdress in one of the canoes. No landing was made. Tridacna-shell adz, which, with the matting garment recorded by Cook, illustrates features of atoll culture.
Just previous to his second visit to
At w, is a phonetic rendering of
On April 4, 1777 a landing was made on the small island of O denoting place, is a fair attempt at Takūtea. The alternative name of Wenooa-ette is an attempt at 'Enua-iti (Small-land) which was probably a descriptive term added to the proper name.
Bounty. He visited it again on his second voyage in 1792, and useful information regarding the people is recorded by Ida Lee (46) from the logs of
Bounty laden with breadfruit plants. Another story relates to the visit of a ship under command of a person termed Kurupae (Goodenough) who took part in a local war and used firearms with disastrous effect. Goodenough led such a life of debauchery that the people rose against him, and he was forced to flee. He kidnapped some women, among them Tapairu, a cousin of the ariki Makea. These people he subsequently abandoned at
The Lower Group was first known as the
Early Polynesian voyagers carried into central Polynesia three domestic animals, the pig (puaka), the dog (kuri), and the fowl (moa). All three were evidently introduced into
The pig was important as food and as an economic and social medium. The duties of a tenant landholder included the cultivation of food and the growing of pigs for his landlord as well as for himself. A tenant curried favor by setting aside a large pig for his landlord and marking it by running a piece puaka tui-k'a (pig stitched with sennit). The importance of a chief was indicated by the number of pigs baked whole at feasts ordered by him. The head of the pig was placed before the high chief at feasts as the symbolic portion appropriate to his rank. In
Dogs were known, for their name (kuri) occurs in the dialect of all the islands, but there is no accurate information as to their distribution in the islands of the group. The dog was not present in
The fowl was known under the general name of moa. (In some stories, its crowing awakens characters in the plot, the crow is rendered into speech by the onomatopoeic word kara-ko.) Wild fowl were trapped, but the original stock has disappeared to be replaced by later introduction. I could get no references to the fowl in
Fish and shellfish were also staple foods.
Human flesh was eaten throughout the group when opportunity afforded, usually after battles when the victors utilized their slain enemies. Individual cannibals lived apart and secretly preyed on women and children, but they were detested and were killed sooner or later by relatives of their victims. In 'ono) with their kava beverage. The warriors stalked unsuspecting victims from a neighboring tribe. When they could not procure an outsider, they sometimes killed a member of their own tribal group to avoid the shame of failure.
Human victims were offered to the gods on special occasions in
See list of plants on pp. 9, 10.
The introduced cultivable food plants were all present in the niu), breadfruit (kuru), banana (meika), plantain ('uatu), taro, and giant taro (kape), yam (u'i), sweet potato (kumara), and arrowroot (pia). The underground stem of the ti was cooked. Little is recorded of turmeric (renga) as food. In puraka, was cultivated. The giant taro was peeled and subjected to prolonged washing in fresh water to prevent irritation of the mouth and throat. The chestnut (i'i or mape) and vi were eaten.
Cultivated plants thrived in the rich volcanic soil and provided an abundance of food. The fruit of the pandanus, so important on atolls, was of no economic importance. After periods of drought, after hurricanes, and after the cultivations of a defeated people were raided or destroyed by the victors, people were forced to subsist on anything that the native forests could supply. Such "famine foods" (kai o te onge) include:
- 'eki: pith cooked
- na'e: corm cooked
- nono: fruit raw or cooked
- 'oi: wild yam; ground tubers and axillary tubers cooked pirita (
Mangaia ,ma'ara rau;Aitutaki ,makaravau): tubers cooked. (The Rarotongans recognized apirita taviaas inedible and the ediblepiritawas calledpirita tara.)- poro: small black berries when ripe
- poro 'iti: large red berries; both fruit and leaves eaten
- teve: wild arrowroot; cooked
Water was the common beverage with meals. In
The fluid content of coconuts at certain stages of growth is palatable and refreshing. Mature nuts have less fluid than young nuts, and their liquid is not drunk because of its bitter taste. A plantation worker examines the coconut trees for the right stage of drinking nuts, climbs the tree with the aid of a climbing bandage, and throws down the nuts. A nut is husked on a husking stick implanted in the ground and the tip end cracked in a circle by blows with
Kava (Piper methysticum) was grown in all the islands, but the infusion from the prepared root did not have the same ceremonial significance it had in western Polynesia. As an ordinary beverage its use has been discontinued in all the islands, but it is occasionally prepared by certain families in
Informants in manava (heart) and the secondary roots, kava 'ata. It was said that the mataiapo chiefs grew kava just outside the paepae boundaries of their houses. When friends knew that the kava plants of a brother chief had matured, they sent a messenger to the owner to say that they were coming to partake of his kava (ki te kai i te kava). The owner then prepared a feast with pork, fish, and other foods. The main root was dug up and washed and, green and unpeeled, grated (uki) on a slab of coral (punga). The grated root was mixed with water in a bowl of no special form and strained and wrung out (tatau) with strainers of coconut leaf stipule (kaka) or the beaten stems of a fern named mauku. The kava beverage was served in coconut shell cups (ipu) to the guests seated at the feast, without ceremony or particular attention to order of precedence in rank. The liquid was very thick and left traces of sediment on the lips and mouth. A cup of water was given to rinse out the mouth. Informants stated that a person became inebriated (kona) on one cup (ka kona i te ipu ta'i). The host took pleasure in seeing the effects of his brew and said "To'ou tika ia" or "Tia kata tia", idiomatic expressions equivalent to "Serve you right." Some guests were so affected that they eventually went home without having partaken of the food. Next day when villagers asked the guests, "How did you get on at the kava drinking of——" (I pe'ea kotou i te kainga kava a——), the reply was "It was a bad kava drinking, we did not eat the food" (E kainga kava kino, kare matou i kai i te kai). The guests who slept at the feast said, "We were like that, we slept huddled together" (Tera to matou tu, i mimingi ata). A kava patch was termed an one kava and a mataiapo chief named his patch Mimingi-ata, evidently in anticipation of the effects that were to be produced by it.
In 'are toa) or barracks and the warriors took turns in procuring a human victim to serve with their kava.
In the Rarotongan account, it is stated that the green kava root was grated, but
Kava was also used socially with feasts in
The beverage with an accompanying food relish termed …The worshippers carried to the priest bowls of intoxicating drink—the nectar of the Polynesian gods—in the hope of securing a favourable response to their petitions. Cooked taro and fish were given with the 'ono (Samoan, fono) was used to procure the services of a priest.
Tangiia, however, demanded from a chief named Marere his little son as a complement to his kava. Marere mixed the kava with three vegetable poisons used in stupefying fish, and so removed the priest.kava (Piper mythisticum), as without the addition of solid food the narcotic effects of this detestable drink would not be evoked.
Priests drank quantities of kava to work themselves into a state of excitement during which their gods took possession of them and spoke through them. The great priest Mautara, the medium of the Ngariki god Motoro, desiring revenge for a personal insult by the Ngariki tribe, acted as follows (33, p. 68):
…At a meeting of chiefs at the grand marae of their god Motoro, Mautara fell into an ecstasy produced by swallowing an unusual quantity of
Piper Mythisticum. With eyes ready to start out of their sockets and in great agitation, he said in unearthly tones, "I, Motoro, require of So-and-so, my faithful worshippers and distinguished chiefs, a most costly offering. On a given day the first-born of each must be slain and eaten in my honour by the tribe of Ngariki, descended from Great Rongo!". Mautara affected to be horrified but as the god had spoken through him, the command had to be obeyed and it was.
Kava was used as an offering to the gods in Piper mythisticum, that he might send abundance of sprats, etc."
In Mangaian myth (76, pp. 202, 203), the ogress Miru grew a bush of kava named Te-voo in the underworld. As the spirits of the dead entered the underworld, they were caught in the net of Akaanga and submerged in a lake until they nearly drowned. They were then ushered into the presence of Miru
|
'Aki'akia tute, | Pluck off the branches, | |
'Aki'akia kava, | reak off the kava, | |
Te manava ia Te-voo. | he main root of Te-voo. |
The presence of kava in
It would appear that the grated green kava used in condensed form in
Material objects used in procuring food in the cultivations or in conveying food to the cooking houses are grouped for convenience under the title of field implements. Implements used in the production of food, such as digging and planting sticks, are dealt with under horticulture.
Climbing bandages were loops of hibiscus bark, the ends knotted together with a reef knot, and were fastened around feet to assist in climbing trees. The climber clasped the tree trunk above his head, drew up his body and legs, and clasped the trunk with the climbing bandage. He straightened his body and by successive movements reached the top. These bandages were made on the spot and discarded after use.
Husking sticks (pa'eru), medium-sized wooden stakes sharpened at both ends, were used to remove the outside husks (puru) of coconuts. One end was driven into the ground at a slight slant and the coconut, held by both ends, was driven down on the upper point. The pierced husk was pried off
Breadfruit pickers (rou kuru) were long poles with natural forks formed by two trimmed branches at one end. The breadfruit stalk was caught in the fork and twisted until the fruit fell to the ground. Pickers with nets to catch the fruit, such as those used in the
Coconut-leaf baskets (kete nikau) were used to carry the produce of the plantations. Coconut leaves were always available, and the baskets quickly made on the spot (p. 50) were discarded after use.
Netted bags were used as food carriers. Two bag nets (akeke) from B, D). The two bags look old and are well made. Such receptacles were used for carrying other kinds of food.
Both bags were made with a netting technique in which the knot used was a reef knot similar to that formerly used in
Both bags have long loops at the upper rim through which a cord was threaded to close the opening. Both were made with the net technique in which netting of the required width and twice the depth was made. The netting was then doubled and the side edges closed by a separate length which zigzagged from the bottom to be attached alternately to the middle of marginal meshes on either side. Though the general mesh knot was a reef knot, the closing cord was attached by a different form of knot (fig. 2, e-g). The sides of the second bag were closed with a length of sennit, which enabled the closing technique to be studied more easily (fig. 2, c). In the second bag, the rim loops and the first row of meshes were made of sennit. At the end of, the sennit row of meshes, the sennit was divided into two plies and continued as a two-ply cord, indicating that the netting element was lengthened as the work proceeded.
Carrying poles (amo; oka) were balanced over the shoulder with a burden at either end and were part of a man's permanent equipment. A hibiscus ('au) pole about five feet long was generally used, with notches at
Cooking was usually done in the open but each family had a cook house ('are umu) to protect the fire from rain.
Fire (a'i) was produced by friction ('ika) with two pieces of dry wood in the general Polynesian method now termed the fire plough (70, pp. 51, 52). kaurima (rima, hand) or kapurima, and the lower grooved, stationary piece was the kauati. The lower piece was usually of dry hibiscus or banyan (aoa). A piece of dry coconut spathe (kaka) was loosely twisted (taviri) to form kindling material. The kindling of fire is for some reason associated with the ancestor 'Iro in an Aitutakian chant (70, p. 52), and in the following Rarotongan version:
|
Kauati na 'Iro, | The lower fire stick of 'Iro, | |
Kapurima na 'Iro. | The upper fire stick of 'Iro. | |
'Ika 'Iro i tana a'i, e ka, | 'Iro rubs his fire, it lights, | |
'Ika 'Iro i tana a'i, kare e ka. | 'Iro rubs his fire, it won't ignite. | |
Tavetave te ure o 'Iro. | Pendent droops the penis of 'Iro. |
Small quantities of food were grilled (tunu) on the coals of an open fire, but family meals were cooked (tao) in the earth oven (umu). The firewood (va'ie) was built up to form a support for stones about the size of a closed fist. The fire was kindled (ta'u) and by the time the wood had burned down to coals, the stones were red hot. Any unburned wood was removed and the heated stones were leveled (uru) with a green stake also termed uru. Leaves or strips of banana trunk were laid over the stones and the food arranged upon them. Pigs were baked whole, belly downward (tipapa). The food was covered (tapoki) with leaves or special leaf covers (rau tao) made by a special technique (70, p. 54). When the food was cooked, the oven was uncovered ('uke).
Tongs (piringo'i; mingango'i) for picking up hot stones were made of a length of split coconut-leaf midrib partly cut through in the middle and doubled over, the uncut part forming the hinge.
The cooked tubers or breadfruit and the complement (kinaki) of meat or fish were placed on coconut-leaf platters (raurau). The people ate sitting cross legged on the ground. There was no strict tapu against the sexes eating together as there was in
A sauce (tai 'akari) was made of coconut cream from mature coconuts ('akari), mixed with sea water (tai), and served in a half a coconut shell. Now the juice of limes and pieces of raw onion are added.
A piece of food was taken up in the fingers and dipped (tuto'u; tito'u) in the sauce. The Mangaians were fond of cooked taro leaf (paka), which, twisted around a piece of fish or meat to form a mouthful, was termed a po'ona paka. This was dipped in the sauce.
Cook house utensils consist of a coconut grater, strainer, wooden bowls, coconut-shell and gourd utensils, pounding tables, and stone pounders. In addition, there are shells for scraping and slivers of bamboo for cutting meat land fish.
Coconut graters (kana) now in use are curved seats with four legs and an arm projecting from one end, all of one piece of wood (fig. 3, a). A piece of flat iron with a convex, serrated edge is lashed to the end of the arm, but formerly a piece of coral (aravai) was used to form the grating element (tuai). The legs of the seat are usually rectangular in section.
The Mangaians did not use the four-legged seat in former times, but constructed their graters from small tree trunks with two branches at suitable angles to form front legs, or from large branches with two subsidiary branches (fig. 3, b). The trunk or branch beyond the two legs was trimmed to form the projecting arm for the grating element. The near end of the trunk rested on the ground and with the two branch legs cut to suitable length formed a tripod which elevated the forward arm above a bowl placed below the grating end.
For development of the stool grater, see p. 415.
Mature coconuts ('akari) were husked, split in half, and grated into a bowl by the operator, who straddled the stool or trunk.
Strainers to strain and to wring out (taui) the creamy fluid from the grated coconut were formed of wide pieces of coconut-leaf stipule (kaka), beaten coconut husk (puru), or the beaten stalk fibers of a fern named mauku. The grated nut was enveloped in the strainer which was twisted with both hands and the fluid squeezed out into a bowl. The dry gratings remaining on the ta'e) quite readily; but in cold weather, the gratings are warmed before wringing by placing a hot oven stone on them.
More elaborate strainers termed taka 'akari were used in the preparation of coconut oil. The strainer-wringer was made of even strips of hibiscus bast plaited in check into a long, wide band and finished off at each end into a cord with a four-ply round plait. The grated meat, after being exposed to the sun in a bowl to bring out the oil, was heaped along the band which was folded around the material and tied. The cord at one end was tied to a crossbeam, and a cross-bar was tied to the lower end by the lower cord. This cleared the wooden bowl below. Two persons twisted the cross bar, and as the strain of the twisting pressed the grated nut, the oil poured into the bowl. This method was demonstrated to me in
The plaited wringer was also used to express the fluid (vavai 'iri) from scraped bark of the candlenut tree (tuitui) for use as a dye and as medicine.
Wooden bowls (kumete; uete) of various sizes were made of tamanu wood. Small and medium-sized ones were used for ordinary family requirements, large ones for making pudding for feasts. They may be classified into three main types by the shape of the upper rim opening—oval, round, and elliptical.
Oval and round bowls were made with or without legs, depending upon the curve of the bottom. Sharper curves required support by legs. As they were made of one solid piece of wood, bowls with legs were harder to make. Probably the earliest bowls were without legs, for even those with rounded bottoms could be supported by heaping sand or gravel around the part that rested on the ground. The board floors of post-European houses and the acquisition of steel tools may have promoted the more general use of bowls with legs, although master craftsmen were always ready to add innovations to display their skill. A small upward projection of the rim is an ornamental element in some bowls.
The oval type, in common use, is termed kuete in kumete roroa (roroa, long as opposed to round) in a-e). It is widely curved at one end and is brought to a point at the other. The pointed end is sometimes grooved to facilitate the pouring off of fluid. The rim projection when present is in the middle of the blunt end and is usually a low rectangle.
Round bowls are termed kumete taupupu in apua in uete raukaka in kumete taupupu from i, j) and some do not (fig. 4, h). These bowls usually have no rim
f, g. The wider end has an upward rim projection.
Elliptical bowls with parallel sides and evenly curved ends are small for ordinary use (fig. 4, k, l) or large for feasts. The large size resembles a canoe, and, though the sides are almost parallel, one end usually has a blunter curve. The rim is thicker at the two ends and a rim projection is present at the blunter end (fig. 4, m, n). These forms are without legs.
The canoe bowls were used for mixing food in quantity, for dyeing bark cloth by immersion, and for storing water. The great size of some canoe bowls expressed the wealth of an owner who could command large food supplies. In uete vaka roa (long canoe bowl), but in the other islands it was called paroe.
An elliptical bowl with long end projections in the a, b).
A carved bowl in the c) with some doubt as to the locality. Since then, g). I have examined another of the same type in the Peabody Museum (53516) that is covered with a black painted design (fig. 5, c, d). All four bowls are nearly circular in shape. They have four lozenge-shaped legs carved with concentric lozenges on the bottom and a single rectangular lug projects upward from, and is the same thickness as, the rim. They thus constitute a distinct type of bowl. The carved pattern on two of them is of the same technique as that used on Mangaian ceremonial adzes and
The carving on the e) is done in narrow panels defined by straight grooves and thus conforms more to the technique of f) on the upper surface of the lug projection of the
The correct locality is settled beyond dispute by the colored design on the h) which is identical with a colored motif on a paddle in the i) on the edges of the blade, and the presence of the j) proves that the paddle is from
For comparison of bowls, see pp. 415, 416.
Coconut-shell cups (ipu) are in common use as drinking vessels, dippers, and containers for coconut sauce during meals. The mature nut is divided across the middle between the base and tip, and the tip half is used because the base is perforated by the eye.
Coconut-shell water bottles were made from whole coconut shells out of which the meat had been rotted by sea water poured in through the eye. The patent eye was enlarged and closed with a stopper of leaf or wood. A suspension string was passed through holes punctured through the other two eye depressions at the base of the nut.
Gourds (ta'a) were formerly used as water containers, but I did not see any in use.
Pounding tables (papa'ia) are a necessary part of the kitchen equipment, for on these tables cooked taro is pounded to make the poke pudding so popular at feasts. The tables are made from solid blocks of wood in the form of a circular flat upper surface supported on four legs. From the thick circumferential edge, the under surface of the table slopes downward and inward to form a cone with a point in the center. The legs are usually round but a table seen in
Food pounders (reru, penu) are made of basalt, calcite, coral, and wood. Basalt was the most common material but, as so many of the older specimens have been sold to collectors, wood is now being used more extensively. Calcite formed of stalactites and stalagmites found in caves was used in Figure 7.—a, simple concave head (b, c, simple convex head, d, e, three-ridged head, smooth curve back and front (Bishop Mus., C2287); f, three-ridged head with concave crescentic edge (1) extending from lateral ridges (g, h, three-ridged head with straight edge (1) lower down (Bishop Mus., 6531); i, j, three-ridged head greatly projected upward from defining edge (1) (Bishop Mus., 6532); k, three-ridged head with median vertical edge (2) running down on neck, l, m, three-ridged head with median ridge greatly projected upward, and lateral ridges projected outward instead of up, n, o, four-ridged head with crescentic edge (1) evenly grooved (Bishop Mus., B3497); p, q, two lateral projections and wide median flat projection evidently meant to be grooved with median notch to form four-ridged type (Bishop Mus., C4893); r, s, four-ridged head with low median notch and crescentic edges (1) (Bishop Mus., C4892). Dimensions in millimeters:
Pounders may be divided into the head, neck, body, and base. I previously described the head as the grip (70, p. 246), but the pounders are grasped by the neck. The head is expanded to prevent the hand from slipping upward. The head is variously shaped, and different island groups have developed their own characteristic patterns.
The heads of basaltic pounders are expanded laterally for a short distance, and the upper surface is treated in one of three ways: a simple concave or convex curve from side to side, a straight upper edge notched with two grooves to form a median ridge and two lateral ones, or notched with three grooves to form four ridges. A crescentic ridge may define the lower part of the head or a middle ridge may be prolonged upward (fig. 7). The three main techniques I have denned (70, pp. 251, 252) as palm grip, two-finger grip, and three finger grip; but these terms must also be discarded.
The neck is the narrowest part of the pounder, and, though rounded in section, the lateral diameter following the long axis of the head is usually greater than the antero-posterior diameter. The neck expands evenly into the body without a line of demarcation. The body expands evenly toward the base, where its greatest diameter is marked by a circumferential edge which defines the inferior basal surface. The line from neck to base is characterized by its straightness or slight concavity toward the base which contrasts markedly with the flared pounders of the Society,
The base forming the inferior pounding surface is markedly convex, and though most are approximately circular, others show a greater diameter in the direction of the long axis of the head. Because of the lack of flare, the basal surfaces are comparatively small, the pounders measured showing a range from about 66 to 80 mm. in diameter. The basaltic pounders resemble pestles in general appearance, but they are well ground with smooth outer surfaces.
A small type of basaltic pounder, said to have been used by women to pound one or two taros for children, departs from the general pattern in having a concavo-convex contour from neck to base which, with a marked convex basal surface, gives the implement a bulbous appearance (fig. 8).
Figure 8.—a, head with convex curve (Bishop Mus., 6533); b, head with concave curve, c, three-ridged head, d, unique with four projections, e, three-ridged head, one lateral ridge broken, made of stalagmite,
The calcite pounders of a, b). In a second, rarer form, the lateral projections are trimmed into two short rounded knobs (fig. 9, c, d). I have seen but two of this variety, but they showed signs of use and had a slight concavity toward the base, whereas all of the other variety were convex. A form similar to the variety with long projections is made of basalt in e, f). The only difference other than material, is that the upper surface of the long head curve is rounded instead of flat with the result that the ends of the projections are round instead of triangular or U-shaped.
The coral pounders made of Orbicella coral have been described for a). It
A wooden pounder seen in c). Except for the head, it followed the pestle form of the stone pounders. Since the fall in the price of copra, the people of
For discussion of
Caves and rock recesses were used in ancient days by the lower classes as temporary, and sometimes permanent, shelters. In 'are), and the sites of former chiefs' houses can still be pointed out.
It was not usual to build raised stone platforms as sites for the houses, although paved terraces were sometimes made on sloping ground. In front of an important house, a rectangular area was defined with stones and filled in with coral gravel. Such an area was termed paepae. Sometimes a large flat stone was erected on the paepae with a slight lean to serve as a backrest.
Building technique has been affected by the use of lime, sawn timber, and corrugated iron. However, some of the islands have continued to make the
I have described the structure of dwelling houses for
The ridge posts and ridgepole were preferably of tamanu wood, and wild hibiscus was used for most of the other house parts.
The framework of the gable ends (tara) was formed of vertical poles, bearing the thatch rafter name of ka'o because they served a similar function. These poles were lashed at their upper ends to the inner side of the end principal rafters (oka) and at the lower ends to the outer side of the end plates (kape'u tara). These poles had a downward and outward slant, but it was not sufficient to give good clearance as eaves. End eaves were provided by short eave rods termed kautoki (fig. 12, 8).
Sheets for thatching the roof are made of coconut or pandanus leaves.
The coconut leaves (nikau) are split and plaited in check for a short distance and the leaflet ends left free. They are used in pairs and the same technique as that of
Pandanus sheets (rau, leaf) are made from dry leaves opened out by rubbing (oro te rau) them around a vertical stake. As each leaf is rubbed open, it is dropped to the ground, the tip end crossed over the butt end, and the right big toe placed on the crossing to keep the girdle (tatua) in position. The next leaf is rubbed, slipped down above its fellow, and kept in position in the same tapeka) with a strip of hibiscus bark (kiri 'au), lifted over the stake, and the bundle (tupe) laid aside. When the sheets are made, the bundles are untied (tatara) and the leaves straightened ('akatika) by flicking them from the butt end and drawing them across the knee to take out the kink. A midrib for the upper edge is formed of split strips of pandanus aerial rootlets (kai 'ara), 2.5 to 4 feet long. The butt ends of the leaves are doubled over the sticks and pinned with dry coconut leaflets (kikau) which pass through holes made with a wooden needle (au tui) (fig. 13, b). The full technique used in
The top edge of the coconut-leaf sheet is formed by the leaf midrib which is lashed to the thatch rafters. As the check plaiting below the midrib is fairly open, the sennit braid is easily pushed through. In pandanus sheets, the top edge is formed by the butt ends of the leaves where they are doubled over the contained strip of pandanus aerial rootlet. As the leaves overlap, there are no open spaces below the stick strip. In ato, and the thatching hook, au ato (fig. 13, a).
The thatch sheets are tied to the thatch rafters in ascending horizontal layers by teams of three men, a carrier outside who places the sheet in approximate position and two thatchers inside who do the tying with continuous lengths of sennit braid to thatch rafters near the ends of the sheets. When thatch rafters are fairly close together, the intermediate rafters give support to the roof sheets but not all are used for tying. The thatcher ties his sennit to the lower end of the selected thatch rafter and after the carrier has laid the sheet on the outside, he spaces the top edge a few inches above the level of the thatch purlin. He passes the braid over the top edge on the right of the rafter and pushes it from the outside through the sheet below the midrib on the left side
The term 'ato is applied to the lashing of the roof sheets to the thatch rafters. In working up the thatch rafters, when their crossings with the purlins are encountered, the lashing braid is passed around thatch rafter and purlin; these special turns are termed takaki. The lashing of the wooden parts of the structure to each other are termed 'a'au (Maori, hahau).
Where workers are few, the thatch is applied in one ascending set of sheets until the ridgepole is reached. The next set is then applied, care being taken to make a slight overlap with the previous set and to keep the line of top edges level. In community efforts, the whole length of the roof is thatched simultaneously. A head thatcher sees that the lines of top edges are kept straight. If some of the sheets are askew, he issues the command, "paoro te 'oe" (straighten the line). As the thatchers finish a knot, they call to the carriers, "omai te rau" (bring a sheet), and so by successive complete rows, the thatching ascends to the ridgepole. The straight lines of the top edges of the inside when evenly spaced throughout add beauty to a house and are a matter of pride to both the thatchers and owners. The closer the rows, the thicker is the thatch, and the longer the life of the roof. On the outside, the free ends of the leaf sheets overlap and effectively shed rain. The eave purlin prevents the leaves of the lowest sheet from sagging below the ends of the thatch rafters. In rau pareu (leaf skirt) and they have an extra row of leaflet pins to prevent this sheet from opening out in windy weather.
The roof sheets reach as close to the main ridgepole as possible, but there is always a space left along the ridge which has to be covered by a special ridge sheet. The cover now used is plaited from a median full coconut leaf and two split leaves with the midrib to the outside. The technique has been described for tapatu. In Mangaia, it is kai'a, but the general term is tapoki (cover). The coconut-leaf form of cover is said to have been borrowed from fa'atafiti, and the general term for roof cover is taualunga. The Samoan technique has been borrowed in post-European times, but not the Samoan nomenclature.
The top of the ridge is covered with a grass termed mata to form a filling beneath the ridge sheet. The coconut-leaf ridge sheet is then placed in position and pinned with stakes that pass through the ridge sheet above the lower midrib edges and between the upper and lower ridgepoles (fig. 14, a).
In ta'u'u ngao, large ridgepole) rests on the tops of the ridge posts. The second or middle ridgepole (ta'u'u iti, small ridgepole) rests on the crotch formed by the principal rafters, and the third or uppermost ridgepole (takiri ka'o, thatch rafter divider) rests on the crotch of the crossed thatch rafters (fig. 14, b, c). The coconut-leaf ridge sheet (kai'a) was fixed by wooden pins passing between the second and third ridgepoles.
Though the Mangaians use the introduced coconut-leaf ridge sheet, they describe the old form composed of six sheets of pandanus leaves made like the roof sheets. The six sheets with their upper edges together were placed on one side of the third ridgepole and tied to it at intervals by sennit braid passing through the six sheets below the stiffening rod and around the third ridgepole (fig. 14, b). At this stage, the sheets are termed rau 'itikitiki (sheets tied together). The three lower sheets are termed female sheets (rau va'ine), and the three upper, male sheets (rau tane). After the braids are tied, the three male sheets are turned over to the other side of the roof, the braid ties serving rau pare, leaf headdress) are doubled over the ridge and the whole pinned with long, slender sticks termed ko (fig. 14, c).
When the ridge is covered from end to end, a strip of hibiscus bark is tied to the end of one of the end cross pins and runs diagonally down from the side over the ridge and between the pin ends to keep down the ridge sheets. Bundles of a creeper (moa) are then laid over the ridge and kept down by a length of pirita vine which crisscrosses between the pin ends.
The gable ends (tara, po'o tara) are thatched upward from the eaves formed by the eave rods (kautoki) which project from the end plates (fig. 12, 8), and when this is covered the sheets are carried upward by lashing them to the vertical rafters (fig. 12, 7). The sheets have to be adjusted to the narrowing width of the gable end, and technical difficulties at the apex lead usually to the leaving of a hole under the main ridgepole for ventilation. The projecting eaves prevent the drip from the thatched gable ends from entering the end walls of the house. In a similar way, the prolongation of the roof on the sides beyond the side walls forms eaves which afford similar protection from the drip during rainy weather.
The house is not completed until the straggly ends of the leaves of the lowest thatch sheets are cut. In
The first house in
Mangaia was built by Rauvaru ofTamarua , who slept in it as soon as it was finished, the long thatch ends hanging loosely down. A heavy shower of rain fell causing the thatch to lie smoothly.Now Rangi greatly admired this new invention of house building; but thought he could improve on what Rauvaru had accomplished. He therefore descended to the shades (
Avaiki ), to pay a visit to his grandfather Rongo, who presented him with a wonderful axe, the handle and all being of stone in one piece, and withal very sharp. During the rain Rangi came up unobserved from the shades, and trimmed the thatch of Rauvaru's house all round. Great was the astonishment of the owner in the morning to see what an improvement had been effected by an unseen friend during the peltering storm.
However, in spite of such an acknowledgment of improvement, the Atiuans do not cut the eaves of their houses (pl. 3, A).
House walls, termed pa (in koro), are formed of upright stakes with the lower ends imbedded in the ground and the upper ends reaching the kaka'o) or ironwood stakes (toa), and the term pa is qualified by the material, as pa kaka'o and pa toa. The other islands also used wild hibiscus rods ('au) which, like the ironwood, are peeled. Sometimes aerial roots of the pandanus are used.
The stakes are placed close together with narrow spaces between through which cool air circulates. One or more horizontal rods are placed on the inside of the stakes and attached to them by a continuous series of half-hitches with a strip of hibiscus bark. This technique is used in the wall termed pati'a in
As protection against draughts, plaited coconut-leaf sheets ('apuka) are tied against the outer side of the wall. They consist of two roof sheets plaited together by the free leaflet ends in a three-ply braid (70, p. 32, fig. 37).
The doorway (ngutupa, ngu'are) is on the side between two wall posts. The door itself is a solid slab, usually of puka, and slides between the wall posts and two inner supporting posts. The threshold, termed turuki in tirango in 'apuka.
A cook house ('are umu) was a necessary adjunct to the dwelling house for, though cooking was usually done in the open, a roof over the oven was a necessity in wet weather. These houses were small with a framework similar to that of the dwelling house and with a thatch of coconut-leaf sheets. The sides were without walls.
Houses which were used as refuge from strong winds and hurricanes were remembered by the old people. As there were no eaves for the wind to get under, there was no danger of the roof being blown off. Because of the important part played by the principal rafters (oka), these houses were termed 'are oka in
Wall posts and plates were dispensed with. Ridge posts were erected and the ridgepole placed in position. The principal rafters were laid against the
Houses were once built on raised platforms in 'are 'okiri. Posts (turuturu) about eight feet high were erected and plates fixed to their upper ends. Cross beams were laid across the plates to form a platform (ta'ua). Wall posts for the house were erected on the platform, some distance in from the edges; but exactly how the lower ends were fixed was not explained to me. It is probable that these wall posts extended to the ground in which the lower ends were imbedded. The house framework and thatch were made in the pattern used for dwelling houses, but the side and end eaves were prolonged to form a covered veranda. Ironwood or tamanu trunks, cut in notches to form steps, led to the outer edge of the platform or to an opening in the veranda floor. A low balustrade (paruru) was erected on the four edges of the platform to prevent children from falling off, and when a ladder opening was made, it was covered with a trap door.
An 'okiri house made for a favorite daughter enabled her to sit on a raised platform and get a good view. It also protected her from nocturnal lovers who were not approved. The parents shared the pleasure of sitting on the balcony, which was protection from the damp ground.
Canoe houses ('arau) are still built, though most fishermen now merely cover their canoes with coconut leaves or sheets of corrugated iron. I saw a good type of canoe house at the Tarapaku landing in
The house seen was 16 feet long and 9 feet wide. A pair of principal rafters was placed midway between the two pairs of end rafters. One thatch rafter was placed to the outer side of each of the end rafters, and six were placed in each space between principal rafters. The thatch was formed of 21 tiers of thatch sheets, five inches apart, and reached from the ground to the ridgepole. The ridge was covered with ridge sheets of plaited coconut leaf pinned on by means of sticks passing transversely between the two ridgepoles (pl. 3, B).
Large houses termed 'are karioi were sometimes built by chiefs for their favorite daughters. Here the young people of both sexes gathered at night to sing and dance, and here visitors were entertained. A famous karioi house named Te Poniu-a-'au was built 14 generations ago in the old village of Vaitupa in karioi houses in
In 'are ei 'au (house for peace). During war, people left their dwelling houses which became dilapidated, and not until after the god houses were built could the people repair and rethatch their own dwellings. No images were kept in the god houses, but the gods were believed to take up their residence in them. There was a national god house termed Te Kaihara built between two important maraes in the Keia district in which symbols of all tribal gods as well as the national god, Rongo, were stored. The national god house had a special caretaker.
Missionary accounts of burning houses on maraes of
Other houses were named according to their uses. Special houses to store food, such as those of New Zealand, were not needed. Taro grows all year and a two or three days' supply is taken directly from the cultivations. The sweet potato has three crops a year and does not keep long in a tropical climate. Yams do not seem to have been cultivated in sufficient quantity to necessitate the special storing of the western Pacific. Breadfruit crops are stored in pits, the breadfruit pit being the nearest approach to the New Zealand storehouse.
According to legends, houses were sometimes set aside for storing specific articles, such as slit gongs (tokere and ka'ara), drums (pa'u), and other goods (taonga). These were termed respectively 'are tokere, 'are ka'ara, 'are pa'u, and 'are taonga. These stories were probably embellished with such names to suggest wealth.
Some houses were set aside for the teaching of ancient lore (vananga or korero) and were named 'are vananga. The ancestor, Uke, after landing in 'are moe (sleeping house, dwelling) named Kapitirangi-o-Tangaroa and an 'are korero named Utaki. Such houses were probably well made and decorated with carving and sennit lashing.
Family meeting houses termed 'are kopu tangata are now built of lime, and informants said that they are modern in principle. Meetings to discuss matters of tribal importance were held on secular maraes, and entertainments were held in the open by day and in the 'are karioi at night.
Rough shelters in the forest were sometimes thatched with the long leaves of the birds' nest fern (kota'a).
tirango) of Mangaian houses were sometimes carved. Williams (81, pp. 104-105), in describing a chapel built for the missionaries in
One of its most striking peculiarities was the presence of many indelicate heathen figures carved on the centre posts. This was accounted for from the circumstance, that, when built, a considerable part of the people were heathens; and, as a portion of the work was allotted to each district, unaccompanied by specific directions as to the precise manner of its performance, the builders thought that the figures with which they decorated the maraes would be equally ornamental in the main pillars of a Christian sanctuary. The building was 250 feet in length, and 40 feet wide.
I think it far more likely that the figures were taken from similar house post patterns than from marae figures. The indelicacy complained of was merely the Polynesian technique of including the sex organs on figures carved in human form. So-called caryatid figures on middle ridge posts were used in New Zealand and the
In the structural 'a'au lashings of purlins to principal rafters, certain forms were used, but these have been lost through the use of trade nails. In
In addition to structural lashings, the builders worked purely ornamental designs in sennit on parts of the woodwork. I was informed that the rafters of the Residency in
The three designs recorded in the church consisted of a continuous series of lozenges, two open and a third completely filled in. The sennit used was flat (rapa); it was made by flattening out the fiber of the plies and maintaining the flat condition as the outer ply was bent into the middle position instead of being twisted as in ordinary braid. This is expressed as follows: "E rapa te raranga o te ka'a" (Flat is the plaiting of the sennit).
The lozenges were formed by a number of courses in which the braid was wound spirally around the wood. A course was termed ka'a (sennit). The ka'a mua) was counted as the first sennit (ka'a ta'i); the second (te rua o te ka'a) and the succeeding courses were numbered similarly. A course is the distance traveled in one direction, the return being counted as another course.
The lozenges in the first two designs are open, hence are termed puta (hole). These lozenges may be defined by a single braid, but if defined by two (rua), the completed technique is termed puna rua. If defined by three (toru), the technique is puna toru.
The designs and techniques are as follows:
- Te puta o Te 'I'iri (the hole of Te I'iri): lozenges narrow; the design used on rafters and tie beams (fig. 17,
a-e).- Te puta o Te Ikatuna (the hole of Te Ikatuna): lozenges wider than in the previous design and less braid used; used on purlins (fig. 17,
f).- Inaere: this complicated appearing design is simple if one follows the sequence of courses accurately. The principle consists in defining the first set of open lozenges with one braid as in figure 17,
d. The lozenges are then filled in by making a second sequence below the first forming apuna rua. A third sequence forms apuna toruagain below the previous one. If it takes six (ono) sequences, to fill in the lozenges, the completed design is aninaere, but the resultant technique is apuna ono(fig. 18).
The puta o Te 'I'iri design is seen in the lashing of a pearl-shell neck ornament (p. 119). The inaere design is shown on the shaft of a slab god (p. 375), and an adz lashing (p. 171).
For introduced elements in house structure, see pp. 423, 424.
A platform ('ata) for weapons and other objects was made by stretching longitudinal beams on either side of the ridge posts and resting their ends on the end plates.
The floor was usually covered with grass (motie) or a creeper (moa) upon which sleeping mats were laid. The Mangaians formerly used bark cloth instead of plaited sleeping mats. Sometimes, as in
Partitions of large sheets of tapa (pa tikoru) were used in
Wooden seats were made in all the no'oanga; no'o, to sit), consisting of a curved seat with four curved legs with feet, were made in tamanu. The legs are heart-shaped in section with the sharp edge directed in each pair toward the middle transverse line. The feet are flat expansions that follow the heart shape of the leg section. The line of the leg from the seat to the foot is concave toward the end of the seat and correspondingly convex toward the middle. Sometimes a piece of braid was doubled twice around an end pair of legs above the feet and the four strands so formed were fastened by wrapping the continuous braid around them. The seats could be hung up by this braid. The seat shown in figure 19, a is typical.
Seats from atamira. Two seats in the b. I saw a seat in
The only seat left on c) was a unique form made for Pa Ariki, but I was told that the long
For distribution and comparison of wooden seats, see pp. 421-423.
Plaiting is such a distinctive and widespread art in Polynesia and the fundamental technique is so similar when applied to different materials and various articles, that it is dealt with here as one section although it groups together artifacts that could be placed under other headings. I have already described the
Plaiting was women's work, but men made baskets of coconut leaves in the cultivations when women were not present. Food platters, baskets, mats, fans, eyeshades, and sheets used in house construction for thatch, ridging, and wall protection were made of coconut leaves.
Thatch sheets (kei'a) were made from a length of coconut leaf about six feet long, kept to the same length by a measuring rod. The leaf midrib was split down the middle and the extraneous thick material split off. The leaflets were plaited in check, alternate leaflets being turned opposite to their natural direction to provide crossing elements. The sheets were plaited singly or two were placed together and the corresponding leaflets of each plaited as double wefts. The plaiting was continued outward from the midrib for a few inches and the leaflet ends left free (fig. 20, a). The technical details have been described (70, pp. 7-11).
The ridging sheet (tapatu) was made in lengths of six feet or more, from the full length of a leaf and the two split halves of another length. The full leaf was placed in the middle and the halves on either side with midribs b). The technical details are described in my work on
The wall sheet ('apuka) was made of two single thatch sheets placed so that the free ends of the leaflets from each sheet crossed each other in the midline. The leaflet ends of each sheet were plaited together in a three-ply braid and the end tail knotted (fig. 20, c). I have previously given details of this technique (70, pp. 31-33). These sheets were tied horizontally to the poles of the wall to keep out draughts. The same technique was used in
Food platters (raurau) of coconut leaf were made in the form of shallow trays. The types described for a, b.
The general term for basket is kete. Three types are made from green coconut leaves, and one type is made from pandanus.
The o'ini basket (70, pp. 168-171) is a development of one of the platters (fig. 21, b) in which the leaflet ends are plaited to form sides and a handle. It was used for cooked food and fruit (fig. 21, c). This type of basket is said to have been introduced from d,4), where it is said to be a fairly recent introduction.
The tapora basket (peru) was made from a piece cut off toward the tip of the leaf with an equal number of leaflets on each side of the midrib. One side was plaited like the roof sheet, in check with the leaflets opened out. On completion of one side, the plaiting was continued round the end by taking in the leaflets of the other side and closing the second end with the free leaflets left over on each side. The free ends of the leaflets were plaited in a three-ply braid to close the bottom which was termed tekere (keel). The leaf midrib was then split down the middle in its full length and formed the basket rim (fig. 21, d). The full technique has been described (70, pp. 172-179). These baskets were made in cultivations and were used for carrying home uncooked food such as taro, husked coconuts, and other products. After use they were discarded, as single open leaflets become brittle when dry.
Another kind of tapora (70, pp. 179-181) was made from a single strip of midrib cut twice the required length of the basket. A continuous sheet was b). This basket was used for the same purposes as the other tapora. The Mangaians held that this one was the true o'ini and that the o'ini imported from po'ini in the oini.
The kete nikau (70, pp. 181-190) was the best form of coconut-leaf basket. It was made with two strips of leaflet twice the length of the basket. The two midrib strips were laid together and the closed leaflets were twisted over each other to form a firmer rim (70, p. 183, fig. 164). The closed leaflets were plaited in twill as a continuous close sheet and the ends were closed as in the tapora basket but followed the twill technique instead of the check. The bottom was closed in two stages with the braid keel formed on the outside of the basket (fig. 21, e). The double thickness of the closed leaflets made this basket strong, and it was used until it wore out. In kete rore) was used to convey quantities of cooked foods to feasts such as the takurua. When used to store cooked fish it was termed vai'ata and was hung up on a scaffolding (pa'ata) in the house. An intermediate size (kete takoto) was also used for cooked food (manga maoa). During community undertakings, women brought cooked food in such baskets, and the food was shared (tu'a) among the laborers. Because of the close plaiting, they were also used to hold small fry (ika tauira) of certain fish that came in in shoals. A smaller size (kete 'apua) was a fisherman's basket (kete tautai) which was tied around his waist when he fished in the lagoon or on the reef.
Pandanus-leaf baskets (kete rau) were made with a check plait. The bottom was closed with a neat three-ply braid ('iri), either outside or inside, or with the plaited finish (taviri) used on the edge of floor mats. The baskets were plaited with the dull side of the leaf on the outside. When the bottom was closed on the outside, the basket was turned outside in so that the braid or plaited finish which forms a kind of keel was concealed. Now, the bottom is sometimes stitched together with a sewing machine (70, p. 195, fig. 175). The rim was finished in one of a number of ways: with a three-ply braid ('iri), a straight plaited finish (taviri), or a serrated edge (patara).
Decorative patterns were made by using dyed wefts overlaid on the foundation wefts. Alternating colored and plain wefts in the ordinary check technique
Pandanus-leaf baskets are now used to store clothing, trinkets, and articles introduced after European contact. Many of the colored patterns on the baskets are similar to those used on the sleeping mats. It is probable that European contact was the stimulus to the making of such baskets for home use, gifts, and sale.
Mats (general name, 'ariki), were made of coconut or pandanus leaves.
Coconut-leaf mats (tapakau) were made formerly in all the islands except tapakau mats of tapakau were plaited with a similar technique. They were made for floor coverings, and in sleeping houses they were laid over a covering of grass bedding. Finer sleeping mats of pandanus leaf were laid over them.
Pandanus-leaf sleeping mats were usually termed moenga (moe, to sleep). They were made from a cultivated pandanus with smooth-edged leaves. A number of green leaves were plaited by their tip ends (kauru) into a braid ('iri) and hung up to dry. When dry, the individual leaves were cut from the braid, opened by winding around the left hand, and scraped with a ka'i shell to flatten out the shriveled edges. The leaves were rolled around the finger for a start and other leaves added to make a fair-sized roll (tupe rau 'ara), which was kept in position by a strip of bark or pandanus leaf passed through the central hole and tied around the circumference. These rolls were stored until needed and sometimes were used as objects of trade in stores or sent to such places as
In preparation for plaiting, the woman untied the roll and scraped the leaves with a sea shell (ka'i) or a piece of coconut shell (anga ipu). With a sharp point such as the skin spine of a porcupine fish (ivi totara) (now with a point of a safety pin), the woman separated the side edges of the leaf and the midrib, discarding them. Each half leaf was divided into about four wefts with the same sharp point, but a short length of the butt end of each half leaf was left undivided to keep the wefts together and so make the plaiting commencement easier.
Using the individual butt ends, there were two forms of commencement. In the single butt commencement ('atu ta'i), all the butt ends were laid obliquely in the same direction with the wefts directed toward the right (dextrals) so that some of the wefts must be turned toward the left (sinistrals). In the 'atu rua), the butt ends were crossed alternately so that their wefts crossed without any being twisted to the left. Only the double butt commencement was used in
As plaiting proceeded, the left side edge was formed by bending in the lowest sinistral weft with a double turn to bring the weft back into the body as a dextral weft. This was done successively as the sinistrals reached the point above the turned weft below it and so a straight turned edge termed piu was formed at right angles to the bottom commencement edge. Similarly when the required width of the mat was reached, the right side edge was formed by turning back the dextrals to act as sinistrals and so form a right piu edge.
A joining ('ono) was made when the wefts began to narrow toward their tips. The butt ends of a second set of wefts were laid over the tip ends of the first set, and the plaiting was continued with double wefts for a distance sufficient to insure the security of the joining. The free ends of the first set were then dropped, and plaiting proceeded with the second set alone. Other joinings were made in a similar way to procure the length desired. Later the free ends of the wefts were trimmed off at the edge of the first crossing wefts.
When the full length of the mat was reached, the top edge was formed by a special finish termed taviri by which the free ends were turned down to be incorporated in the plaiting. The mat was then reversed, the butt ends split into individual wefts, and the taviri finish applied to them. Full details of the butt commencements, piu edge, 'ono joining, and taviri finish are described elsewhere (70, pp. 108-121).
Plain mats may be made with the above technique with piu sides and taviri ends. These mats were made in check throughout, each weft crossing over and under one alternately.
The good sleeping mats (moenga) are characterized by decorative borders in color (termed pae). The pae was formed by overlaid plaiting in which colored strips were laid on the plain sinistral wefts of the border as they were placed in the shed formed by the separation of the dextral wefts in the various arrangements demanded by the twilled technique of the pattern used.
The material for the colored wefts was the shiny upper layer (aro) of pandanus leaf separated from the dull under part (tua). The leaves were drawn through the fire so they would separate easily and then split from the tip end (kauru) by hand. The separated under part was discarded, and the tip ends of the upper layer, now termed papa, were plaited in a three-ply braid to keep the strip together. The strips were soaked for three to five days in the sea, the connecting braid ('iri) being tied to a stick driven into the sandy bottom. The strips were washed in fresh water and the braid hung up to dry. When dry, each leaf was cut from the braid and folded into convenient lengths of about six inches. In the modern method, the strips are soaked in a solution of coral lime (ngaika) for about three days to help them take the dye.
The colors now used are black and red, but many informants maintain that originally only black was used. To obtain the red color, the strips were soaked in nono juice until they were the right shade. Then they were heated in an earth oven to fix the dye. The color was a dull red, and the method was abandoned for the brighter trade dyes.
Black dye was obtained from the scraped inner bark of the candlenut (tuitui) which was pounded in a bowl and the juice expressed by wringing through a strainer of coconut stipule (kaka). The papa strips were soaked in the dye solution for three days and the color fixed in an earth oven. The strips were then immersed in the black mud of taro swamps for four to five days, washed, and dried. The color soaked through the strip and shows up on both sides.
Black wefts were also obtained from the shiny black outer skin of the plantain ('uatu, ve'i,
The decorated mats were made in two forms, the koviri and paretumu.
The koviri mat was made with turned side edges (piu). When the required length was reached, all the wefts were split into two, to make finer plaiting. The border was then plaited according to the pattern desired, and the colored strips, split to the same width as the mat wefts, were laid in turn on the sinistrals as they were laid in the shed provided for them. In addition to the actual pattern formed by changing the number of wefts in the twill strokes, variety was added by using a number of wefts overlaid with black and then changing to a similar number of reds. The colors thus formed alternating oblique panels of black and red. When the depth of the decorative panel was reached, the edge was formed with the taviri finish. The mat was then reversed, the butt ends which were sufficiently long for the purpose, were split into wefts corresponding to the mat wefts and split again to form border wefts. The technique of the other end was repeated. The koviri mat therefore had plain sides and decorated ends. (See plate 5, C.)
The paretumu mat has decorated borders on all four sides. As the piu turn at the sides could not be used, the left side edge was commenced, the sinistral wefts were allowed to project free beyond it, and fresh dextrals with long butt strips were added successively on the left edge to engage the sinistrals as the plaiting proceeded upward. Similarly, the dextrals on the right side edge were left free to project beyond and new sinistral strips were added as the plaiting proceeded. On the completion of the two end borders, the butt strips of the two sides were treated with the same technique as that of the commencement edge in the koviri mats. (See plate 5, B.)
The color does not show on the under surface of the mat, because the
Overlaid plaiting in color is used in other islands, but the splitting of the body wefts to form narrower border wefts, their use to form decorative borders in color in a number of geometrical patterns, and the manner in which new wefts are added to the side edges are local developments not found in any other Polynesian group.
Fans (ta'iri) of two types were made from coconut leaflets, a rough fan for ordinary use and a finer one of dressed leaflets.
The rough fan was made of a piece of coconut leaf cut off near the tip end and long enough to form both handle and fan. The butt end was stripped to form the handle and the remaining part, with seven to ten leaflets on each side, provided the body of the fan. Opposing pairs of closed leaflets were crossed to the opposite side, and the plaiting commenced by turning the lowest leaflet on one side upward to lie parallel with the midrib and so cross all the leaflets on the same side in check. The next leaflet was turned up in a similar way until all on the same side had been plaited. The same was done on the other side. When completed, the free dextrals of one side crossed the free sinistrals of the other in the middle of the fan. These free wefts were plaited in check to fill in the middle part between the two oblique sides. When the plaiting had formed an even front transverse edge, the edge was finished by doubling the leaflets back and pushing them under crossing wefts on the body of the fan. The ends were then cut off. The full technique of the plaiting has been described (70, pp. 202-205). (See figure 262.)
Finer fans were made of closed coconut leaflets stripped from young leaves, with the edges trimmed to form narrower wefts about 6 mm. wide. In the best fans the handle was carved on the proximal part and the distal part served as a tang to which the wefts were attached and plaited. (See figure 22.)
Splitting the leaflets into hard and soft wefts gives the fans a ridged appearance. The downward prolongation of the midrib wefts before they were turned upward results in an ornamental effect peculiar to A, B). The resultant shape of the fans is triangular with the apex on the handle and the base distal. In finishing off the base edge, all the wefts are bent at right angles to their previous course, pushed down under a few crossing wefts and the ends cut off. In bending down the hard midrib wefts, small projections are formed that give the base edge a serrated appearance. The
Rarotongan fans (pl. 4, C) are readily identified by the handles which are carved with two heads, back to back, and the eye and mouth forms peculiar to the carving on that island.
Specimens are to be seen in the
Between the carved end and the commencement of the plaiting, the handle was wrapped with fine sennit. The part near the plaiting was for binding the ends of the lowest leaf wefts, but the lashing turns were continued on the handle for decorative purposes. On one fan (fig. 23, b), a fine coir cord was used in transverse turns, but a decorative effect was produced by a cord dyed red which made alternate turns with a cord of the undyed material. A more decorative effect, however, was produced by working a pattern of multiple lozenges, as shown in figure 23, c. The part of the handle so worked is 40 mm. long and 17 mm. in diameter.
The undyed sennit after lashing the weft ends was run in a spiral around the handle as far as the carved part and then returned so as to cross the previous turns in the middle both front and back. Subsequent turns were made
c), the technique results in three lozenges on the front and three on the back, and similar lozenges are produced on the sides. The Rarotongan multiple lozenge technique in which the lozenges are built up by expansion on both sides of the first crossings must be carefully distinguished from the Mangaian multiple lozenge technique in which the lozenges are formed on one side of the first crossings.
The Rarotongan fans differ slightly from the modern
A fan in the D; fig. 24).
Fans of the better type are no longer made in A). Though this fan was well made, the technique was so different that I wondered whether it was a freak that did not truly conform to the orthodox technique of D, E). The fan was old and formed part of a missionary collection that was acquired by the University in 1870. Through the courtesy
The Mangaian fan, according to
Men daily carried about with them, in symbol of peace, an outrageously large fan, now obsolete. This fan was sufficiently large to protect the upper part of the body from sun or rain. It was found necessary to forbid its use in church, as the person of the owner was nearly hidden behind it.
The missionary ban against its use in church probably caused the large fan to be abandoned and the technique to be forgotten.
Mangaian fans differ from those of
- They are lozenge-shaped instead of triangular and have two angular notches at the distal pointed end.
- The wefts, after attachment to the handle tang, are twisted over the wefts above them commencing from below (handle). This technique is observed in the coconut-leaf fans of
Manihiki (75, p. 132).- The wefts are crossed over the front of the tang but not over the back. The front of the tang and the spiral turns of the lashing thread are completely covered by the weft crossings but the back of the tang and the transverse crossings of the lashing thread are exposed throughout its whole length. In the fans from the other islands, the tang is completely covered, except for the short distal end that projects on the back.
- The wefts after crossing on the front are plaited in check without the midrib part being split from the soft leafy part. Hence, the Mangaian fans do not have the ribbed appearance of the other fans.
- All the edges of the fan are bound with strips of coconut leaflets attached by a continuous thread.
I have seen no good fans from
It is evident that
Temporary eyeshades (taumata), which were used mostly by fishermen, were quickly made from a strip of coconut leaf with a technique similar to that of
Except for purposes of modesty, there was little need for clothing in the tropics. Men wore a loin cloth (maro) and women a short skirt or kilt (pareu). A kind of poncho (tiputa) was made of bark cloth or sometimes of plaited pandanus leaves. For dances and festivals, kilts were made of ti leaves, coconut leaflets, or hibiscus bast. Chiefs sometimes wore a wide plaited band around the waist as part of their chiefly regalia. Headdresses of coir fiber and feathers were worn by chiefs and warriors on state occasions. Various types of body ornaments were worn in the different islands. Sandals protected the feet from the sharp coral of the shore reef and the inland upraised coral reefs of some of the islands.
In volcanic islands where the paper mulberry flourished, bark cloth was the general material for garments. Native materials have been superseded by |trade textiles, except for native dance costumes. Sandals, however, are still used on the reef.
A loin cloth or perineal band (maro), which was worn by men, was a long narrow strip of bark cloth. It was the only garment worn while working. The wearer held one end on the breast or under the chin, while he passed the cloth back between his thighs to cover the genitals, passed it around the waist from the back above the right hip, looped it at the back through the right turn and thus reversed the direction from left to right in front. The end was tucked away between the folds and the skin and the held end was dropped to hang down in front. The front end was termed taumua (tau, to hang; mua, in front).
Cook (20, p. 171), the European discoverer of
They wore such girdles as we had perceived about those on shore, and we found that they were a substance made from the
Morus papyrifera, in the same manner as the other islands of the ocean. It was glazed like the sort used by the natives of theFriendly Islands . …
In speaking of the natives of
More a kilt than a skirt, the pareu was worn by females. It was formed of a strip of bark cloth wide enough to reach from the waist to the depth required, above the knees for unmarried girls and below for married women. The cloth was wrapped tightly around the waist and the overlapping ends were tucked inside the folds to keep the garment in position without a belt.
Cook (20, p. 189), in speaking of a group of female dancers in
An upper body garment consisting of a length of bark cloth with a hole in the middle was called a tiputa. The head was passed through the hole, and the cloth hung down in front and behind, leaving the arms free and the sides uncovered. The word puta in the name tiputa means a hole. Cook (20, tiputa, for my Mangaian informants had no knowledge of any other form of body garment.
Even after European cloth came into general use, the people continued to make tiputa out of bark cloth for their native festivals. Many have found their way into museums, and it is somewhat difficult, owing to the uncertainty of their date of manufacture, to determine what was the original form and what innovations were added in post-European times.
Two specimens from b). It was evidently obtained through the missionary, e), and both the pattern of the garment and the colored design appear old.
The two Mangaian tiputa in a) or with alternate triangles inverted (fig. 27, b). Longer triangles with narrow bases are arranged in groups of three which may alternate as to the position of the bases (fig. 27, d). Lozenge-shaped perforations were formed by pinching up the cloth and cutting out V-shaped pieces (fig. 27, c). Another motif of larger size has serrated edges and pointed ends (fig. 27, e). Perforations, usually triangular, were made in three concentric circles around the neck opening, and the different motifs were arranged in horizontal or vertical rows over the body of the garment. According to my native informant, the perforated technique was peculiar to B.) The cutting out of triangles and lozenges in cloth seems to be a natural sequence to the common Mangaian technique of cutting similar figures in their wood carving.
A Mangaian tiputa (fig. 266, d) in the tiputa without perforations as their ordinary dress and the dark colored ones with perforations as a sign of mourning. Later, as native tapus lost their dread, the mourners' costumes were given circular neck holes and fringed at the edges to be used at dances and festivals. The dark cloth was easy to stain and did not require the painstaking task of covering the cloth with an intricate painted design.
In making one of the later Mangaian garments (fig. 266, f), which is now in d), whereas the other (fig. 266, e) has serrated sides and bottom fringes.
The other 'upa'a. It has a serrated neck, side, and bottom fringes and is perforated with triangles, lozenges, and the serrated motif (fig. 27, e). Thus, even if the perforated technique was originally confined to the drab mourners' costumes, it has been used in later times on festival attire.
A tiputa from c) in
For the distribution of the poncho, see pp. 432-434.
A cloak or wrapper of a rectangular sheet of tapa was often thrown over the shoulders to protect the body in the cool of the evening. In tihei, the name consisting of the prefix ti and hei (to be around the neck).
A belt or girdle received the name of tatua and a strip of bark cloth was sometimes used as part of the full dress. Plaited girdles of pandanus leaf however, were more appropriate in a chief's dress (pl. 6, C).
Bark cloth was used in the making of headdresses. (See p. 79.)
The best bark cloth was made from the bast of the paper mulberry, which was cultivated for that purpose. The general name for the plant is aute or anga, but aute and anga were distinct varieties, and they added a third name purautea. It is possible that purautea (purau, Tahitian name for Hibiscus tiliaceus; tea, white) really refers to the wild hibiscus, for purautea was a soft quality of ancient garment made from the lemon hibiscus.
A good cloth was also made from the bast of shoots and younger branches of the breadfruit tree (kuru). A coarser, brown cloth was made from the aerial rootlets of the banyan (aoa). Entada scandens which has since Entada phaseoloides (Linnaeus) Merrill). The plant is a woody climber which is common in the forests.
The manufacture of bark cloth was the work of women, but in
A shell (kafi), consisting of one valve of a marine bivalve (Asaphis violacea), was used to separate the inner bast (kiko) from the outer bark (pakiri). The natural edge was used; shells were not ground as were the shell implements of
Beaters (ike) were made from ironwood and sometimes from miro. Twelve beaters examined in ngao) to form ridges that would assist in beating out the bark. The grooves, which were cut parallel to each other and to the edges of the surface, varied in closeness according to their function in the various stages of beating the bark—widely spaced grooves for the initial stage of beating, medium spaced grooves for intermediate stage, and closely set grooves for the final stage. In
- ngao 'oa'oa: 1 ridge to 1 cm.
- ngao papa: 3 ridges to 1 cm.
- ngao I'ei'e: 4-5 ridges to 1 cm.
- ngao ta'akaieie: 6.5 ridges to 1 cm.
In
- ngao tuanunui: coarse grooves for first stage (
papa'anga)- ngao kikau: medium spacing
- ngao makeke: closer spacing;to smooth (
'akamnnia)- ngao 'unga'unga: fine, close grooves for finishing
In
- ike papa: for initial beating; with coarser and more widely spaced grooves
- ike toto: for intermediate stage; with medium-sized grooves set closer together
- ike 'akatu: for finishing work; with fine grooves set closely together
Each surface of the beaters was carved in one pattern but they differed in the four surfaces so that one beater had coarse, medium, and fine surfaces for the different stages of beating (pl. 6, A). The fourth surface gave an extra medium or fine surface. The width of the blade was usually the same throughout, but sometimes the proximal end was slightly wider. The carved pattern was always in parallel lines.
The beaters from all the islands had the handles shaped with a proximal flare, except the fine beaters (ike 'akatu) of
For types of beaters, see pp. 429-431.
Each household had several beaters, and on the death of the mistress of a family the beaters were inherited by her daughters. In
Wooden anvils (tutunga; from tutu, to beat) were made of tamanu or miro logs that were squared. The length was usually about 13 feet and the average width and depth about 6 inches or a little more, but usually the end corresponding to the upper end of the tree trunk was less than the butt end. The under surface was hollowed out with a deep groove, and the ends were usually raised a little above the ground by the placing of stones or old mats beneath them. Beating the bark produced a resonant sound which the workers enjoyed. With a long anvil, a number of women could work side by side. They had a number of beats and chants to which they all kept time, thus getting fun and enjoyment from their labor. Certain signals were used that had a definite meaning, for instance, the entrance of a visitor at one end of the village was known at the other end long before he arrived there.
A Rarotongan legend states that the goddess Ta'akura had an anvil named Tangi-te-varovaro (making-a-prolonged-hollow-sound). One end had a secret recess in which was placed a kura (red feathers, something precious) and a rei (whale ivory ornament). During the absence of Ta'akura from her home, the anvil was taken by a woman named Tapairu-'aere-moana. On the return of Ta'akura the sound of beating on her anvil was borne to her on the south wind (tonga). She followed the sound until she reached the house of the thief, who was beating bark on the stolen anvil. Ta'akura demanded her anvil, but the other woman claimed it as her own. Ta'akura asked her if she had any special mark to denote her ownership. When the thief replied in the negative, Ta'akura opened the cavity at the end and produced the kura and the rei. The following verse records the incident:
|
| Tonga e, matangi e!O South wind, O breeze! | |
I taku tutunga nei | This my anvil was | |
'Omai e te tonga e. | Returned to me by the south wind O. | |
Vero'ia mai taku tutunga | Directed toward my anvil | |
E te matangi, e te tonga e. | By the breeze, by the south wind O. |
Wooden anvils were used throughout the volcanic islands of Polynesia except the
The general term for beating out the bark is tutu, but other terms are applied to the various stages of the process. The manufacture of cloth has been described for
Paper mulberry saplings about as thick as the thumb are cut down in the plantations and the bark peeled off there or at home. The bark is cut longitudinally at the severed end of the thicker butt end and pulled away with the right hand while the left hand holds the peeled stick. The bark splits naturally down the length of the sapling and comes off in one long strip. As the bark tends to curl into tubular form, it is folded in short lengths inside out to flatten out the curvature. The inner bark or bast (kiko) is separated from the outer bark (pakiri) at the butt end with a ka'i shell and then carefully pulled away throughout the length of the strip.
The outer bark is discarded and the bast strips tied in bundles for future treatment. Usually the bundles are soaked in water for 24 hours before the first beating takes place. In
The first beating is done on the anvil with the coarse surface of the beaters. In 'oa'anga, hence the coarse surface of the beater is termed ngao 'oa'oa. The first beating, applied to each individual strip, flattens it out and brings out the texture of the bark. The strips are then washed in fresh water to remove the sap, salt, and any green coloring that may have adhered from the outer bark. In tapora) and allowed to drain. The next day the bast is wrapped in banana leaves or, in puraka) for three days. This treatment is a form of retting. Some women said that they could tell by tasting the bast when the material was ready for further beating.
The second or final beating was commenced with the medium grooved surfaces. When a number of women were working at one anvil, each put several strips before her and beat out a section to the required thinness. The edges of the sections were overlapped and, by further beating, were felted together into one continuous sheet. The process of felting the material is the characteristic technique of central, eastern (except papa'anga. Beaters are usually held with both hands.
The finishing process ('akaotinga) is done by lightly tapping with the finely grooved surfaces of the beaters. The smoothed cloth is then spread out in the
In the felting process, the parallel marks of the ridges on the beaters show up as watermarks when the cloth is held up to the light. In the pasting process of western Polynesia, the coarse markings of the beaters do not show on the cloth. Hawaiian bark cloth is readily identified by the watermarks made by the various patterns on the beaters.
The completed cloth is white and may be used without further treatment. White cloth in autea and in pa'oa.
The dyes used were prepared from the bark, roots, sap, and leaves of various plants to produce the colors, yellow, red, and black. Black was also obtained by soaking the cloth in the mud of taro swamps. Combinations of plants were also used, and coconut oil.
The addition of color to the white cloth was done by total immersion of the cloth in the dye solution, rubbing the dye over the outer surface of the cloth, or by freehand painting. The simplest form of immersion was by pressing the cloth down in the mud of taro swamps, leaving it there until the required depth of color was obtained, washing the mud off, and then drying it in the sun. A black color was obtained which in time fades to a brown. Red and yellow were obtained by soaking the cloth in the dye solution in wooden bowls made on the pattern of food bowls but set aside for dyeing. For large pieces of cloth the canoe-shaped bowl (paroe) was used. In this process the same color appears evenly on both surfaces.
To dye one surface in the same color, a small piece of cloth was dipped in the dye and rubbed evenly over the surface. The other surface remained white except for splotches where an excess of dye soaked through. The favorite cloth used for the tiputa in
A yellow color was obtained from turmeric (renga), nono, and in kavapiu (?). The turmeric roots were washed and grated on a rough stone or rough coral. The roots of the nono were scraped with a ka'i shell to remove the outer bark; the inner bark scrapings produced the dye. The roots of the kavapiu were treated like turmeric. The scrapings of the root used were thoroughly mixed and worked with the hands in water in a wooden bowl. The insoluble material, caught in a strainer made of dry strips of hibiscus bast, was wrung out, and flicked off as in preparing the kava beverage. Some women
Red was obtained from the berries of the mati, combined with leaves of the tou in morirei in vai mati. Crushed leaves of the tou or morirei turned the fluid red. The leaves were removed when the right shade of red was reached. In
A red color is also obtained from the bark of the candlenut (tuitui), which is scraped and wrung out in a wringer (taka) of plaited hibiscus bast. The fluid (vavai'iri) was stored in a coconut shell container until required. In toa was mixed with vavai'iri to produce a reddish color; flowers of the hibiscus (kaute) were pounded and rubbed on the cloth to produce red splotches. The process was done at sunset and the cloth dried at night to avoid fading.
The commonest method of obtaining black was to immerse the cloth in the black mud of taro swamps and leave it there until it had assumed the right depth of color. The cloth was then washed and dried. In pakoko. A black color was obtained in vai'iri), drying the cloth in the sun, and then soaking' it in ironwood juice. After sun drying, the cloth was cooked in an earth oven lined with a layer of banana stem bark and with a layer of candlenut leaves under the cloth. The whole was covered with leaves. Tasting determined whether the cloth was cooked (maoa), and it was removed and dried in the sun Next, the cloth was pressed down in the mud of a taro swamp (repo) and left until it acquired the desired shade of black. Finally, it was washed and dried.
In 'ange shrub were mixed with coconut cream and wrung out. The cloth soaked in the mixture and sun dried had a gray color and a sweet scent.
The information about the above colors was obtained in
In autea or tikoru. When treated further with dyes or coconut cream, the cloth received the general name of parai (to smear or paint). The various parai were as follows:
pa'oa-tea:a yellow cloth soaked in a mixture of turmeric and coconut cream.'upa'a:thepa'oa-teacolored with red splotches of pounded red hibiscus flowers; dried out at night to prevent fading by the sun.tukntoa:a red cloth obtained by immersion in a mixture of candlenut and ironwood (toa).tuku'anga:a gray cloth from immersion in a mixture of'angeleaves and coconut cream.
The cloth soaked in taro swamp mud received the general name of pakoko and further treatment also made it a parai. of which one kind was known.
Parai mangu(mangu, black): thepakokocloth was rubbed on the outer side with a mixture of grated turmeric and grated coconut, which gave a yellowish-black polish to the surface treated.
In tikoru mata'iapo was made as a covering for the gods which was never removed except during temple ritual or when the keeper of the gods replaced it with a new one. The white cloth was also used as clothing by high chiefs and priests, hence its name, which means cloth of the first-born. The manufacture of the cloth was a secret process known only to the priests of the Tonga'iti tribe. Its association with the gods saved the Tonga'iti tribe from extermination when a plot to overthrow the ruling tribe was discovered. They were exiled instead, and
The alleged motive for not permitting these Tongans to be slain was, "that the sacred clothing of the gods might not be defied with human blood", and so draw down vengeance upon the ruling race. Pati, priest of the exiled tribe was the sole depository or maker of the superior paper-mulberry cloth as thick as cardboard, used exclusively for clothing the gods, great chiefs, and priests. This "lordly clothing" was actually worshipped by the tribe that manufactured it, under the name of
te tikoru mataiapo.
In pa'oa) was, according to my informants, treated in seven ways.
'apa'a(hapaha): a yellow cloth by immersion in any of the yellow dyes, but turmeric was the best dye. This was the appropriate cloth to spread over a mother after childbirth.pungavere:a red cloth from immersion in the mixture ofmatiberries,touleaves, and coconut cream.rarua:a white cloth (pa'oa) with a pattern of lines made with the red dye used in thepungaverecloth.pa'oa verevere ki te repo:a black cloth produced by the method described in the second process under black dyes (p. 72).piri:a black cloth treated for one day in the mud of a taro swamp and after washing and drying, rubbed with a mixture of iron-wood sap (toto) and coconut oil. The cloth after drying in the sun has a varnished appearance due to the oil and is less affected by wet than cloth not so treated. The cloth has a sticky feeling and hence is calledpiri(to stick)pareu:a reddish cloth obtained by soaking in candle-nut fluid and with straight, freehand lines drawn in the black of taro swamp mud with a dry pandanus fruit key (kati 'ara) used as a brush. Used as a bed cover.inaina:white cloth coated with coconut oil ('inu 'akari) which gave it a shiny appearance (karaparapa).
The other islands had their own names for the various types of cloth.
Cloth made from the bast of shoots or young branches of the breadfruit is grayish-brown in color and is of a coarser texture than paper-mulberry cloth. inaina. It is curious that though I obtained the name pokuru in
Cloth made from the bark of the aerial rootlets of the banyan (aoa) was brown. In aoa after the tree.
Designs in yellow, red, or black were painted on plain white cloth or cloth that had been stained to one color. Small brushes were made from the dry keys of pandanus fruit. Probably other forms of brushes were also used.
Dyeing frames (rakau takiri pa'oa) were said by native informants to have been used in ngaito, and a set crossing obliquely was termed okaoka. The dye was dabbed onto the midrib lines and the frame then pressed down on the cloth. This makes a fourth process that may be termed stamping.
The western process of rubbing and the mistakes that have arisen in identifying specimens as
The painted patterns on a few old specimens of
One specimen collected in 1825 on the island of Blonde
Blonde
did not touch at
Old pieces of Rarotongan tapa are found wrapped in a thick roll about the middle section of some of the staff gods that are peculiar to b, c. A similar pattern occurs on a piece of cloth attached to a large feather headdress in the d.)
An old Mangaian pattern has been recorded by Edge-Partington (24, II-11-1) from a poncho in the e); and he quotes
Though bark cloth was the general material on volcanic islands, an observation by Cook (20, p. 194) shows that in
In the atolls, called the
Kilts of ti leaf (pareu rau ti) were made by attaching the leaves to one side of a three-ply braid formed of the butt ends of the leaves from which the stiff midribs were removed (fig. 29, a), and sometimes partly dried leaves were added for their golden color. The technique has been described (70 p. 86). They were worn by both sexes in dances and festivals, and they were; not worn everyday as they were in
Temporary kilts of coconut leaflets (pareu nikau) were made with a technique similar to that for ti-leaf kilts. The leaflet midribs were removed.
Kilts of hibiscus bast (pareu kiri 'au) were made of strips of bast attached to a single or a double cord which served as a waist cord. One or two rows of spaced single-pair twine (70, pp. 87-90) helped to keep the strips together (fig. 29, b). These were also used in dances but, as the material was durable, they were kept for future use. Ornaments (rakei) of colored seeds and shells were sometimes used to decorate the kilts. In modern times, dance kilts are made from the stout fibers of a low shrub named purumi.
I have seen tiputa made of plaited pandanus for dances and festivals. That their use was not modern is vouched for by Cook (20, p. 194) who saw some in Aitu. "But some had pieces of mats, most curiously varied with black and white, made into a sort of jacket without sleeves. …"
A rough tiputa for wear in the cultivations was made from a banana leaf. A section of midrib was removed from the middle of the leaf to admit a person's head, and the midrib cut ends were tied with hibiscus bark. The midrib was cut through on the middle side of each tie and the section removed by cutting the leaf on each side of the section. The head was passed through the hole and the rough garment protected the front and back from sunburn.
A belt or girdle made of plaited pandanus leaf was called tatua. Though the waist cloth and the kilt were self fastening, plaited belts were worn as ornaments in full dress by high chiefs.
A belt from tatua whara or tatua kotara (68, pp. 346-348, pl, 34). Though the Maori belts are made of flax ( Phormium tenax), it is interesting that they should retain the name of
In
A baldric (tope) was plaited from pandanus leaf into a long, fairly wide band. The length was said to be "e maro e tape" (an arm span and a part). They were favored in B). The middle of the tope was passed behind the neck, the ends crossed over the breast, and passed backward under the arms. A second tope could be worn with the middle in front of the neck, the two ends crossed over the back and brought forward. The lower ends were fixed by a belt (tatua) of bark cloth wound around the waist. The baldric formed part of the full dress at festivals and was not an article of common dress.
It is evident that the ornamental cord with wrappings of human hair used in C).
Sandals (tamaka) are still made of hibiscus bast (kiri 'au) because they are useful for walking over the sharp coral points while fishing and loading and unloading cargo on the fruit ships which visit the islands. The bast is twisted into a single-ply strand which is arranged in longitudinal loops around two sticks, one held between the toes to define the distal end of the sandal and the other held by the left hand parallel with the first at the distance required for the length of the sandal. The bast strand is then passed transversely over and under the longitudinal loops in check to form the sole of the sandal. At the proximal end, a heel loop is formed which with two front strands is used in fastening the sandal. The details of technique have been described for
Rori, the Mangaian carver, who sheltered in the makatea, owed his many escapes from enemies to his sandals that carried him with ease over the sharp
Clothes and other articles were probably kept in the house in closely plaited baskets of coconut leaf or pandanus leaf. Tamuera Ariki of avata was made for storing cloth and cloth beaters. It was made of tou wood and shaped like a large bowl. He quoted the story of Taura-vi 'i, a defeated warrior, who was hidden by his wife in an avata box to escape his enemies. No such box has yet been located in collections.
The people of the pare) that ranged from simple wreaths of flowers and leaves to elaborate structures decorated with feathers, shells, and human hair. Wreaths were worn at festivals, but workers in the cultivations wore a strip of banana leaf or a leafy vine twined around the head. Even today, the people cannot resist making a wreath when they find flowers or fragrant leaves in the woods. A wreath was named after the plant used, one of the maire fern being termed a pare maire. The elaborate headdresses were worn by chiefs and priests to mark social distinction.
The only real necessity for headgear was protection of the eyes from the glare of the sun while fishing. For this purpose eyeshades (taumata) were made of coconut leaflets plaited in check. They were peaked in front and had prolongations at either end for tying around the head (fig. 26).
A turban or a cone-shaped cap was a piece of white bark cloth wrapped around the head. It was worn by men at public gatherings and in war. Cook (20, p. 171), describing the costume of the Mangaians, says: "And almost all of them had a white wrapper about their heads, not much unlike a turban; or, in some instances, like a high conical cap." Later, after a close observation of two men, he remarked that the loin cloths were glazed "but the cloth on their heads was white like that which is found in
A better form of headdress was made of feathers attached to bands which were tied around the head. A further development consisted of cone-shaped
The straw hats introduced by missionaries and traders have been copied in local material such as pandanus and coconut leaf with a plaiting technique, and they have completely ousted the native coir and feather headdresses. Some few coir caps remain in
The present study of technique has been made on the headdresses in museums.
Parts of the bark of selected plants such as the 'au, oronga, breadfruit, and paper mulberry and the husk fibers surrounding the nut of the coconut palm were used as attachment material. For clarity, the following terms are used:
- Bark: includes the stiffer outer epidermis and the inner more flexible parts of the bark covering of plants.
- Bast: the inner layer of bark (
kiko) which is separated from the outer epidermis (pakiri).- Coir: the fibers of coconut husk which have been separated from the interfibrous material.
- Filament: a very thin, threadlike strip of bast in which individual straight fibers cannot be separated.
- Fiber: the long threadlike elements obtained by removing the interfibrous material from the bast of certain trees such as
'auandorongaand the single elements of coir.- Strip: a length of bast or fiber which has not been made into a cord or braid.
- Strand: a strip of material prepared to be included as a ply of a cord or a braid.
- Ply: a strand which has been included in a cord or braid.
- Thread: a thin two-ply twist of bast or fiber. If more than two plies are used, the number should be specified; as "three-ply thread," etc. Thread should not be used as synonymous with filament or fiber.
- Cord: a two-ply twist of bast or fiber, thicker than a thread and thinner than a rope; if more than two plies are used, the cord should be specified as "three-ply cord," etc.
- Braid: a three-ply in which the outer plies are alternately crossed over the middle ply in a plait as opposed to a twist; when more than three plies are used, it should be specified as "four-ply braid", "five-ply braid", etc.
- Sennit: arbitrarily confined to a braid (three-ply) made of coir; synonymous with the native term
ka'a.- Tapa: cloth which has been prepared from bast.
A feather consists of a solid median shaft or rachis of which the free end is hollow and termed the quill or calamus. The shaft supports barbs on either side and the webs formed by the barbs are termed vanes. In flight and tail feathers, the inner vane is wider than the outer vane. In headdresses, large feathers may be attached singly, whereas small feathers such as the red body feathers of the parakeet are tied together in small bunches with transverse turns of a fiber or filament around the quills. Some of the longer feathers are split down the shaft, and the part with the wider, inner vanes is usually
The red feathers (kura) of the parakeet (Coriphilus sp.) were the most valuable as decoration for headdresses and religious objects. The wing and tail feathers were also used. The tail feathers of the tropic bird (tavake, Phaethon sp.), man-of-war hawk (kota'a, Fregata minor), and domestic fowl were used for plumes, and feathers of the pigeon [Ducula (Globicera) pacifica] and various seabirds were also utilized.
Feathers were attached to the foundation material either directly or indirectly through some intermediate element. Direct attachments were simple or spiral.
- The simple attachment was applied to large feathers or bunches of small feathers by transverse turns around the quills with a thread or a fiber.
- The spiral attachment consists of fixing a successive series of feathers by spiral turns of a continuous cord to a wooden rod or the narrow flat surface of a piece of thick sennit, or folded coconut-leaf stipule.
Indirect attachments may be divided into what may be arbitrarily defined as holders and carriers.
- Holders are single elements to which feathers are attached and these elements bearing the feathers are attached to some part of the headdress. The elements may consist of fiber, cord, braid, or a wooden stick.
- Carriers are compound holders which may be made of coir in loops, rings, or rosettes and wood in bars to which holders are attached, or clamps consisting of two bars between which the holders are held.
The various forms of attachment will be illustrated with the headdresses.
Two feather headbands in the a). The close binding of white tapa around the foundation band made it impossible to distinguish the technique of the various parts, but from the appearance of the ends of the feather holders, it is likely that the foundation band consists of a clamp of two lengths of thick sennit. The two elements are placed one above the other instead of side by side, hence the tropic bird feathers project outward. The technique that could be made out is shown in figure 32, b-e.
The general term for coir caps was pare ka'a (pare, headdress; ka'a, sennit), but in taka'a (pl. 6, D). In
|
Ei taka'a rere, | By the tied on helmet, | |
Ei mata ka'ipa'ipa, | By quick, alert eyes, | |
E rauka ai te 'au. | Victory is procured. |
The word rere (first line) is a local term for the sennit braid used to tie on the helmet.
Cook (20, p. 194) refers to coir caps seen on
The presence of beads made of shell is extremely interesting, for the only other place in Polynesia where shell beads are recorded is
Two caps, which I obtained in D). They are made with a coiled technique of continuous figure-of-eight turns with a sennit coiling element around the adjacent turns of the foundation coil. The caps are without feather ornamentation, but one of them has a geometrical pattern painted or dyed in black (fig. 33).
The coiling commenced at the top and the cap was shaped by altering the relative position of the new coil to the preceding coil. At the top the coils were side by side but a downward slope was formed by slightly lowering each new coil. When the required diameter of the top of the cap was reached, the sides were defined by the new coils changing position to below the preceding coil. The coiling usually proceeded from left to right, but one of the caps was worked from right to left. For the technique of the close figure-of-eight coil, see figure 34.
A coiled cap in the
The cap differs from the Atiuan caps in being higher with a pointed apex provided with a loop of sennit. The technique is coiled work in continuous figure-of-eight, in which the foundation coil appears to be coir cord and the coiling element a coir cord in two colors and 2 mm. thick. The coiling is poorly done in places (fig. 35).
The gap in the rim is on the side opposite the feather ornamentation and presumably to the back. The method of forming the gap and attaching the two white cowrie shells is shown in figure 36.
The four feather bunches on the front of the cap are black feathers arranged in rosettes (fig. 37, c) by the use of two ring carriers with the feather holders radiating in a circle. The lower carrier has 12 holders, and the second, with 9 holders, is placed above it. A cord with a feather tuft at one end has the free end pushed down through the open rings of both carriers and, when a, b).
The feather streamer (fig. 35, b, 5) is a bast cord with the upper end attached to the cap by pushing the end through the coiled work to the left of the rosettes and knotting it on the inside. Split and unsplit black feathers are used in five ring feather carriers with 6 to 9 holders, each of which is spaced along the cord which passes through the ring and is stoppered with an overhand knot below each carrier to prevent its slipping down on the cord (fig. 37, d).
The only coir cap now found in C).
The coir cap resembles that of the Rarotongan cap in shape and in the use of a sennit loop pushed through the small opening in the apex, but it differs in the introduction of a different technique in oblique rows. It resembles the Maori two-pair interlocking weft used in weaving garments (69, p. 66), but this is probably due to a single-pair twine which reverses the twist in alternate rows. The technique also resembles that used in the a).
Aitutakians maintained that caps of coir fiber (pare kd'a) were formerly made on their island and that the technique was the same as that of pare kura (kura, red feathers). The feathers were said to have been obtained from the small island of
Williams (81, p. 460) figured a headdress with the following description: "A cap from A) and was also figured by Edge-Partington (24, I-19-1). The figure and the description by Williams definitely settle the locality (fig. 39).
The feather decoration is attached to a large conical coir cap, 425 mm. high and 288 mm. in diameter at the rim. The technique is coiled work in continuous
Figure-of-eight, the coiling element being a coir cord less than 2 mm. thick worked over a foundation coil of coir material evidently in braid. The rim of the cap is furnished with a flap prolongation which is divided in the middle line (fig. 40).
A frame of slender wooden rods is lashed to the front of the cap, and the feathers in horizontal wooden clamps are attached to the frame in tiers (fig. 41)
The technique of the feather attachment is described according to the tiers numbered in figure 41, b.
The first tier (fig. 41, b, 1) consists of the small bright red feathers of the parakeet attached to the holders of ring carriers with the technique shown in figure 37, a. The ring carriers are clamped between transverse bars (fig. 42, d).
The second tier (fig. 41, b, 2) is formed of four ring carriers each with nine holders rather thicker than those in the first tier but carrying similar bunches of small red feathers. Instead of the holders being spread out in line by clamping, the feather ends are bunched together to form beautiful rosettes, and the foundation ends of the carriers are pushed back between the lowest clamp bar and the clamp bar of the third tier immediately above. The carriers are attached to the bar above by a thread tied around the holders of the carrier (fig. 43, a).
The third tier (fig. 41, b, 3) is formed of ring carriers with small red parakeet feathers and with the feather bunches arranged in line in a composite leaflet midrib clamp in exactly the same manner as in the first tier, except that the two parts of the clamp are fixed one above the other so that the feather bunches are directed forward instead of downward (fig. 43).
The fourth tier (fig. 41, b, 4) is a repetition of the third tier.
The fifth tier (fig. 41, b, 5) is composed of the longer tail or wing feathers of the parakeet and, because of the longer quills, they are attached directly to a composite midrib clamp bar without intermediate holders (fig. 44).
The sixth tier (fig. 41, b, 6) consists of white curly feathers and white feathers speckled with black which are attached in larger heads to single coir cord holders. The holders are fastened in composite midrib clamps with the feather heads directed forward but, because the spiral thread around the clamp is decayed, many of the holders have become loose (fig. 45).
So far the bar clamps of the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth tiers are lashed at each end to the vertical bundles of leaflet midribs. It seems probable that the bar clamps were arranged in position and tied to the vertical bundles and that afterwards the two bundles were lashed to the wooden elements of the frame.
The seventh tier (fig. 41,
b, 7) is composed of longer split black feathers tied to ring carriers in which the end holders are from 60 to 75 mm. in length. These are clamped in composite midrib bars which are tied at the outer ends to the outer vertical elements of the frame, the vertical bundles of leaflet midribs ending below. The bar clamp is on the same level as the first crossbar of the frame (fig. 41,a, 7). The bar clamp is 430 mm. long and the ends project beyond the frame.The eighth tier (fig. 41,
b, 8) is composed of tropic bird feathers arranged in a clamp bar of leaflet midribs (fig. 46,a). Two of these bars are lashed together at their outer ends to the frame.The ninth tier (fig. 41,
b, 9) consists of one composite clamp bar carrying tropic bird feathers, and it is tied to the frame 120 mm. above the previous paired bars.The last and topmost tier (fig. 41,
b, 10), about 100 mm. above the last bar, evidently carried tropic bird feathers, but they have fallen out and only the loosened twisted cord remains. This completed the arrangements on the front of the cap.
To the sides of the cap a vertical row of cord holders with white feathers (fig. 45) are attached to the frame in such a manner as to extend from the rim of the cap to the sixth tier carrying similar white feathers. Most of these have fallen out, but the original pattern was evidently depicted in Williams' drawing (fig. 39, a, 6). Above these again a few lengths of thick sennit decorated with tropic bird feathers are attached to the sides of the frame (fig. 46, b-d).
The back of the cap is ornamented with tufts of black human hair (fig. 39, c) attached to the vine loop at the top of the frame by a cord passing through the eyelet holes in the tufts (fig. 47).
A headdress in the a and cannot be applied to a headdress he neither figured nor described. The D.)
The feathers are attached to a wooden frame fastened to a coir conical cap of coiled work in continuous figure-of-eight turns (fig. 49, a). The wooden framework, owing to the fragility of the rods and the lashings, could not be examined too closely but the main features were determined (fig. 49, b.). The attachment of feathers to folded strips of coconut-leaf stipules forming additional uprights and cross pieces is shown in figure 49, c.
The technique of feather attachment in the lowest rectangular area is shown in figure 50.
The second area (fig. 48, a, 2) is covered by small red parakeet feathers tied in bunches to the holders of ring carriers of the same type as those used on the sides of the lowest area. The holders, however, are attached to a single bar which thus differs from the composite clamp of
To the side of the second area, ring carriers are attached to the frame. The feather heads are composed of the stiff black and red tail and wing feathers of the parakeet with the yellow tips cut off. Ring carriers with similar feathers are also used on the back of the first and second areas.
The third area (fig. 48, a, 3) is slightly wider than that below it, because the vertical rods of the frame bend over and outward (fig. 49, b, 4). It has a lower width of 300 mm. and a depth of 130 mm. The area is covered with split black feathers attached to the four holders of looped carriers which are tied by the loops to adjacent parts of the looped-over frame (fig. 52).
The top area is formed by the central rod which ascends to a height of 540 mm. above the bent-over part of the other rods. Throughout its length loop carriers with split black feathers of the same type as shown in figure 52 are attached to the central rod. At the very top, straight cord carriers of eight holders with heads composed of narrow black feathers with tropic bird feathers are strung on a thicker cord and tied to the central rod (fig. 53).
On the back of the cap, a net of sennit two-ply cord is attached at the level of the upper border of the lowest red area hanging down to just below the rim of the cap. Tufts of human hair with seized eyelet holes are arranged on a two-ply cord and strung across the net. The ends of the tufts hang down for about 100 mm. below the rim of the cap (fig. 48).
An ornamental band consisting of five longitudinal folded strips of coconutleaf stipule about 4 mm. thick and 405 mm. long are joined together to give a c). The yellow feathers are attached in one or two rows to form narrow bands at spaced intervals and give the whole band an attractive appearance. The individual strips are kept close together by threads passing transversely across the band alternately above and below the strips composing it. The band is attached to the cap on one side at the level of the posterior net attachment. In front of the attached end of the band are five tufts of yellow feathers. As an identical group is attached in a similar position on the opposite side, it is evident that the free end of the band was attached originally to that side so that it formed a highly decorative band across the back of the cap and covered the net junction (fig. 48, b,6 and c,6).
The use of a continuous figure-of-eight coil favors the belief that the headdress is from the c). Furthermore, the band which passes around the back of the headdress consists of a number of these strips held side by side by spaced rows of thread which cross them transversely. The technique of attaching small red parakeet feathers to one surface of a strip of material by a spiral thread occurs on single strips of thick sennit attached to a wooden god from g) and to several strips held side by side in two other gods from kaka) is folded around lengths of sennit to provide a foundation for red feathers. Thus the appearance, material, and technique are practically identical. As this technique has not been observed elsewhere in the
A coiled coir cap surmounted by an extensive framework covered with black feathers is thus labeled in the B.
The coiling element in the cap is a coir cord, and the foundation element is of coir twist Or braid, the cap being fairly flexible. The neck flap apparently was formed of one reverse.
The black feathers are split and attached to loop holders as shown in figure 54, c. They are tied to the frame with threads passing through the loops.
A deep net made of bast fiber cord is hung over the back to support cords carrying feather bunches that are seized to form eyelet holes in the same manner as the hair tufts used in other headdresses. At the side of the net are coir carriers supporting feathers, but at the time of examination I did not distinguish between ring and loop carriers.
The cuckoo feathers at the sides of the rim (fig. 54, a, 3) are lashed with cord to coir cord carriers that appeared to be of the ring type.
The streamers that hang below the cuckoo feathers (fig. 54, a, 4) are composed of split black feathers on ring carriers that are hung on a cord. The technique resembles that of the streamer in the Rarotongan war cap (fig. 37, d).
The tapa cloth is hung from the rim in such a manner as to cover the lower part of the face when the headdress is worn. It was probably this feature that led to the belief that the headdress was worn by the chief mourner in d) closely resembles the pattern on the cloth wrapping c) on a Rarotongan god; this is evidence that the headdress also belongs to
Cook (20, p. 210) speaking of the people of
The distribution of coir caps and differences in the feather decoration applied to them is discussed on pp. 434-438.
In B.
The other shape is formed by upper and lower hoops connected by strips of bamboo. When viewed from the front, they appear rectangular as opposed to the triangular appearance of the more general cone-shaped type.
For further discussion, see p. 506.
Apart from the two headbands, the
Two grand headdresses were subsequently made of feathers. The shape was conical, and bore the name of
pare piki. This was the nearest approximation to our "crown" existing in their language.Captain Cook refers to these head-dresses of gay feathers interwoven with fine sennit. The finishing touch was the insertion of a number of the long red tail-feathers of the tropic bird. Such a prize was considered to be well worth fighting for.
The conical shape and the Cook reference to the feathers being "interwoven with fine sennit" imply that a conical coiled cap was used as a foundation, but
The building up of a wooden framework on the outside of the coir caps to Support the feather work was a characteristic feature of the more elaborate headdresses.
A prominent technique in the feather work itself was the formation of ring carriers. These were used singly in the streamers of the Rarotongan war cap (fig; 37. c). They were clamped into line in the headdresses of d) and a) and tied down to a sennit band in an unlocalized headband (fig. 31, g-i). The most beautiful results, however, were obtained by combining a number to form rosettes (fig. 37, b). Loop holders (fig. 54, c) and loop carriers (fig. 52) were not used as much as the ring carriers.
Other technical points to be noted were the use of coconut-leaflet midribs to form clamps and side supports in
Men wore their hair long, either flowing loose or tied in a knot on top of the head. Cook (20, p. 172), describing two Mangaians who came off to his ship, says, "Both of them had strong, straight hair, of a jet colour, tied together on the crown of the head with a bit of cloth."
Of the men of
The prevailing style of short hair for men started with the missionaries. Williams (81, p. 247), speaking of the Cook Islanders, says: "The heathen wear very long hair; and, as the Christians cut theirs short, to cut the hair had become a kind of first step in renouncing heathenism; and when speaking of any person having renounced idolatry, the current expression was, 'Such an one has cut his hair.'"
Cook (20, p. 195) remarks that Atiuan women of advanced age had their hair cropped short. He adds that many of them had cuts on their bodies so lately inflicted that the coagulated blood still remained in them. As such cuts were mourning for a recent death, it is evident that the closely cropped hair was part of the mourning custom. The women's hair in ordinary life was probably bobbed, and the present custom of wearing long hair is probably the result of adopting the hairdress of Christian converts who had copied the hairdress of missionaries' wives.
Scented leaves and flowers were worn by both sexes and all classes, but various ornaments were worn only by the upper classes. The more specialized ornaments were worn by males, whereas females were restricted to simpler and less valuable forms. Practically all the old ornaments were given away or sold, and the present population can give no exact details about them. The following descriptions are largely based on
The ears were pierced for the suspension of ear ornaments termed poe or poe taringa. This custom was reflected in the wooden images of
Cook (20, p. 173) says of the Mangaians, "The lobe of their ears was pierced, or rather slit, and to such a length, that one of them stuck there a knife and some beads, which he received from us; …" But of the Atiuans Cook (20, p. 184), writes, "Their ears were bored but not slit: …"
vāō) could be inserted."
The Mangaians were evidently the only people who wore large ornaments, such as small coconuts and wooden cylinders. It is probable that they made an initial slit in the ear lobes, whereas the other islanders pierced the ears.
The modern method in
The wearing of flowers in the ears was universal. Cook, speaking of the pierced ears of the Atiuans says, "… and in them they hung bits of the membraneous part of some plant, or stuck there an odoriferous flower, which seemed to be a species of gardenia." Cook was right about the flower, for the Gardenia, taitensis (tiare tahiti) had been carried to the various islands of the Cook group by ancestral voyagers, and it is still the favorite flower for wearing in the ear. When the ears are not pierced the flowers are held in position by placing the stem back of the ear.
Cook (20, p. 187) says of a chief in
It is practically certain that the feather bunches were red parakeet feathers arranged in a rosette form by means of superimposed ring carriers. A beautiful single rosette of red parakeet feathers in the Vienna Museum (no. 2736) has no less than 30 coir cord holders bunched together like the red feather rosettes in the
A bunch of black feathers attached to the ear of a Rarotongan god (fig. 196, d) was composed of loop carriers (fig. 52). Each of the four holders of a carrier had four split feathers and six carriers were tied together with a strip of paper mulberry bast passed through the loops. One end of the bast strip was passed through the hole drilled through the back of the ear and the two ends were tied. It is probable that similar ornaments were worn by people of distinction.
Reference has been made to the use of small coconut shells (vao).
|
Kua topa te poe | The ear-ornament was | |
i te taringa: | dropped from the ear: | |
Kua vare paa | It was forgotten perhaps | |
i Vaikaute. | at Vaikaute. |
This story attributing large ear-ornaments of coconut shell to
Two wooden cylinders in the
Three whale ivory (rei) ear ornaments in the
These ancient ear ornaments were regarded as phallic emblems by the missionaries in a, b, c.) Details of the suspensory lug are shown in figure 56, d, e, f.
The central pits in the lugs of two of the ornaments (fig. 56, a, b) illustrate an ingenious technique used in boring holes through an ivory object. The Polynesian drill points made funnel-shaped holes and to avoid a large hole of entry as compared with a small hole of exit, objects were drilled from either side until the two holes met in the middle. The thicker the object, the larger the holes on either side. By cutting out a central pit in the top of the lug, the distance to be traversed by the drill point was materially reduced, and two holes were drilled from either side into the central pit. In one of the ornaments (fig. 56, b), the craftsman was content to loop the suspensory braid around the constricted neck; but in the other (fig. 56, a), the holes were drilled and the braid passed through. An identical technique has been observed in the ivory neck ornaments of
The suspensory element was of fine human hair braid. After being attached to the suspensory lug, the two sides were crossed to form a small
The upper large circle was probably compressed laterally, the end passed well through the ear slit, and the ornament passed through the loop which thus supported it in position.
A line of demarcation between a necklace and, a breast ornament seems somewhat arbitrary as both are hung around the neck. The distinction is one of size, for the smaller ones fit close to the neck whereas the large pearl-shell ornaments hang low on the breast. According to available museum material,
Flowers and berries were worn around the neck. poroiti) is now cultivated to provide berries for the making of elaborate necklaces. The keys of
Ten necklaces in various collections have established a unique type of ornament for D.)
The neck cord consists of three elements: foundation, suspensory, and seizing. The foundation element in the majority of necklaces is sennit about 4 mm. thick; but in the Peabody Museum necklace, it consists of two coir cords laid side by side, and in one of the
The suspensory element which passes through the perforated lugs of the ornaments is thin coir cord with the one exception of fine sennit. The seizing element in eight necklaces is fine human hair braid; in one necklace it is of fine sennit stained black; and in one of the
The ornaments are spaced along the length of the neck band. Five of the necklaces have nine ornaments, and it is evident from the even spacing between the end loops that nine is the normal number. Four necklaces have seven ornaments and one has eight, but it is evident from gaps in the spacing and from
The sides and ends of the four-sided plates are concave. a, b, c.)
The ball ornaments are of the same shape as the ear ornaments (fig. 56), but there is some variation in the treatment of the lugs. Some have a plain rim, as do those of the ear ornaments, but others have the sides of the rim lip grooved with vertical lines. Others have no lip but the upper surface is expanded and notched with lines radiating from the central pit. In some, the central pits are small, whereas others are large. Of the 27 ornaments, 25 are divided into two balls. Of the remaining two, one is a single ball and the other has a notch on the under surface which does not extend far upward on the sides (fig. 58, d, e).
The nine animal figures have heads with pointed snouts, most of which are notched at the end to represent a mouth. The ears are represented by a raised vertical flange, which is continuous over the top of the head. Eyes are not represented. Behind the ear flange is another raised flange which is continuous over the back of the neck, descends vertically down both sides, and projects downward on the under surface to give the appearance of the front feet. The body is elongated and slender and ends in two short hind legs and a short, vertical, truncated tail. Each hind leg is perforated from side to side to take the suspensory cord. The upper surface of the truncated tail is usually pitted in the center. In some figures, the tail stump has an outer projecting rim which, with the central pit, resembles the lug of the ball ornaments from which the technique was probably copied as an artistic finish rather than for suspension (fig. 58, h-l).
The origin of the animal motif in the necklace ornaments is extremely puzzling. As neither the dog nor the pig was present in
The four miscellaneous figures are somewhat rectangular in form and the narrow upper edge has a perforated suspension lug at each end. All four are grooved horizontally on the front surface to form ridges, some of which are notched. One figure in a m-q).
The unique bird motif formed in turtle shell is in the middle of the r).
The different motifs alternate on the suspensory cord. Thus, four plates are placed so that three other motifs, such as the ball figures, come in the intervening spaces and another motif, such as the animal, is placed at either end so that the total of nine is completed. The two
The method of seizing the suspensory cord to the foundation element is shown in figure 59.
Cords of bast were attached to the end loops of the foundation element for tying around the neck. In most of the necklaces these tying cords were absent. In one necklace, a strip of bast was passed through the end loop to its D).
Excepting necklaces of small land or sea shells, the usual technique in central, north, south, and east Polynesia was to attach a single ornament to the neck cord or band. The use of multiple ornaments is thus somewhat peculiar to
A whale ivory ornament in an enlarged form of the Mangaian ear and neck ball ornaments is preserved in the a, b, c) came from
A similar ornament (fig. 60, d, e) made of dark wood, attributed to rei, was figured by rei of
rei raised the question as to whether the New Zealand ornaments known by the same name were not also originally emblems of the same nature, and he added that he fancied the rei of New Zealand was of phallic origin.
The term rei and its dialectical equivalent, lei, is widely distributed throughout Polynesia, and when applied to ornaments, it refers to the whale ivory or cachalot teeth from which the ornaments were made. Thus the Samoan necklace of several long pointed pendants made of whale ivory was termed 'ula lei ('ula, necklace; lei, whale ivory). The characteristic Hawaiian neck ornament, a hook-shaped pendant of whale ivory, was termed a lei palaoa (lei, neck ornament; palaoa, whale). Neither of these two ornaments suggests a phallic motif. In 'ei rei ('ei, neck ornament; rei, whale ivory). It is evident that the term rei was the name for whale ivory throughout Polynesia; and, in some island groups, the term rei was also applied to ornaments made of whale ivory. In other islands, the term was applied to ornaments made of wood; for example, the wooden replica of the ivory ornament in miro wood was termed rei but was qualified by the material, rei miro.
The term rei as applied to the New Zealand ornament does not carry the idea of a phallic ornament. Modern native informants have a tendency to designate objects as phallic because they know that will intrigue European inquirers. The phallic nature of the
The use of these artifacts as neck ornaments is conclusively proved by a). A smaller ball ornament was found in the same cave. Both were made of whale tooth and both were deeply discolored.
The method of suspension in
A set of eight whale ivory beads (fig. 62) was discovered by
Fine braid of human hair about 2 mm. wide is termed manoa, and, according to a). It is probable that the "small cord" consisted of human hair braid and that the other islands in the group used human hair for a similar purpose.
If the valuable whale ivory and pearl shell were not available, wood was sometimes used for neck ornaments. Thus the Atiuans copied the whale ivory ball ornament in tamanu wood (fig. 60, d, e). miro wood was adzed into the shape of a shell. He states also that a woman of rank might wear a "miro" ornament.
Pearl-shell ornaments consisting of one valve of the shell with the hinge portion cut off were worn throughout the
Pearl-shell ornaments were not observed by Cook's party in
The pearl oyster was not found in the waters around the volcanic islands of the Cook group, so the shells from which the ornaments were made must have been obtained by trade or as gifts from other islands. Williams (81, p. 90) tempted the Mangaians to come on board his schooner by holding up knives and pearl shells. The fact that he brought pearl shells from ti'a.
A perfect specimen of Mangaian work in the B). The middle part of the hair braid coil is lashed to the shell, and the coil forms an open loop on either side. Cords are lashed to the end loops for tying the ornament around the neck. The technique of the sennit lashing between the shell and the hair coil is shown in figure 64.
Another type of pearl-shell breast ornament (fig. 65, a) in the
Another feature is a narrow strip of the original outer surface along the rim of the shell in contrast with the rest of the outer surface, which has been ground down to expose the nacreous color of the shell. Ratzel (55, vol. 1,
The shell is lashed to a suspensory coil of human hair braid and fine coir cord (2 mm. thick) with fine sennit dyed black. The lashing braid passes through the 13 holes near the upper edge in four courses (fig. 65, b, c) which embody the technique used in the preceding ornament. At each end, the lashing turns pass around the coil free of the shell, and the ends of the coil are free without any seizing. These two technical features are present in the other Mangaian ornament (no. 9945).
A Marquesan pearl shell ornament in the
The technical differences between these ornaments and pearl-shell ornaments from a,5, 6) that are a-c). This evidence is weakened, however, by the fact that the ornaments are attached by a separate piece of cord that is not an integral part of the lashing or the coil. Fortunately, I received for identification a photograph of a pearl-shell ornament from the Copenhagen Museum (pl. 8, A) which was practically identical with the
There are records of five other ornaments, which prove that the two discussed are of an established type. In the Fuller collection, there are three with the shells cut across at some distance from the hinge and with many holes drilled near the upper edge. All have the strip of unground material along the outer rim. Two have the suspensory coil of hair braid with a similar lashing, which takes turns around the coil at each end and free of the shell, and some straight strands of the coil on the back that are not included in the lashing. The ends of the coil form simple loops without any seizing into eyelets. The third ornament has lost its suspensory coil. Another in the
Lee (46, p. 228), in her work on
Their gorgets are suspended from the neck with a wreath of human hair down below the chin, and whether for ornament or service I cannot say, but I incline to think for both. It looks very well, and may in battle fend off a spear. It is of a single large pearl shell six inches in diameter, worked by some means to look very smooth and beautiful.
In the same work, a drawing by Lieutenant G. Tobin (46, p. 134) shows a man standing up in a canoe with a many-barbed spear in his right hand, a pearl-shell ornament held by the hair "wreath" in his left hand, and another pearl-shell ornament hanging on his breast. The ornament held in the hand appears to be a full-sized shell and the one on the breast appears to have been cut down to a crescentic shape like those from
A pearl-shell ornament from a), is suspended from a coil of many strands of two-ply fiber cord now stained brown but probably faded from original black.
b).
c).
The plaited pandanus belt of C) and the shoulder straps of B) may be regarded as dress ornaments. A composite cord of well-plaited sennit with lengths of the same material seized with twisted
b) with "C.)
At feasts and festivals, fragrant leaves and the yellow fading leaves of the ti were worn around the upper arm. Beyond this, nothing is known of special armlets outside of
manoa) was wrapped around the arms as ornamentation by the chiefly class.
The Ovula shell and that the person with a shell
for each arm was fortunate. One of the
Scented leaves and yellow ti leaves were tied around the ankles during festivals by the masses of the people.
a), was also used. This form of hair wrapped sennit was also used to wind around the stand of one of the Mangaian gods (fig. 240).
An ornamental staff carved with five sets of fairly evenly spaced human figures and with the spaces between the figures ornamented with fine sennit has no history, but the carved figures are typically Rarotongan. The staff is wider in one diameter than the other. On the wider surface, the human figures are shown in profile in pairs back to back, whereas the full face is shown on the narrower surface. Each set, except the middle one, consists of a pair with well formed heads, eyes, mouth, and ears and with conventional upper and lower limbs. The middle set has two pairs of figures with their feet meeting in the middle line and their heads directed toward their respective ends of the staff. In the end sets, the heads form the ends of the staff; and each of the intermediate sets have the heads directed toward the nearer staff end. The four interspaces between the five sets of figures range in length from 158 to 183 mm. The two end interspaces are covered with the Rarotongan multiple lozenge pattern similar to that on the Rarotongan fan handles and like them in two colors, natural and red. The two middle interspaces are covered with close transverse turns in which two colors are alternated to form narrow bands. Details are shown in figure 69.
The figures are well carved, the eyes having raised flanges instead of curved incisions. The ears show three variations of detail: with distinct ears hollowed out (fig. 69, c, e), without being hollowed out (fig. 69, b, f), and two ears fused into one (fig. 69, d).
That tattooing prevailed throughout the Ovula ovum, Linn) shell fastened across with sennit might be more admired."
In describing the Atiuans, Cook (20, pp. 183, 184) says: "They were punctured upon the legs, from the knee to the heel, which made them appear as if they wore a kind of boot." Later he says (20, p. 195) of the same people: "Some of the men were punctured all over the sides and back, in an uncommon manner; and some of the women had the same ornament upon their legs. But this method was confined to those who seemed to be of a superior rank."
Williams (81, p. 67), who visited tattooed from head to foot"; and he (81, p. 110) says of the high chief, Makea, whom he met on his discovery of
In the English edition of a), and as
The general term for the tattooing process is ta tatau (ta, verb to strike or tap; tatau, results of the tapping). In ta tipatipa. The coined English word of "tattoo" is evidently taken from the tatu to record what they imagined was the correct Polynesian term.
In angiangi) and the lower end notched finely to form teeth. The notched bone was then tied at approximately right angles to a wooden handle. So far as I know, no old instrument from the ivi (bone) and in ivi ta tipatipa. uhi is the name used in New Zealand and other islands, the Rarotongan term is probably u'i tatau.
The tapping instrument was a short piece of wood as thick as the little finger. In Aitutaki, it was termed rakau papa or rakau patupatu, wood for tapping or beating.
A swab termed 'oroi toto ('oroi, to swab; toto, blood) was a piece of bark cloth. The operator wound it around the fourth and fifth fingers of his left hand and swabbed up the blood during the operation.
The pigment used throughout the islands was the soot caught under an inverted bowl or coconut-shell cup held over burning kernels of candlenut (tuitui). The soot was scraped into another coconut-shell cup and mixed with water to the required consistency. It then received the general name for charcoal or soot, ngara'u.
The points of the bone comb were dipped in the prepared pigment, placed on the skin and lightly struck with the tapping instrument. Any blood that oozed out from the punctures was swabbed up with the bark cloth. By successive punctures, the appropriate art motifs were applied to the various parts of the human body. When the tattooing was fairly extensive, the operation was conducted in stages with intervals to allow the patient respite from the pain. In olden days, honor demanded that the patient continue until the full pattern denoting his rank and social position was completed. In more modern times, tattooing was continued because of a certain amount of sentiment for the past, but pain limited the operation to a smaller area. With the waning sentiment and the passing away of tattooing artists, the art languished and died out. The abandonment of tattooing was also influenced by the missionary attitude of antagonism to what they considered a "heathen practice."
The tattooing artist (ta'unga ta tatau) was a professional who had learned the art from established experts. He was well fed during the period of work and given a feast and presents of food and other goods when the operation was concluded. The relatives of the person tattooed helped to provide the food and presents. More care was devoted to the tattooing of chiefs, because of their better social and economic rating. In
The motifs and patterns in tattooing are held by the natives to have derived from wood carving (pana). However, it is probable that some of the art motifs were worked out in freehand on bark cloth. It seems natural that art motifs should have been worked out on inanimate material such as wood and cloth before they were accepted as pleasing and transferred to sensitive flesh. There seems little doubt that some of the more elaborate Marquesan tattooing designs were worked out originally on wooden bowls and that the Maori double spiral and scroll were done on wooden figures before they were accepted as suitable for tattooing designs. In the
a) was introduced by Te Muna-korero and tarmed pa-maunga in memory of a mountain range in the homeland of Havaiki. The pandanus flower motif (fig. 70, f), he attributed to Kaki, who came through the Vaimotu passage in the Katopa-'enua canoe and landed at komua motif (fig. 70, g) is attributed to Irakau who entered by the Taketake passage on the Ui-tariao canoe. The paeko motif (fig. 70, h) was assigned to Te 'Erui-o-te-rangi and the punarua motif to Ruatapu. Five other motifs were later recorded by me (66, p. 98) from information obtained from an
manuta'i motif on the back and the papavaro motif in front, would display his tattooing at public gatherings as he turned his body to an accompanying chant:
|
Ie, 'uria, 'uria! | Oh, turn, turn! | |
'Uria te manuta'i ki ta'itikura, | Turn the | manuta'ito one side,|
'Uria te papavaro ki ta'itikura. | Turn the | papavaroto the other side.
I obtained a number of tattooing motifs in New Zealand from a Mangaian named Taniera Tangitoru. These, recorded in 1911 (67, pp. 95, 97), are shown in figure 71, a-m. Two others (fig. 71, n, o) were later obtained in
The four Mangaians who came to the International Exhibition in ruru and mokora on arms, pa'oro on legs, puvakevake on shoulders and upper arm, manuta'i on forearm, maurua on abdomen, and a partly finished tuata'iti on the back. The repeated three rays in the puvake-vake motif was said by Tangitoru to represent the three original tribes of
In 1929, I saw three old Rarotongans who were tattooed. They were Tupai of Ngatangiia, age 60, and Pakitoa and Tai 'Uritaua both of rau teve motif on the back of the neck. Tupai said that formerly all Rarotongans who joined ships as sailors had the rau teve tattooed upon them to show that they were Rarotongans, the rau teve being an exclusive Rarotongan pattern of which they were proud. He stated that he was the last Rarotongan to be so tattooed. The full tattooing of this pattern extended from the back of each ear and across the neck in a curve with the convexity downward. Tupai's tattooing was on the left side, and he stated that the pain was so great that he refused to have it completed on the other side. His two older countrymen had the tattooing on the right side; and evidently they also objected to the pain, for their tattooing stopped on the middle line of the neck.
The rau teve motif (rau, leaf; teve, species of wild arrowroot) as the name implies is taken from the leaf of the teve. The main part of the motif consists of the leaf stalk with three or four divisions turned toward the ear and the accessory part of a number of spaced figures in hour-glass form but with the a, b, c.)
It is evident that ruru as a term for the pattern around the wrist was shared by people in all the islands, but inhabitants of each island express it in a different form. The difference in the other motifs used in individual islands is equally marked. Hence, though tattooing was shared by all, any set pattern that may have been used in the homeland was evidently not adhered to after diffusion of the people to the various islands of Polynesia.
On special occasions people rubbed parts of the body and the face with charcoal to darken it. Warriors did it to make themselves appear more ferocious. Sometimes it was used as a sign of mourning, and Cook (20, p. 204) records the following information from
Various other colors were also used, for Williams (81, p. 67) says of the people of
Williams (81, p. 175), in giving the Tahitian missionary Papeiha's account of a scene on a native temple in
During mourning, it was customary for the near of kin or intimate friends to exaggerate their grief for the deceased by cutting the skin with sharp shells or flakes to allow the flow of blood to relieve their feelings. The older women were particularly prone to this form of expression and Cook (20, p. 195) in speaking of women of advanced age in
These self-inflicted wounds were on the forepart of the body, and oblique lines were the natural direction in reaching across the body with the sharp shell. The rhomboidal figures were due to crossing the cuts rather than to design. When the wounds healed they left scars but such scars were merely the tokens of a grief custom and are not to be confounded with the ornamental scarification of
Implements with which to fashion wood into houses, canoes, food utensils, weapons, and other objects were of primary necessity. In atoll islands devoid of stone, Tridacna shell furnished the most suitable raw material; but in volcanic islands, the more durable basaltic stone was used. In the
The best basaltic stones for making axes [adzes] are found at the head of the valley Mataare, or else at Rupetau. If a man wanted some axes made he would go to one of these places, and with his ironwood spade dig out the best stones he could find, and carry them to the artisan who had agreed to make a set of axes. Payment was rendered in food and cloth. The
taunga(=artisan) takes up a large piece of red flint, and begins vigorously to chip away at one of the stones. After working at it for several hours, and getting the rough outline of the axe, alas! the stone breaks off in the centre! Time and labour have been wasted. Taking up the broken fragments, he says, "ti-ria-tu!" or "throw it away!" (expressive of disgust).He now sets to work on a second piece of basalt. To his annoyance, much larger bit's than he intended fly off. He chips with greater care and gentleness than before; but again and again pieces fly off. The stone does not break in two, as in the former instance; but the size of the axe must be reduced, its value being proportionally lessened. He lays aside the heavy piece of flint and uses instead a much lighter one, hoping eventually to be rewarded for his trouble. But again large pieces fly off as before, proving the stone to be essentially worthless. This, too, is thrown away.
"Ugh!" says the axe-maker; "maybe the next will turn out no better. My labour is in vain!" He this time carefully scrutinizes the quality of the stone he intends to operate upon. The red mountain clay, which conceals its real colour and defects, is washed off. As the stone seems to be really excellent, the man cheerfully sets to work upon it. Chip—chip—chip goes the large sharp flint. The stone yields, and under the patient hand of the
taungasoon assumes the form and appearance of a first-class axe. A lighter piece of sharp flint is used for the finishing off. Now only fine dust falls, blown away from time to time by the breath of the much-enduring workman. The axe is almost ready for polishing, when thetaungadetects an inequality in the surface; in the correction of this fault, alas! the stone breaks in two. On carefully examining the fragments, there is seen a flaw in the centre, though externally all was faultless.Is this laborious workman to reap no fruit of his toil? Will all these stones, dug out of the sides of the distant mountain, prove worthless? Not all, it is hoped.
Again he goes to work upon a piece of stone—a really good piece of basalt. Chip—chip—chip goes the big flint. After a time a lighter flint, equally sharp, however, is used. The work proceeds slowly but prosperously. Whilst an ignorant observer wonders why the shapeless stone is battered, bruised, and unceasingly chipped, the master knows that every blow is needed, and tends to the perfection of his work. The black stone under the small bit of red flint becomes covered with fine white dust, requiring to be frequently removed. At last the polishing alone remains. Pieces of coral, broken off the reef, are rubbed long and laboriously upon the axe, often wetted with water. Eventually the axe is completed, to the satisfaction of the maker and to the envy of others.
Throughout the above passages substitute adzes for "axes" and ta'unga for "taunga." The red flint for chipping the basalt was termed ruarangi and it is evidently the chert form of silica referred to by
The hammer stones of other islands are usually spherical, or at least without an edge. Mamae's statement that the large hammer stone was sharp may aravai. I was told that tongaitu, which grew on submerged coral masses, was dried in the sun and used as a kind of sandpaper to rub the adzes.
No mention is made in the above description of sharpening the cutting edge. The process of rubbing the adz head back and forth on a block of stone to sharpen the cutting edge was termed oro, but I did not see any grinding stones.
After contact with early European voyagers the Cook Islanders, like other stone-age people, discovered that metal tools were vastly superior to their own stone tools. Nails, hoop iron, and steel hatchets were the most desirable objects that the foreign culture could provide. Traders and missionaries continued the supply of foreign implements, and metal tools gradually replaced stone tools. Thus the craft of making stone implements ceased over a century ago, long before other crafts died out. Though they are still found in the various islands, the present population can give no authentic information as to the exact uses of the various types. However, as pieces of hoop iron or plane blades were lashed with sennit to handles made on the old pattern, the old type of handle and the lashing technique continued to function until fairly recent times.
The stone tool in general use throughout Polynesia was the adz, beveled on one side to form the cutting edge and hafted so that the cutting edge was at right angles to the long axis of the handle. In toki tupa, were used for working in the bow and stern of canoe hulls and in small canoes in which the sides were undercut from the top edge and in the wooden gongs (ka'ara) that had to be hollowed out from a narrow slit on the top side.
The Hawaiian reversible or socketed adz was termed kupa-ai k'e, in which kupa is the same word as the Mangaian tupa, with the Hawaiian dialectical change of t to k. Malo (50, p. 171) said that the inside of the canoe was finished kupa-ai ke'e, and the Mangaians stated, "E toki ta ma te toki tupa" (An adz for finishing off was the tupa adz). The socketed adz was known from tupa in kupa) shows that this term must have been in vogue in some common center before diffusion took place.
I studied
The material was classified as, triangular or quadrangular according to a section through the blade above the posterior bevel surface. The normal triangular form of adz has the base or flat surface to the back. Though this type, with variations, is widely spread throughout Polynesia, it does not occur in the, series under discussion. An unfinished Rarotongan adz of this type was figured in a previous study (70, p. 232). The triangular form in this series has the base or flat surface to the front and is termed the inverted triangular form, but in the following discussion, the term triangular refers to this form. The terms used are defined in the Polynesian Journal (vol. 14, pp. 174-180) except that "adz head" may be used instead of "adz" to distinguish the stone implement without its haft (77, p. 261).
The inverted triangular type of adz (table 1) is the commonest form in the
The adz head is divided into an upper butt that is lashed to the haft and a lower blade which extends below the lashing. The butt is usually much shorter than the blade, but in some the length of the butt may approach that of the blade or, in rare instances, may even exceed it. In a Rarotongan fragment of a fairly large adz, the butt is so short that it is difficult to understand how there could have been sufficient space for a lashing to hold it in position. In most of the implements, the butt is divided from the blade by a distinct shoulder, but there may be rare ones with no shoulder.
It may be assumed that the front surfaces of the butt and the blade were in the same plane when an adz was chipped into shape. In one type of quadrangular adz (fig. 93) there was no technical indication of the junction between butt and blade; it was the craftsman who decided how much of the adz should serve as butt and be included under the lashing to the haft. The part below the lashing became the blade. The junction between butt and blade in such adzes was thus arbitrary and was only apparent in lashed adzes. The removal of the haft also removed the arbitrary junction established by the craftsman.
Triangular adzes are characterized by a distinct shoulder, which definitely indicates the junction between butt and blade. In this series, one specimen is an exception in that it has no trace of a shoulder (fig. 73); the front surface is continuous without interruption, and the sharp lateral edges of the blade are continuous with sharp lateral edges on the butt. This adz may be the
A simple step toward defining the butt is illustrated by the adz shown in figure 74. The plane of the butt and the blade front surfaces is continuous
without a break, but the lateral edges of the butt are pecked to round them off The rounding off of the butt lateral edges was probably done so that the lashing turns would fit more smoothly as they curved around the haft. This technique, however, is a refinement, because in the
The characteristic shoulders were formed on the front and were produced by two techniques which are opposite in principle. One technique consisted of leaving a forward projecting ridge, the other of chipping down the front surface of the butt.
The forward projecting ridge runs transversely across the front of the adz and divides the butt from the blade. It forms a raised sharp edge that slopes away above and below to merge in the planes of the butt and the blade. The butt and the blade surfaces, however, remain in the same plane except
In most adzes, the butt shoulder is formed without leaving a raised ridge, but the rounding off of the butt lateral edges is extended to include the whole of the front surface of the butt. With the adz held horizontally in the position of manufacture, the front surface of the butt drops to a lower level than that of the blade. This type of shoulder may therefore be termed a "dropped shoulder" in contradistinction to the raised shoulder. The shoulder forms a distinct edge with the upper boundary of the blade and varies in depth according to the amount of the butt front surface removed. It is usually deeper in thick adzes than in thin adzes. The transverse line of the dropped shoulder may be straight or slightly curved downward at the outer ends; or in some, it may be convex upward. What would have been lateral shoulders become merely the ends of the dropped shoulders (fig. 76).
A combination of these two techniques occurs in some adzes. In such adzes, it is evident that a raised ridge was left at the butt and blade junction
Of the series examined, 35 percent had the raised shoulder and the raised-dropped shoulder with more of the latter. The percentage varied in individual
A rare form of shoulder occurs when the butt is given a backward incline so that the surfaces of the butt and the blade meet at an obtuse angle, which forms a transverse line at their junction in front. This form is common in
The front surface of the blade is bounded by the shoulder above, the cutting edge below, and lateral edges on either side. The lateral or front longitudinal edges are sharply defined, as they form an acute angle with the postero-lateral surfaces which slope inward and backward toward the middle line. The thinner the adze, the sharper the edges. The front surface may appear flat but it is convex transversely; and, viewed from the side, a part of the front surface will always show beyond the lateral edges. The transverse convexity is particularly marked in adzes which have a concave beveled surface to the cutting edge. Longitudinally the surface is also convex, more sharply so toward the lower end near the cutting edge.
The front varies greatly as to relationship between length and width, some being long and narrow, others short and wide. Some have approximately parallel sides, others are narrower at the edge than at the shoulder, and others are wider at the edge. In the series under discussion, 51.7 percent are narrower at the cutting edge, 14.3 percent are equal, and 34 percent are wider.
The back of the blade is formed by what I have termed the two postero-lateral surfaces meeting in a posterior median edge. The lower part is chipped and ground to form a bevel that meets the lower edge of the front surface to from the cutting edge. Because the cross-section of the adz is triangular, the beveled surface leading to the cutting edge is triangular with the base on the cutting edge and the apex on the posterior median edge. The bevel apex varies in position with regard to the top of the blade defined by the front Shoulder. In thick adzes, this apical point is situated at from a third to two thirds of the length of the blade. The apical point in thinner adzes reaches to the top of the blade, and in the series under discussion this is true in 44 percent. In the Mangaian adzes, however, the percentage is much higher. Of
In the
When the bevel apex does not reach the level of the shoulder, a median edge is formed by the two postero-lateral surfaces meeting above this apical point. In thick adzes, the median edge is sharply defined; but in thin or very wide adzes, it may be rounded off. In some adzes that are comparatively thin in proportion to width, the two postero-lateral surfaces may not meet in the middle line; consequently, a narrow posterior surface is formed which is continued on the butt (fig. 80). Thus, a section through the blade above the apical point is quadrangular. In a previous study (70, p. 233), I regarded adzes with a little wider posterior surface as quadrangular adzes, but the slope of the sides and the treatment of the butt in forming a shoulder leads me now to regard such adzes as a variation of the inverted triangular technique due to the nature of the piece of stone used.
The lateral edges of the blade are sharply defined throughout their length from butt shoulder to cutting edge. In thin adzes or adzes with wide blades, the edges are sharp, being formed by an acute angle. In thick blades the edges are more obtuse. In many of the Mangaian adzes, the sharp edges are ground down to a narrow lateral surface which decreases in width toward the cutting edge. This lateral grinding occurs particularly in ceremonial adzes, which are marked by their comparative thinness. In the collection of the
The butt follows the triangular section of the blade but diminishes slightly in width and thickness toward the poll. The postero-lateral surfaces continue in the same plane as those of the blade. In most adzes, the posterior median edge of the blade continues, without break, to the poll. In some adzes, particularly thin ones, the median edge is rounded off on the butt. In those that have a narrow posterior surface because the postero-lateral surfaces do not meet, the narrow surface on the blade is continued to the butt. In the Museum series, the prevalence of the three types is as follows: sharp median edge, 63 percent; rounded edge, 28.5 percent; narrow posterior surface, 8.5 percent. However, there is considerable variation in the different islands. In
The rounding off of the lateral edges of the butt and the working down of the upper surface are discussed in the description of the shoulder (p. 139). In butts with a posterior median edge, the section is triangular with the basal angles rounded off; in those with the posterior median edge rounded off, the section is ovoid.
In most adzes, the butt and blade are in one straight axis. In others, the butt may appear to have a backward incline owing to deeper grinding towards the poll end; but, if the back of the adz is examined, butt and blade are seen to be straight (fig. 82). In rare quadrangular adzes there is an actual backward slant of the butt with a resultant angled shoulder (fig. 95). A number of Mangaian adzes have the backward slant; but, owing to the working down of the butt front surface, the shoulder is of the dropped form (fig. 83).
When reduced, the butt forms a definite tang which is characteristic of the inverted triangular form of implement. In thick adzes with a raised shoulder, the rounding of the butt lateral edges hardly constitutes a tang, but when the shoulder is of the dropped form, the formation of a tang is more obvious. In wide adzes, the butt has to be reduced considerably at the sides to a width that is convenient for fitting to the haft; and in such adzes, there is a pronounced tang. The working down of the butt lateral edges may be carried down the sides for some distance with the result that the shoulder is carried down laterally as well. In some Mangaian adzes, the lateral extensions of the dropped shoulder may extend down to the posterior median edge (fig. 83).
Adzes were made in various sizes and shapes for different uses; but, lacking authentic information about these functions, I have arbitrarily divided the inverted triangular adzes into two main groups: (1) narrow thick adzes and
Variation 1. Narrow, thick adzes. The blade is comparatively narrow in proportion to length, but the outstanding feature is the fact that at the shoulder the thickness of the blade is nearly equal to or greater than its width. Owing to the comparative narrowness of the blade, little material has to be removed from the sides of the butt in order to fit it to the haft. Consequently, the lateral extension of the shoulder is slight. The proportion between width and thickness can be expressed by the following width-thickness index:
In adzes with a raised shoulder, the measurements should be taken just below the shoulder. In variation 1, the index will range from 90 to over 100. An
Variation 2. Wide, thin adzes. The blade is wide in proportion to length but the distinguishing feature is the fact that at the shoulder the width of the blade is much greater than the thickness, in some adzes twice as great. Owing to the great width of the blade, the sides of the butt underwent a good deal of reduction in order to fit against the haft. This resulted in pronounced lateral
There were no typical forms of variation 2 among the Rarotongan series.
The somewhat specialized Mangaian ceremonial adzes that were lashed to carved wooden stands were mostly of variation 2. They were made of a close-grained black basalt and were well polished. They had wide blades that were comparatively thin, a high apical point, ground lateral surfaces, and short butts with a backward inclination from the plane of the blade. The specimen shown in figure 83 has an index of 58. Some of these ceremonial adzes were very large. A specimen in the
A large ceremonial adz in the
Intermediate forms. The finest specimen in the Museum collection, a large adz from
What I have termed variations 1 and 2 are pronounced forms at two ends of the series of inverted triangular adzes. Between these extremes range a large number of intermediate forms with leanings toward either end of the series. Without knowing their specific uses, a classification into types and subtypes would be purely artificial.
As T have stated, aberrant forms were largely influenced by the original shape of the piece of stone used. Some were so thin that neither the triangular nor the quadrangular pattern could be carried out. Some may have been made by indifferent craftsmen who were content to put an edge to a piece of stone and make some attempt to trim the butt for fitting to the haft. Though the small
In the collection of quadrangular adzes in
Quadrangular adzes with the front wider than the back and without a tang are in type 1. The four surfaces are defined by distinct longitudinal edges. The bevel surface to form the cutting edge is quadrangular with a distinct
the front edges of the butt are untouched and the back surface is much narrower than that of the type specimen. Another adz of this type from
Some small, thin adzes with a flat back and the butt unworked, fall into type 1, but the sides are somewhat irregular. There are two specimens in the collection, one from
Quadrangular adzes with little difference between the width of the front and back but with a tang are in type 2.
There are three specimens, differing somewhat but complying with the definition of the type. The first is well made but thin, the tang formed by a slight grinding down of the front surface of the butt and the rounding off of its front side edges. The butt is slightly slanted back from the blade. The side edges of the blade in front and at the back are clearly defined and the back edges continue to the butt (fig. 95). The second has a short but thick blade
The fact that there are two nipples near the poll end of the Rarotongan quadrangular adz (fig. 97) is interesting, as a similar technique is reported on an
Quadrangular adzes with the front narrower than the back, the front of the butt ground down to form a tang, and the back of the adz concave longitudinally are in type 3.
The Museum collection contains three specimens of type 3, one each from
In each of the three adzes, the section of the butt is essentially triangular with the apex rounded off. The section of the blade is also toward the
In other island groups, the adz butt is usually left rough to give a better hold to the lashing turns; but in the
In any large collection of adzes, there are poorly made specimens. Such adzes were probably made by less skilled craftsmen who could not afford to hire the services of an expert. The well-made adzes, particularly of
Adz hafts were made from a tree branch which formed the shaft, a block of the tree trunk forming the part to which the adz head was attached. Sometimes a secondary branch was selected and the block taken from the larger branch from which the secondary branch sprung. Sometimes a branch with a marked curve provided both shaft and block.
The haft is divided into the shaft formed from the branch and the foot formed from the tree block (14, p. 176, fig. 2; p. 179). The completed haft is inverted, and in this position the acute angle between branch and block which was above on the tree is now below in the haft. The upper end of the foot is termed the heel, the lower end, the toe. In different parts of Polynesia, the shaping of the foot varies according to the importance given to the toe or the heel. The form of haft is influenced by the form of the adz head, and the method of lashing the adz head is, in turn, influenced by the form of the foot. The hafts used in Polynesia may accordingly be divided into three general types determined by the functional importance of the toe, the heel, or both. For the purposes of comparative study, it is convenient to term the middle part
The heel haft was used in all the
Sennit was always used in the rapa averaged 2 mm. in width, and patterns obtained with it were closer and neater than was possible with the thicker braid. Sometimes a flat four-ply braid was used instead of the usual three-ply sennit.
The study of lashing patterns lacks representative material that was actually prepared by craftsmen who had used stone tools. Old working adzes in museums can be detected by the deep color of the sennit and the smooth appearance of the shafts through actual Use. Later, adz heads, which were readily picked up, were hafted by natives for trade or for gifts. As the craftsmen of the metal age had no models to copy, it is sometimes doubtful whether the lashing patterns conformed to an original type or were modern makeshifts. In many of these later adzes the bevel of the cutting edge is faced to the front, whereas in all the old adzes in museums the bevel is invariably to the back. It is fortunate for the Tahitian area that so many old adzes with lashings complete had been collected in early times and preserved in museums and private collections. With the exception of A). The Mangaians were regarded in the B). The Mangaians used another complicated pattern which may be termed the "multiple lozenge" lashing (pl. 9, C). In the
The triple triangle lashing was done in three stages: commencement fixation, the double loop technique, and the triple triangle finish. (See figures 102, 103, 104.)
The triple triangle technique enlarges the three triangles formed by the sennit crossings as the lashing turns continue so that their apices converge toward one another. By ending the lashing turns before the three apices touch, an. open space is left; and if the turns are continued after the apices touch, a central triangle is formed over the apices of the three triangles. All three-variations are used; they may be termed (1) open triple triangle, (2) closed triple triangle, and (3) overlapping triple triangle. (See figure 105.)
The adz in the
The technique and artistic appearance of the Mangaian triple triangle pattern sets a peak for adz lashing in Polynesia. The well-known ceremonial adzes, which were lashed with this pattern were collected by Europeans because of their unique appearance; and the later generations of Mangaians were left without an old pattern to copy. One craftsman, Tangitdru, who died recently, continued to make models of ceremonial adzes; but he could not reproduce the old lashing pattern. The lashing consisted of two parts; a purely
In ceremonial adzes the shaft expands into a pedestal, while the foot proper and the heel are horizontal. In both working and ceremonial adzes the hafts are without a toe and thus conform to the heel-haft type. As the lashing technique was worked out on a ceremonial adz, the figures in the following diagrams are shown with the foot and heel horizontal instead of vertical. The shape of the foot as adjusted to suit the lashing is described here instead of under the haft. (See figure 107.)
The adz butt is fitted to the slot on the upper surface, and usually a piece of shark skin is laid over the butt and held in position by the lashing, while a short cuff of the skin projects beyond the lashing. The shark skin gives a grip to the lashing turns, and the short cuff is a purely conventional feature taken from the upturned cuff in working adzes which protects the lashings from contact with the wood being worked.
The decorative introduction formed by oblique crossing turns is detailed in figure 108. It will be observed that some of the crossing turns pass over the slot carrying the adz head, but this is merely to fill in the area required and does not assist in fixing the adz head in position.
The true lashing which develops the Mangaian variation of the triple triangle pattern is detailed in figure 109. The finished design (fig. 109, q)
I examined the following 16 utilitarian adzes hafted to plain hafts: a,2). The lashing pattern in nine is the normal Mangaian triple triangle; in six the multiple form is produced in series of three in four and series of two in two; in one the overlapping form is present. In all, the preliminary decorative oblique turns are applied before the true lashing. In two, the original lashing in narrow braid 2 mm.
The use of the Mangaian form of the triple triangle pattern on so many authentic working adzes proves that this form was the current technique and was not confined to ceremonial adzes. Working and ceremonial adzes have a similarly shaped foot, which was evidently developed as the form best suited to display the purely decorative part of the lashing. Lateral lugs on the heel in four out of 16 adzes also establishes this form of heel for a) liable to query. The haft appears to be Mangaian and old, whereas the adz head and lashing are probably Rarotongan. It may be that
A number of hafted adzes variously attributed to the
In the Mangaian multiple lozenge pattern, the technique is identical with the inaere pattern used in d). This technique has not been recorded for any other island in the Cook, Society, and C). Another adz in the A. W. F. Fuller collection (lot 321) has a similar bend in the shaft but the foot and adjacent part of the shaft are completely covered with a lashing of twisted pandanus leaf. I feel that the pandanus leaf lashing is merely a covering to protect an original sennit lashing in the Mangaian multiple lozenge pattern which lies beneath.
As in the inaere rafter pattern, a series of turns are made with the lashing braid to map out the crossings to form the lozenge figures. The crossings are possible over the foot and the adjacent shaft, but there is a triangular space over the junction of foot and shaft where crossings are not possible. The outline of the first series of turns is shown in figure 112, a. Subsequent series of turns follow the course of the foundation series, but each series is immediately above the preceding series. In other words, each series is on the same side of the foundation series. This technique is followed until the lozenges are filled in (fig. 112, c).
Of the four adzes with the Mangaian multiple lashing, the small one from the inaere lashing has not been recorded on artifacts from that area and the adz heads are better finished than those of inaere pattern in inaere pattern occurs in Fijian adzes lashed to a long toe, but the adz head form and the haft without a toe belong definitely to the central Polynesian area. The high heels of the hafts are a departure from the pattern observed in the other Mangaian adzes, but it is evident that this form of heel was better suited for working out the multiple lozenge pattern. Though the Mangaian triple triangle was the recognized form of lashing for ceremonial and working adzes, it would appear that some craftsman followed an artistic urge in using the inaere technique as an adz lashing.
Of the Rarotongan multiple lozenge pattern, the solitary specimen so far recorded is in the collection of a). The butt also has a median
raised ridge extending from the dropped shoulder to below the lower limits of the lashing. A more careful examination of the lozenges revealed that they are made with a different technique than that of the Mangaian form and are identical with the technique of the multiple lozenges on some of the Rarotongan fan handles (fig. 23) and the Rarotongan staff (fig. 69). In this technique, the outline of the lozenges has to be laid out first, as in the Mangaian pattern; but the subsequent series of turns, instead of keeping on the same side, alternate above and below or side to side of the original foundation series. The sennit is in two colors, a technical detail found also in the multiple lozenge pattern on the Rarotongan fan handles and the staff. The lashing pattern is shown in figure 113.
Many Mangaian hafted adzes have completely carved shafts of the size ordinarily used in woodwork. I regard such adzes as post-European and made for trade. In the series of 16 adzes with plain shafts that appear to be old, two have the proximal end expanded and carved with the K-pattern c. Such enlargements occur on other
Of the series of 16 Mangaian adzes with plain shafts, no less than nine are ornamented with sennit lashings around the shaft. However, they were acquired by collectors for their more artistic appeal and cannot be regarded as an indication of what prevailed in the normal technique of every day life. The forms of shaft lashing are: spaced transverse bands, continuous zigzag, and continuous ellipses (fig. 115).
The spaced transverse bands form the commonest motif, six out of the nine adzes being so treated. The bands consist of three or four close turns of sennit which are made in a spaced series of two to four bands around the proximal (2) or distal (2) ends of the shaft. One adz has four bands at the distal end and two at the proximal, whereas another has a number of bands around the middle of the shaft. Each series is continuous in that the braid goes on to the next band without being cut. A similar technique was used on the shafts of some Samoan and Tongan clubs and in such weapons, the bands served a useful purpose in giving a firm grip to two hands. While such a use may be attributed to the bands around the proximal ends of the adz shafts, their presence on the distal ends indicates that what may have been useful originally became on some shafts a purely art motif. In none of the six adzes are the bands continued over the whole length of the shaft. The details of technique are shown in figure 116, a.
The continuous zigzag pattern occurs on one adz and covers the entire length of the shaft. The technique is similar to that used on the Mangaian fan (fig. 25), Mangaian breast ornament (fig. 63), and Mangaian rafter pattern (fig. 17, e). The order in which the successive courses are made is shown in figure 116, b.
The continuous ellipses occur on two adzes: A. W. F. Fuller collection (271) and rapa) two mm. wide and one coir fiber in thickness. The ellipses are arranged in bands of four which are continued with the one braid over the whole length of the shaft. (For technique, see figure 116, c-e.) The two adzes so treated are beautiful works of art.
For the distribution of haft types and the evolution of lashing patterns, see pp. 442, 449).
In the
It is also possible that some of the implements with a narrow cutting edge (fig. 117), though hafted like adzes may have performed the work usually done with a chisel. In Samoa, I saw metal chisels hafted like adzes being used by the native carpenters. The only tool in the
According to traditional records, the ancestors of the Cook Islanders made long sea voyages to islands as distant as
The canoes seen at
With the advent of Europeans, particularly missionaries, interisland communication in native craft ceased, hence the building of double voyaging canoes ended. It is evident, however, that double canoes of a fair size continued to be used for coastal service and fishing, particularly in
The outrigger canoe consists of a hull, or underbody, and the outrigger.
Tamanu timber was preferred for the canoe hull because it had a tall straight trunk and was durable (pakari), lasting from eight to ten years. The puka was also used, but it had a short trunk that necessitated joining and lasted but one to two years. The introduced mango (vi) has been used in late years as it has a straight trunk and lasts two to four years.
In addition to the dugout underbody, there is a gunwale strake, or rail; a bow cover; a stern cover; and sometimes a raised stern piece. The gunwale strake, or rail, was made of breadfruit wood, the bow and stern covers of 'utu, and the stern piece of tamanu, miro, or tou.
The entire hull is sometimes called the takere, but the term is specifically applied to the under part or keel. The interior hold is termed riu. The hull is a dugout, hollowed out of a selected length of the tree trunk and carefully shaped at the bow and stern. It is possible to form the hull of a small canoe out of one length of timber, but in large canoes or canoes made of puka, it is necessary to join two and sometimes three pieces together to get the necessary length.
The canoe hulls now in use in
The old type of hull is retained in tua'ura and is used in fishing canoes. Another form of hull in which the sides did not slope inward so that the greatest width was at the gunwales is termed tuapa. Informants said that the tuapa was faster in the water but that it held less than the tua'ura.
On the underside of the extreme fore end, a downward angular projection is formed which is termed the tara kokiri (spine of the kokiri fish). Hornell (44, p. 161) states that this projection is found on paopao canoe, but it is more like the angular projection on the double canoe models of paopao hull was roughed out in the woods, it was notched at the stern to provide a holding place for a rope by which the log was dragged to the village. The notched part was trimmed into a rounded knob which had a fairly wide flat surface on the after side (73, p. 374), whereas the
The hull join (patunga or potu) was a transverse butted join in which the two square ends of the hull segments were fitted together accurately (fig. 119). Paired holes were made through the full thickness of the two ends
parallel with the end surfaces. On either side of the middle or keel line, a pair of holes were made obliquely from the hold side to meet in the end surfaces without reaching the under surface. Thus one lashing on either side of the keel line does not appear on the under side of the hull and is prevented from being frayed when the canoe is dragged over shallows or the outer edge of the reef. Owing to the convex curve of the hull, the other through and through lashings do not contact the coral bottom.
In joining the ends, coconut husk fiber (puru) was used for caulking, and when so used was termed vai torea. Sennit (ka'a) was used for lashing. One end of the sennit was frayed out and thinned to a two-ply twist. A green coconut-leaflet midrib (tuaniu) was frayed at its butt end and twisted in with the coir twist which was termed moamoa ka'a. The midrib was used as a needle to guide the sennit through the paired holes. The Samoan continuous loop (73, p. 387) was not known. Five turns through the paired holes were keke in taiki wood (a maera) was used in a similar way with one end against the hull. After the turns were drawn taut a sharp wooden stick termed a titi (peg) was plugged into the hole.
In dubbing out the hold, one or two raised flanges (vae) were sometimes left in larger hulls to act as ribs in strengthening the hull. These ran from the bottom to the gunwale edge of the hull.
The forepart of the hull is termed the aumi'i vaka; and the aft part is termed the miri vaka, a dialectical form of muri vaka (muri, aft). The noko. In a two-piece hull with one join, the two sections are designated by the above terms. In a three-piece hull with two joins, the fore and aft sections are named as above and the extra middle section is the moe. The general term for a section is potonga.
The accessory parts that go with the hull are the gunwale strake, the bow and stern covers, and an elevated stern piece.
The gunwale strakes (oa), which, because of their width are better termed the gunwale rails (44, p. 161), are lashed to the gunwale of the underbody, one on each side. They extend to the junction with the bow and stern covers and are made preferably of breadfruit wood. They are from 1.5 to 2 inches wide and about 2.75 inches deep. In cross section, they vary slightly in the different islands but all have a V-shaped longitudinal groove on the under surface to fit against the gunwale of the underbody. The paevai. The V-shaped groove on the under surface is termed the rua puru (recess for coconut husk) because it receives the husk packing. The hull gunwale is beveled from both sides to fit into the V-shaped groove of the rail in a, b). Horizontal holes were bored through the gunwale of the underbody to pair with the holes through the rail. Owing to the oblique direction of the holes through the rail, only a short part of the lashing showed on the outer side. The distances between lashings average five inches. In the Mangaian canoes (fig. 120, c), the holes through the rail were horizontal and thus more of the lashing showed on the outer side.
The "bow cover" combines the structure of what Hornell (44, vol. 3, p. 6) has defined as the fore end-piece and the head-board. It consists of a triangular piece of wood that fits over the fore part of the hull to form a short fore deck. At the same time, by means of downward projecting sides, it fills in the space between the fore end of the gunwale rail and the bow. The side pieces project backward on either side beyond the horizontal decking part. In poki, a general term for cover. This is probably a recent term, for Aitutakians say the old name was papa'ura. In Mangaia, it is called the tuaru; in 'utu aumi'i. In tamanu, 'au, puka, and in recent times mango. In 'utu. The name 'utu aumi'i (bow Barringtonia) is therefore descriptive of the wood used.
The lower projecting flanges of the bow are lashed to the gunwale of the underbody at intervals. The short after projections, which are about 1.5 inches long are of the same depth and width as the gunwale rail, and their ends are lashed together. It is evident that the aft projections of the cover were made to render the lashing to gunwale rail easier. The fore end of the cover follows the upward curve of the underbody. The front edge of the pointed cover and the short edge of the hull below form a vertical mesial edge, which is termed the rae 'utu or 'e.
The stern cover of the 'utu and is termed 'utu noko. It is shaped on the same principle as the bow cover but is much shorter, as in these canoes the aft outrigger boom is closer to the stern than the fore boom is to the bow. The lower projecting side flanges are lashed to the gunwale and the aft end of the gunwale rail to the forward projections of the cover in a similar manner to the bow cover. In the shorter length of the stern cover, the aft end rises more sharply and the sharp end is continued upward from the underbody to form a slightly elevated sternpiece. The short elevation is used in the canoes of
In the modern canoes of
The elevated sternpiece ('iku tira) occurs in the outrigger canoes of
Cook (20, p. 211) noted a similar construction in
Belcher (5, p. 229) figures a Rarotongan canoe with a tall carved stern post, but the details are not clear enough to merit reproduction here. However, a wooden slab in the
The stern posts seen in
To show the relationship between the hull and the outrigger parts, drawings of canoes from
The outrigger consists of a float and two booms with attachments of the booms to the hull and the float.
The float (ama) is a straight length of 'au which is pointed at the fore end and cut off square at the after end (fig. 123, a-c, 5). Most floats are trimmed flat on the upper surface, but in some of the
There are always two booms (kiato), a fore boom (kiato mua) and an after boom (kiato muri). Poles a few feet long and about 1.5 inches in diameter at the middle were used. In all the islands, except matira tree that grows in the uplands were also used. The roots spread out and one of them served as a branch. In tamanu wood, though I have seen ironwood used (fig. 123, a-c, 6, 7). The straight ironwood poles require a long branch to reach the float, whereas the curved tamanu poles require a
The g).
Boom to gunwale rail. The booms are lashed to the gunwale rails before they are attached to the float. In small canoes, one hole is pierced through the gunwale rail on the level just above its inner flange and immediately below the middle of the boom. Sennit is tied around the boom close to the inner side of the rail with a running noose, and the free end is passed through the hole in the rail from the inside. The sennit is then crossed diagonally over the boom to enter the hole from the inside. The next turn is crossed obliquely over the first turn, and so the turns are made obliquely on either side of the first two turns to develop a neat lozenge pattern. When sufficient turns were made, transverse turns were made around them, the sennit passing horizontally between the boom and the rail to tighten up the lashing. A final half-hitch in the transverse turns completes the lashing, and the slack is cut off.
Boom to float. The attachment of the branched booms to the float is usually made in the water, where the set of the canoe in relation to the float may be seen. A hole for each branch is made in the middle of the upper surface of the float, and the branch is driven in for the required depth. The rigid branch keeps the float at the right distance from the boom, but, when the canoe is lifted and carried, the weight of the float is apt to loosen it. The float is therefore lashed to the boom, and the lashing technique differs slightly with the straight booms and the curved booms.
In the straight booms of a-c), the boom is continued outward for a short distance beyond the junction of the branch. This outer projection is grooved transversely for the attachment of the suspensory lashing. Oblique holes are pierced through the float, and the sennit passes through them and around the boom projection and the upper part is seized. The number of stays so formed ranges from two to four.
In the curved boom of d-f). Oblique holes are bored through the float, and the sennit that passes through them must be lashed to the boom on the inner side of the branch junction. These turns are also seized. Some booms have only one stay, others have two.
In the branched booms, the branch is termed tito and the lashing stays titotito. In modern canoes, the stays are attached to the float by staples or bent nails, though some canoe builders still prefer the holes.
In patiatia) is used (70, p. 266). The stem is driven into a hole in the middle line of the upper surface of the float with the arms at a slightly oblique angle, so that they clasp the boom on either side. The stem may pass through the entire thickness of the float. The boom does not rest in the crotch of the fork but is slightly above it and is lashed separately to each limb (fig. 124, g). Suspensory lashings were not used. In an early article (72, p. 214) quoted by Hornell (44, p. 165), I made the statement that the Y-shaped connective was used also in
I was informed in b). This statement is confirmed somewhat by a drawing of an
The thwart, or seat (no'oanga), which is single in the small outrigger canoes, is placed nearer the stern than the bow. It rests on the gunwale rails to which it is lashed on either side.
The thwarts of
The net over the after hold prevents live fish from jumping or from spilling out when the canoe heels over. A plaited coconut mat is attached over the net to protect the fish from the sun. The upper surface of the thwart is slightly concave. A projection juts out from the middle of the port side to give support to the carrying stringer (tango). Below the projection two holes are pierced through the gunwale rail at the level of its inner ledge and the sennit lashing passes through them and around the projection close to the seat edge. In some seats two holes are pierced vertically through the projection to take the lashing for the carrying stringer, but in others the stringer is lashed directly.
On the starboard side there is a shorter projection, which may be a vestige of a former lashing projection; but the lashing is now made through two holes pierced through the seat and another pair through the gunwale rail (fig. 125, a, b).
The Mangaian thwart does not have the downward projection at the front edge, and no net is used over the after hold. The seat is lashed to the gunwale rails through a series of holes extending across the full width of the seat. On the port side, the thwart projects outboard for its full width to give support to the carrying stringer to which it is also lashed (fig. 125, c-d).
In
The carrying stringer (tango) is a constant feature in canoes of all the islands except
In Mangaian canoes, the stringer passes under both booms and above the seat projection (fig. 123, c, 9); in Mitiaroan canoes, it passes above all three b, 9); and in Atiuan and Maukean canoes, it passes above the after boom and seat projection and below the fore boom (fig. 123, a, 9). The fore end is notched to fit under the fore boom and so render the lashing more secure for carrying the canoe. The lashings to the booms are oblique crossings which form a lozenge pattern. Then, some transverse turns are made between the two wooden elements to tauten the previous turns. When the seat projection is perforated, the first two turns are passed around the stringer and through the holes; but subsequent turns are passed around the projection with finishing transverse turns as in the boom lashings (fig. 125, b). The Mangaian lashing is through a set of five holes (fig. 125, c, d). In
To carry the canoe, a person stands beside the middle of the hull on the outrigger side. Seizing the stringer with both hands, he lifts the canoe so that the stringer rests on his right shoulder. He holds the stringer with his right hand, and places his left hand on the float. (See pl. 10, A.)
In rakau taomi ama (wood that keeps down the float) and differs in function from the tango. The term tango is now used as an alternative to oa for the gunwale rail. tango; and, as the thickness corresponds to that of the tango of the other islands, one cannot help thinking that in tango free; and, evidently, because the canoe was lifted by grasping the gunwale rail (oa), the gunwale rail performed the lifting function of the original tango and so received the additional term.
The old form of paddle ('oe) is still used in
A type specimen collected in kakau) and a blade (rapa) square shouldered at the shaft junction and with the greatest
arero) extends upward from the pointed tip for a couple of inches on one surface (aro, front) of the blade; the other plain surface is called the tua (back). A shaft end projection (parepare) is less in diameter than the shaft. The long shaft enabled the paddler to stand if he chose. The paddles of
In
A paddle in d, 2), the
The square shoulders in the last two examples are much narrower in proportion to the blade than the
An even greater anomaly is presented by a paddle in the
A Mangaian paddle (fig. 131) in the
A painted paddle in the
Hornell (44, p. 168), who described a paddle in the Pitt-Rivers Museum,
In spite of the
The correct locality of a number of painted paddles has caused some perplexity. Two in the b), and the lower part of one paddle is carved with a continuous lozenge pattern also used on some of the pedestals of the Mangaian ceremonial adzes. Another paddle, in the f) on this paddle provides the key for the identification of certain round bowls as Mangaian (fig. 5, h). In two of the paddles, the owners' name is printed in black.
Though the shape of paddle blade may vary in different groups of islands in Polynesia, there is one constant feature—the lower end of the blade is pointed. A wide convex lower edge, such as that in the modern paddles of A, 5) was catalogued as a paddle from
A pole (toko) of hibiscus sapling was carried by every canoe in
A bailer (tata or a'u) forms part of the equipment of every canoe. For small fishing canoes, a half coconut shell was sufficient; but, for large canoes, large wooden bailers were made. The technique was to cut a suitable section of tree trunk, usually hibiscus or breadfruit; trim it on the round; and dub out a flat plane to form the upper surface of the bailer. Two rectangular slots were cut on the flat surface on either side of a median bar which was to form the handle. Through the slots and the front end of the section, the wood was hollowed out to form a cylinder, the front end open and the back end closed. In the a, b) from tata te riu, bail out the bilge). Though it may have functioned as a bailer, I do not
The mast was termed tira, and the general term for sail was kie, but in k was replaced by the glottal ('ie). As the Aitutakians have the k sound in their dialect, it is probable that the change was due to the early influence of Tahitian missionaries. [A similar change took place in the name 'inaki (fish trap) which in 'ina'i, the initial glottal representing the general h and the second glottal the Tahitian dropping of k.] In 'a'angi is an archaic term for sail. Except in vaka takie.
The use of sails has long been abandoned, except in 'au which pass down through a median hole in the thwart and are stepped in a wooden ring on the bottom of the hull (70, p. 270). There is a perforated thwart fore and aft, for the canoes always sail with the outrigger on the windward side because they have no balance board on the other side. When sailing, the outrigger float comes up out of the water and thus reduces friction. If the float rises so high as to threaten capsizal, the operator leans out on the after boom or the longitudinal stringer to weigh down the float. At the end of the board, the mast is quickly unshipped and transferred to the other thwart; and the canoe makes the next board stern first. The continued use of sails in
The old sails must have been triangular in one form of the oceanic spritsail (44, vol. 3, p. 11), but I could get no information as to the old form used on the larger canoes. I was told in toko) was used to expand the sail (70, p. 270). Hornell (44, p. 167) justly remarks that such a sail is foreign to Polynesia but was adopted in various islands, notably Tahiti, soon after European contact. He gives this as an explanation for its possible occurrence in
Anchors (tutau, 'akamou) were stones of suitable weight attached to a rope. I did not see any that were shaped or perforated.
Skids ('akapapa) of medium-sized logs or branches were laid down in a series ('akapapa) between the water and the canoe shed to facilitate the hauling of large craft. The term rango applied to skids in other islands was applied in
From the brief accounts of early voyagers, decoration purely for art included carving, painting, and the use of feather streamers. Such decorations were used only on the canoes of important persons.
In
Belcher (5, p. 19) says that the Rarotongan canoes were beautifully carved, and he gives a drawing of an outrigger canoe with the high stern piece elaborately carved.
With the passing of large canoes, the art of canoe decoration has died out in all the islands. Modern small fishing canoes are evidently not deemed worth the trouble involved in carving and painting.
Hornell (44, p. 170) quotes Williams (81, p. 99) in stating that a wooden image was carried by Rarotongan fishermen in the bows of their canoes to give them luck in fishing. Several such images have been preserved in museums, and some are shown in this work (figs. 191-193). The memory of them has completely faded and the showing of photographs to various informants failed to elicit any information.
In b.) When the Ruler of Food accompanied the fleet, he had four amulets of bark cloth, shaped like cones and termed poani (plug), placed under the port and starboard lashings of the fore boom to the gunwales and under the bow and stern covers for the purpose of plugging the holes of the four cardinal winds (76, p. 146). It is probable that the other islands had a similar custom but information is lacking.
Double canoes (vaka katea or vaka purua) are now found only in tara kokiri) and with raised stern pieces. (See plate 10, B.) The double canoes are larger and thus have one or two hull joins. The starboard hull is always longer than the port hull, as the measurements of five double canoes verify (table 2).
Hornell (44, p. 173) says, "The two hulls are approximately equal in dimensions, the port hull slightly the shorter. …" However, table 2 shows that the average difference between the two hulls is 20 percent.
Informants told me that canoes of equal length would not steer well. The longer starboard canoe is regarded as the tuakana (elder brother) and the port canoe, the teina (younger brother). As regards position, the starboard canoe is katea and the port canoe, which takes the place of the float of an outrigger canoe, is termed ama (float).
The terms applied to the various parts of the canoes are the same as those for the outrigger canoe, but the terms katea or ama were added to distinguish between the similar parts of the two canoes. Thus, the stern cover of the starboard canoe is the 'utu noko katea and that of the port canoe, the 'utu noko ama.
The holes for the hull join are two inches from the butt edges, and the paired holes are three inches apart. Commencing with the first pair of holes below the gunwale edge, three turns were made with the lashing braid, the next pair four, the next five, and the rest six turns. When the other side of the hull was reached, they diminished in like manner toward the gunwale. There are usually strengthening ribs (vae), two in the larger canoe and one in the smaller. The ribs which extend from gunwale to gunwale across the hull are rounded off and are about 1.5 inches high by 5 inches wide.
The two canoes are placed side by side with bows usually level, but some of the kiato mua (fore boom), kiato roto (mid boom), and kiato muri (after boom). In the study canoe, the booms are 9 feet, 10 inches; 10 feet, 7 inches; and 10 feet, 8 inches respectively in length, and they average about 3.5 inches in diameter. They project outboard on either side for about 30 inches. The parts over and between the hulls are squared and the outboard parts left on the round, except that the outer ends are leveled off on the upper side to form a bed for a longitudinal spar which may be termed the thole pin stringer. The booms are always tamanu wood.
The booms are securely lashed to both gunwale rails of each hull through two holes pierced through the rail below the boom and set closer together than the width of the boom. Sometimes a third hole is made below and between them. The lashing turns pass through the holes and obliquely over the boom to form the simple lozenge pattern termed puna.
The thole pin stringer ('au) was a length of tamanu wood about 3.5 inches in diameter, slightly greater at the fore end and less at the after end. This was placed upon the ends of the booms and lashed to them. In the double canoe shown in figure 137, the stringer reached all three booms; but in the canoes pine) were an inch thick and projected 4.5 inches above the stringer.
A platform ('ata'ata) was formed of 7 or 8 poles 2 to 2.5 inches thick. These were laid side by side over three cross bars, and lashed firmly to them. The cross bars were so placed that when the platform was over the booms, the front and middle ones fitted down immediately in front of the fore and mid booms and the after bar fitted behind the after boom. The width of the platform corresponded to the open space between the two canoe hulls. The platform was then lashed to the booms in such a manner that it could be easily disengaged. In some of the tomo) with water the platform was untied and thrust end on under the canoe for use as a lever. Paddles were quickly tied together and used in a similar manner on the other side. By the use of such levers, the canoe was lifted up in the water and bailed.
Washboards ('ura) were sometimes set up on edge to the outer side of the gunwale rails to keep out the water. Slots were cut on one edge to fit over the boom.
The double canoes were carved on the bow and stern covers and on the stern posts with geometrical motifs such as chevrons, triangles, curves, and crossed lines. The plan of a double canoe in
It is evident that though the hulls of the double canoes adhere to the old form, the superstructure has been changed, owing to the use of oars instead of paddles.
Double canoes are carried by men who stand behind each of the three booms and lift the booms with their arms. In carrying the canoes up a slope, the leading two men lifted the booms on their arms and the rear man lifted the boom onto his shoulders.
The following saying is used when an important canoe is being built by master builders.
|
Ka mate te vaka i roto i te 'are, | If misfortune occurs to the canoe within the building shed, | |
Ka mate katoa te vaka i te moana. | Misfortune will also follow it to sea. |
The saying is really a hint to the owner to feed his builders well, for, if they allow slovenly work because of lack of attention, the canoe will be unlucky at sea.
The space between the two hulls or hull and float is termed aro'a. If the owner finds some defect in his newly built canoe, the craftsman asks, "I mate ki'ea" (Where is the defect)? The owner replies, "I mate ki katea" (It is defective to starboard) or "I mate ki aro'a" (It is defective to port). In this sense, the ama for port. In steering, however, the word ama distinguishes the port side. To steer is ruri and the steersman turns to katea or ama as the look-out directs. The term for keeping straight ahead with the current flowing between the canoes is aro'a or ta'e ngatai.
As Williams (81, p. 82) has pointed out, voyages were made from definite starting points where there were certain landmarks by which they steered until the stars became visible. In
At Cook's Landing in 1929, I asked Mataio, the great-grandson of Rongo-ma-tane, the same question. Mataio immediately replied, "The course my great-grandfather Rongo-ma-tane gave to the missionary
On the north coast of the island I was shown the landmark from
It is evident that landmarks served but a temporary function. It seems feasible that early voyagers experimented in the favorable seasons by selecting a star and sailing on it to avoid going round in circles. It is also probable that they selected a star astern to guide them home when circumstances permitted. When land was discovered, they fixed their guiding star for that island. In subsequent voyages, the place for leaving was naturally selected as that part of the coast that was nearest to the course of the star. What would be more natural than to look out to sea in the line of the star and then to turn the gaze shoreward to see what natural objects lay in the same line ? Having established
Fish were of the highest economic importance, providing a basic protein food to supplement vegetable foods, but they also had an important social significance. All social functions in which the people shared were accompanied by a feast. Before the day of the feast, a fleet of canoes went out to catch fish for the occasion. In
Fish had their tutelary deities, whose simple shrines were erected near the shore. The fisherman passing a shrine on his way to his canoe, dropped a piece of taro or even a pebble before it to promote success. On his return with a good catch, he offered a fish as a mark of gratitude. During ritual on the important temples, fish of large size and good quality were offered to the gods. The importance of fish as offerings in the earlier stages of ritual development is proved by the fact that when more elaborate ritual demanded human sacrifice, the human sacrifice was termed a fish (ika). In ika tea (white fish), was for the purpose of "breaking the rule in power" (kia motu te 'au). The other form was used after a successful battle to install the new leader on the great temple of Rongo where he was given the power (mangaia) over the island. Hence, the sacrifice was termed the ika ta mangaia (the fish to give power). The sacrificial victims were taken from tribes (kopu) that had been defeated, thus such tribes were termed kopu ika, literally fish tribe, but idiomatically, the tribe that supplies human sacrifices. Such victims were also referred to as ei ika 'akatangi pa'u (fish for sounding the drum). After the victim was offered up on the temple, the peace drums were sounded.
After community fishing with nets and leaf sweeps the catch was piled up on the beach and a distribution or sharing (tu'a) was made to the families that had engaged in the work. Women and children gathered on the outskirts to view the catch and the distribution. The head fisherman took the large fish of a similar kind and laid out one for each family. He then added fish in turn to each heap until the pile was exhausted. Chiefly families were given priority in distribution of the better or larger fish, and a family of greater numerical numbers might be given a few extra. The official distributor used his own judgment based on a thorough knowledge of the number and status of the various families. No squabbling took place at the distribution, but persons who felt that they had not received their just due might nurse a grudge that flared into acts of hostility. The customary method of distribution is still carried out, and it is characteristic of Polynesian hospitality to give shares to resident Europeans even though they may not assist in the fishing operations.
Certain fish, such as the shark and urua, were restricted (tapu) to chiefs. They were presented to the ariki of the district and he could give shares to the other chiefs. After complying with his chiefly obligations, he could return a sh'are to the fisherman. The mackerel (koperu) in
It was customary for fishermen to recognize the position of their chiefs by making them presents of choice fish. Some greedy chiefs imposed on fishermen by sitting on the path opposite the channel by which fishermen returned to shore. The fisherman had to make the best of an awkward situation by opening up his basket of fish, and allowing the chief to pick out the best fish. It is related of a Rarotongan chief that he carried out this plan so often that he became a terror to the local fishermen. One astute relative of the chief returned by a different channel. Safely home, he selected what he considered a fair offering and by a circuitous route approached the chief's house from the forest at the back. The chief received the offering somewhat sarcastically, saying, "I never knew before that sea fish were caught in the forest."
This chief's tyranny became so great that he took all the fishermen's catches. His method was to hold up one finger and say, "Give me a fish for this." When he exhausted the fingers on one hand, he commenced on the other hand. If there were any fish left when he had exhausted both hands, he started on his toes. The people prepared to rise against him, but one of his leading mataiapo chiefs conveyed a warning to him in a subtle manner. He asked the mataiapo said to him, "You see the feeling of the people against you. My advice is that you go before anything happens." That night the chief fled with his wife to another district.
Some methods of fishing were called tautai tapu, because there were certain prohibitions regarding the conduct of the fisherman and his family connected with them. In manga came under this category. Before leaving at night, the fisherman must not cohabit with his wife. His clothing and sleeping mat must not be handled by his children. His wife and children must not visit a neighbor's house, nor were other people allowed to enter his house. The children were not to quarrel or cry during the night of fishing. The person who had carried stones to his canoe must not make love on that night. Cooking fires must be put out immediately after use. Infringements of the rules were blamed if the fisherman caught no fish. Infringements ashore were revealed to the fisherman at sea by various signs. If his line caught on the bottom, evil had occurred in his house (kua kino tona ngutu'are). If the stone sinker was dropped three times while being attached, the person who had collected it had broken the rule about lovemaking. After such omens, bad luck (popoa) dogged the fisherman. If no ill omens occurred he had good luck (popo marie). Night trolling with the wooden hook was subject to similar restrictions.
There seems to have been no prohibition, as there was in New Zealand, about taking cooked food to the fishing grounds. Cooked taro was taken along to be eaten with fish on return to the beach. When the leader of the fishing fleet headed for shore, the rest all followed. The various channels through the reef had their hereditary owners, and when the canoes landed, the owner of the channel through which they had come in took a levy of fish from the canoes. In the owner's absence, his nearest of kin, took the levy. A fire termed a'i ika (fish fire) was lighted on the beach, the levy was cooked, and then distributed among all the fishermen regardless of whether they had been successful. After the meal, the lucky fisherman with his catch minus the small levy and the unlucky fisherman with at least a meal in his stomach returned home.
The accumulated experience of generations guided the technique adopted in the preparation of material for fishing (tautai) and the method of catching
Though all men were skilled, some were especially expert and well versed in fishing lore. Such men directed community operations in fishing drives within the lagoon and commanded the movements of the fishing fleet beyond the reef. Each man fished individually from his canoe, but a number of canoes usually went together to the fishing grounds. Experts knew the time to expect shoals of certain fish and young fry. They knew the right fishing grounds for the various seasons and the favorable nights of the lunar month, termed the ara po (night path). In makona, and the knowledge they possessed was handed down in their families. Some fishermen were especially versed in the topography of the lagoon and reef and could find their way about in the darkest night without falling into holes and cutting themselves on the dangerous sharp edges of the rims formed by the bores of the ungakoa. These men were called tautai tonga tuatua akau (fisherman who knew the depths of the reef). Their knowledge was useful, for some fish were plentiful on dark nights or in stormy weather.
In community fishing, a scout was sent ahead to locate fish. He was termed mataika (mata, eye; ika, fish) and had, as the name implies, an eye for fish. He recognized patches of darker color or a ripple on the surface of the water that were made by shoals. Some informants say that experts could smell fish.
In knonga. The kuonga was supposed to be indicated by the direction of the head of the Mango-roa (Long-shark), the native term for the Milky Way. It indicated the direction of the offshore grounds in which fish were plentiful. I could not get practical details, and I doubt whether my present day informants knew details.
Off-shore fishing was confined to angling with hook and line and the use of a scoop net on a long handle to catch flying fish. Canoes were necessary, and these methods were confined to men.
In-shore or lagoon fishing comprised a greater number of methods that were shared by women. Women collected shell fish and crustaceans, poked squids out of holes, and caught fish by hand groping and with nets. Fishing operations were conducted by day, and by night with the aid of torches. The people inhabiting a stretch of coast knew every rock and channel in their part of the lagoon. Net fishing depended on the state of the tide, most methods being carried out at low tide and on the turn when it came in. The Mangaian terms for the stages of the tide are as follows: low tide, tai va'a; full tide, tai pi; incoming tide, tai kapu; outgoing tide, tai 'eke.
The following chant refers to crustaceans caught on the beach in the territory of Kainuku, One of the ariki of
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Nunui 'ua te ika | Abundant are the fish | |
i te ava o Kainuku; | in the channel of Kainuku; | |
Ko te ko'iti-rau-kura, | The red tinged sea crabs, | |
Ko te tupa-vaevae-roa, | The long-legged land crabs, | |
Ko'ia ki te kikau, | Gather them into the coconut leaf basket, | |
Ka pu'era 'ua te ka'i. | The clams in their plenty open their valves. |
Within the lagoon and on the reef, the methods of fishing included hand groping, treading, torching, poisoning, spearing, trapping with weir and trap, netting, and angling.
Hand groping (naonao) is used by men and women, and they are skillful in catching fish by hand. Long experience has taught them the configuration of the various rocks and they grope in the holes and clefts for rock frequenting fish. People driving fish toward a net never pass likely looking rocks without groping for hidden fish.
Sometimes three or fo ur men with sticks drive pa'oro fish into a rocky pool, where the fish are procured by hand groping. This procedure is termed pakoti pa'oro because the pa'oro are cut off from escape (pakoti). It is dangerous to touch some fish—such as the sea eel (kara'oa, no'u), porcupine fish (totara), and echinoderms (vana)—hence some fishermen use a two foot blunt rod of ironwood to feel ('akapaki) in the holes and crevices. When a fish is found, the stick is run gently along it and the fisherman can tell from the feel of the spines and the shape of the fish whether he should grasp it.
Besides being caught by hand, in nets, and by angling, crayfish (koura) are caught by treading (taka'i) upon them as they crawl about on the bottom of the lagoon during the dark nights of the lunar month. Most suitable are the last night of the month and the first four nights of the new moon. Torches are used to give light, and when a crayfish is located, a foot is quickly placed upon it with enough pressure to keep it a prisoner. The fisherman bends down, slides his hand under his foot, and grasps the body of the crayfish when he removes his foot, he twists the crayfish belly upward to prevent its kicking and places it in the basket tied around his waist.
Torches (rama), made of dry coconut leaves, are used in night fishing within the lagoon and off shore in netting flying fish. The required number of leaves are placed one above the other with their butt ends together. The butt ends are tied together with a strip of hibiscus bark (70, p. 279, fig. 236); and
Rama tupa'iare made of three leaves which the fisherman carries in his left hand. He has a basket tied around his waist for the catch and carries a piece of curved ironwood, termedrakau tupa'i, in his right hand with which to strike fish attracted by the light of the torch. [Now a piece of hoop iron (pa'a) is used.] This method is used in the shallower water near the beach or the reef. While seeking fish, crayfish are also procured by treading.Rama patia(patia, to pierce) are larger, consisting of four or five leaves. These are carried on canoes in the deeper waters of the lagoon and are held by a torch bearer (tangata turama), who stands behind a spearman in the bow while a third man poles the canoe. As one torch burns down, the torch bearer picks up a fresh torch which he lights at the tip from the burnt down torch before it is thrown overboard.- The
rawia maroro(maroro, flying fish) torch is used outside the reef in a method similar to spearing, but the bowman is armed with a flying-fish net and the third man paddles. As the fish fly toward the light, the bowman intercepts them with the net. Fish in the water are also caught by a dexterous use of the net. The net method can also be used for other fish within the lagoon.
Torches may be made also from the dry flower spathes (roro) of the coconut, augmented with dry ironwood twigs (jara too), and are called rama roro. When dry kernels of the candlenut (tuitui) which are oily and give a bright light, are added to the rama roro, the torches are called rama tuti (tuti, a shortened form of tuitui). These two types of torches were formerly used within the lagoon, but, as they are harder to make, the coconut-leaf torch has supplanted them.
Octopus ('eke) is esteemed as food and as bait for angling at sea. The body of the octopus is termed the pu; the tentacles, kakave; the eyes, mata; and the beak, ni'o. The Cypraea- shell octopus lure used in various forms in the
Small octopuses within the lagoon are termed 'eke maori, and the process of catching them is termed taka'i maori. They are caught principally by women, who use a pointed stick (ko) of ngangie about 2.5 feet long. At low water, the women search for likely looking holes on the lagoon bed between the shore and the reef. The stick is thrust into a hole and stabbed about to drive out the octopus. As it emerges, its body is grasped in the woman's hand; and it is killed by driving the pointed stick between the eyes. (In
Deep diving methods are no longer carried out by men, but the following was the method used:
When the fishing canoes passed through the reef channel, a search was made for octopuses to provide bait. Diving for octopuses in the deep water outside the reef was termed pae 'eke. The successful fishermen must have good sight and a sound wind. Each man carried three sharpened sticks of ngangie wood 2.5 feet long to assist in driving the octopuses out of holes. They had. no fear of the tentacles fastening upon their arms once the octopus was within reach, for a firm grasp upon the body caused the tentacles to relax. However, when an arm was thrust into an occupied hole, the octopus seized the arm with its tentacles and pulled toward its body. If the arm was pulled back, the octopus pulled the harder and the fisherman was likely to be kept a prisoner until he drowned. The native fisherman, however, did not pull back, as he was anxious to get his hand on the body of the octopus. He accordingly pushed his arm farther, and Mangaians say that when the octopus found that the arm was drawn in without opposition, it let go. On locating an octopus on the bottom of the sea, the fisherman tied a line around one of his ankles after fastening the other end to a boom of his canoe to prevent it from drifting too far away. The Mangaians recognize the following five varieties of octopus, and give slightly different techniques for catching each.
'Eke paepae is so called because it blocks its holes with stones and thus gives rise to the metaphor of the stone platform (paepae) of a house. Several dives had to be made to remove the stone obstructions, before the octopus could be caught. It is said that this octopus imight have pushed forward other stones after the first ones were removed. The fisherman removed the stones, and thrust a sharp stick into the body of the octopus where he left it as he came up for air. He went down with a second stick which was manipulated to force the octopus within reach. If three feelers protruded it was a good sign. The fisherman attempted to stab the octopus in a vulnerable part of its body. If he got short
During the different stages of the attack, the fisherman kept his eyes fixed on the bottom while resting by his canoe, for the octopus might vacate its hole. With any movement below, the fisherman dove down immediately to follow up the octopus. If the octopus squirted out black fluid, the fisherman avoided it by diving quickly to the side.
Fishermen who were successful in catching octopus for bait were surrounded by the fishing fleet, and portions of the feelers were shared. In his youth my informant, Aiteina, had carried out the various methods described above.
Fish poisoning ('ova) is carried out in suitable pools (roroka) in the lagoon. Such pools have distinctive place names. The narcotic is obtained from the grated kernel of the fruit of the 'utu and from the crushed leaves, stems, and roots of the mata'ora. The fruit of the 'utu is mature in September but the mata'ora plant is available at any time. If the 'utu fruit is gathered before time to use it, it must be covered to prevent it drying. The fruit is split to extract the large kernel which is grated and placed in rough coconut-leaf baskets. To poison the pool, the operator wades through it carrying the basket of grated material below the water surface and shaking it as he goes to distribute the material through the interstices between the wefts of the basket. The mata'ora is spread by pulling handfuls out of the basket, and distributing them evenly, and diving down to place handfuls in rock crevices to drive the fish out. Larger fish are narcotized, and they move about sluggishly so that they are easily speared or caught in scoop nets. The young fish die, and many are lost because they remain in the rock crevices.
Small pools may be poisoned by a few people, but sometimes large scale fish poisoning is a social function to which various villages are invited by the host village which owns the pools to be used. I took part in a large fish poisoning in 'ora method, it is used at long intervals, as much for social intercourse as to obtain food.
Some of the Rarotongan native missionaries brought back a plant from taru Papua (Papuan weed). The crushed root is used for narcotizing small pools, but the older Rarotongans condemn it because it is used too readily by individuals with a resulting waste of young fish.
I quote the following summary (71, p. 66):
The
hora['ora] method of fishing depends primarily on suitable pools of large extent being left isolated within the reef at low tide. In other islands of the Cook group [besidesRarotonga ] large pools are not available. InAitutaki , there is deep water within the lagoon at low tide, and fish-poisoning does not exist. InMangaia , and some of the other islands, smaller pools admit of poisoning on a small scale.Aitutaki furnishes the useful lesson that in remarking on the absence of such a culture-trait, the presence of theBarringtoniais useless without the physical conditions being suitable. For theCook Islands , the [large scale]horamethod, as described, is confined toRarotonga .Hawaii has the same name for fish-poisoning in the form ofhola.
In pre-European times the fish spear was made from a straight piece of ironwood with one end pointed and without a barb. Spearing (patia) with iron-pointed spears is now a favorite method of catching fish and has lessened the use of other fishing methods. Spear heads with three or more barbed points are obtained from the blacksmith or trade stores and lashed to a long
Fish weirs (pa) are stone walls (pa) erected usually in the form of a V leading into an enclosure. They are set on the course of a channel within the lagoon with the open part of the race facing the shore. Fish going out on a falling tide are intercepted and pass down the converging arms of the V into the opening to the enclosure. Fishermen on either side of the channel watch the fish passing by, and when they enter the enclosure, a net is drawn across the opening. The fish within the enclosure are then speared or caught in scoop nets.
The sites of most of the weirs still in use were laid down generations ago, and the walls of coral stone usually need repairing from time to time. The weirs belong to the family whose ancestors built them originally; and the use of a weir without permission is regarded as theft, and formerly led to bloodshed.
Pa kiokiois so called because one of the main fish caught is thekiokio. It is a V-shaped weir with an enclosure to the side. The length of the V-walls is lengthened toward the shore by lengths of coconut leaves attached to a vine (fig. 138,a).Pa tuteis temporary, consisting of two straight walls converging into the middle of a channel with an opening about a foot wide. There is no enclosure, but a large scoop net is placed at the opening to intercept the fish (fig. 138,b). A variation is formed by bending the narrow part at an angle so that the fish cannot see the net until they are practically in it.Pa tuakiruais built on the same plan as thepa tute, but the wide inlet faces toward the sea. The apex of the V-walls is closed and covered over with stones to form a stone house ('are po'atu). The fish pass up the race and stay in the stone house. A fisherman stationed at a point midway along the walls closes the race with a large scoop net after the fish pass up. The fish are then driven from the house into the net with a pole (fig. 138,c). The commonest fish caught is thetuakiruawhich gives its name to the weir.- Arani is the name of the most famous weir in
Aitutaki and the proper name indicates a distinct type. It is a rectangular enclosure set in a channel with an opening in the middle of the shoreward wall. There is no stone race, but its place is taken by diverging arms formed of coconut leaflet sweeps (ran). After fish pass into the enclosure, a net is drawn across the opening. Large fish are caught and the most prized are theava(fig. 138,d).
Weirs varied in form but the four listed above comprise the main types.
The only other island where I saw weirs was in
The fish traps seen in the
The circular traps ('inaki; 'ina'i) in aka niu). In pirita vine, and in kiekie. The process of making a trap is termed raranga 'ina'i in taviri in 'ora) are in pairs and the two twining elements or wefts (pokai) pass around the warps in a single-pair twine. The twining commences at the inner end of the funnel; and when the length is completed, the warps are bent over to form the body of the trap. As the diameter increases, additional warps are added and the weft twine is carried on in a continuous spiral. At the bottom, the warps are bent in at a right angle. The details of technique resemble that of the crayfish traps of uto or poito) of breadfruit wood are tied to the upper end. The maito, which is tied to the inner surface of the trap near the opening (70, pp. 311-313). An opening with a lid cover (papani) is made for removing the catch, which consists of sea eels, kara'o, va'aroa, parakava, kopeti, tu'ua, teatea, koiro, and kakakakakuru.
In 'inaki tuku pata because the sea eel (pata) is the principal catch. There are a number of floats of breadfruit wood, and the last float is a gourd ('ue). The bait used is koperu, and it is held that when a fisherman catches an extra quantity and eats some of them, the koperu bait used in the trap will not attract the sea eels. (See fig. 139, a and pl. 11, B.)
In kiekie in similar shape and technique are called tukutuku. They are baited with hermit crabs or fish and set in the lagoon with rocks piled around them to keep them in position. Such traps are without sinkers and without the long rope with floats. The fish caught are pakirikiri (rock cod) and pakoukou. Another trap of similar shape is made in ponu) that grows on the beach. These traps are only good during the week that the natural green color is retained.
The cylindrical trap (anga) in 'ora) with transverse elements (pokai) consisting of a number of twisted thinner branches crossing the warps and lashed together by a coir two-ply cord at their crossings. The trap is started with a narrow cylindrical passage (i'o) divided in the middle with a partition (paruru) with a hole (ngutupa, doorway) on either side. The passage
The trap is baited and set in a channel with its long axis in the direction of the channel. It is weighted down with stones carefully arranged to look like a natural hole in the rocks. The fish enter the funnel entrance, pass into the narrow cylindrical passage till they reach the partition, and then pass through the opening into the body of the trap. Parrot fish (u'u) and rock frequenting fish are caught in this trap (pl. 11, A; fig. 139, c).
In kiekie (70, p.311).
Eel traps, also termed 'inaki, are made of a fairly thick vine from 5 to 8 mm. in diameter. The one described below was procured in C, D, and for technique see figure 140.)
After the trap is baited through the small opening and the cover is attached, it is laid on its side in the same manner as the New Zealand eel traps (hinaki).
Leaf sweeps (rau) are used in the kaka-vai). The whole sweep is termed miakaatu as well as rau (leaf). The ends are termed kaoti (finish) and the middle is called kopu (belly). The easily made sweeps are used in place of a net to drive fish toward a beach, or used as stationary arms to direct fish into weirs. Though fish can break through, they avoid the moving leaflets and are driven before the sweep. The whole village helps in hauling a leaf sweep.
The long makaatu is drawn out parallel with the shore when the tide is flowing in. Just before the ebb, the ends are drawn toward the shore with men following behind the sweep to splice breaks or lift it over rocks. As the ends reach the shore, they are doubled back to reinforce the part still in the water. In this way, the belly of the sweep is brought to land and the fish procured. The makaatu is used only once.
The torau is a short sweep, from six to 15 yards in length. The leaflets, which are split on either side of the leaflet midribs, hang down more than do those on the makaatu. The sweep is used by young people along the beach at high tide and may be used several times.
As accessories to weirs, the sweeps provide a V-shaped race for weirs of the Arani type which have no stone walls leading to the opening of the rectangular enclosure. Though the sweep is stationary, the leaflets move with the tide or current and the fish move on to the weir opening.
In Rarotonga, I saw the leaf sweep being used but the middle part consisted of a meshed net of cord. It was used near the outer reef because the meshed net caught the fish, whereas the complete leaf sweep had to operate near the shore to provide a dry place to drive the fish.
Nets (kupenga), which are used extensively throughout the group, differ in form to suit various methods of fishing. The unevenness of the lagoon bed, studded with holes, rocks, and coral upgrowths, is not conducive to the hauling of long seine nets; and it was probably this factor and the ease of manufacture that led to the use of leaf sweeps which did not tangle on the bottom. Yet long nets are used in selected places, mostly as stationary barriers into which fish are driven. The ends are curved around to form an enclosure to imprison the fish, which are finally speared or caught in scoop nets. Shorter nets attached to end poles are popular, they are also stationary and the fish are driven into them. Scoop nets attached to frames of varying size, with or without handles, are much used either in the open water or in the channels along which fish pass from and to the sea. All net fishing depends on the state of the tide. The fishermen move toward the shore with an incoming tide, as they cannot operate in deep water.
The short, finely meshed nets with end poles (nariki) were valuable property, and some of them became family heirlooms.
Net making (ta kupenga) is essentially a male occupation. The cord now used is bought from the trade stores, but the old cord was made from the bark of the oronga, hibiscus, papako, or sometimes the paper mulberry. The oronga, which is the strongest, was identified by Urtica argentea, but the modern identification is Pipturus velutinus. oronga bark and, after carefully scraping it, exposed it to the sun by day and to dew by night until it was ready for use. vai ana) to make the material white (teatea). If soaked in muddy water (vai vari) such as that of taro swamps, the material was brown. After three weeks, the outer bark (pakiri) was easily removed from the inner bast (kiko) by pulling the strips through the hand (perekuku) without using a shell scraper. It was dried, separated into strands, and rolled ('iro) on the bare thigh into two-and three-ply cords.
Netting needles were used, except in 'ika) were said to be of the usual Polynesian form such as those of a), which differ from the European needle (fig. 141, c). In b). The Mangaians termed their needle kauta. The Mangaian type was also used in kauta, except in una. They are flat pieces of wood, usually ironwood, with sharpened edges and are made in different sizes to fit the meshes of various kinds of net (fig. 141, d, e).
The mesh was termed mata except in koata. The length of a net was not counted in linear terms, but in the number of meshes. The meshes were counted by the knots in a row and thus included the intermediate meshes above or below, so that each additional knot counted as two meshes. Thus five knots were ten meshes, and an additional five knots counted as 20 meshes which were termed a mata. Hence in making a particular net, the craftsman counted the knots and stopped his row when he
kukuti net it is said, "E ono mata ka oti te kukuti" (With six mata [120 meshes] a kukuti net can be finished). In describing nets, however, I shall follow the European linear measure.
Netting with the shuttle and mesh gauge is termed ta kauta to distinguish it from the pokai), used without a shuttle, is termed ta pokai. Netting with the shuttle is similar to the Mangaian technique with the stick needle, and the same mesh knot is used throughout Polynesia.
To commence, the number of loops attached to the stick needle are such as will permit the thickness of the needle with the accompanying loops to pass readily through the required size of mesh. Before attaching the first loop, a length of twine that will be sufficiently long to form the upper half of the meshes of the first row is left free. The first row of meshes is formed over a cord loop that is stretched taut between the big toes. The free end of the twine is held by an assistant who keeps it taut as the meshing knots are made against the upper edge of the mesh gauge. The technique of making the first row of meshes is shown in figure 142, a.
When the first row that forms the depth of the net is reached, the assistant is dispensed with and any extra length of the free cord that has not been used is cut off. The supporting cord between the toes is reversed so that the last mesh which finished on the right is now to the left. A second row is started from the left (fig. 142, b) and so by reversing the suspensory cord on the completion of each row, the netting is continued by rows until the full length of the net is completed.
I have described the ta pokai) with technical details (70, pp. 281-285), but the main principles are repeated here. One end of a long length of cord is wound into a large ball; the other end is wound into a smaller ball, which contains sufficient cord to form the upper part of the loops of the first row, as does the free end of cord in the Mangaian method. A suspensory loop with another length of cord is stretched between the big toes, or a single length may be tied to each toe. Referring to the cord from the smaller ball which is held by an assistant as the upper cord and that from the large ball as the lower cord, the junction between them is arbitrarily defined by the upper edge of the mesh gauge when it is placed against the cord to form the first mesh. The upper cord is passed over the suspensory cord and the lower cord under the mesh gauge. Details are shown in figure 143.
When the first row is finished, the supporting cord is reversed (as in the Mangaian method) and additional rows are made in the same manner, the only difference being the form of netting knot. Other details already described are attaching a new cord (70, p. 285) and closing the ends and bottom of a scoop net (70, p. 286).
The
Long nets are termed a'oroa (long line) in tu kanae in kanae). Each net has an upper and lower rope threaded through the marginal meshes. karii-i-runga (upper kari'i) and the lower part, karii-i-raro (lower kari'i), but it is probable that these terms refer to the two ropes. The upper rope carries the floats (pouto or uto for short) po'utukava from which the bark is removed. Holes are bored through the middle longitudinally to admit a cord. The po'utukava has a pith canal and the holes are easily made. In
Sinkers (kari'i) are stones wrapped in coconut leaf stipule (kaka) and tied at intervals to the bottom rope. The wrapping projects beyond the stone at each end, leaving sufficient length for these ends to be lashed to the rope; and a third lashing passes around the middle of the package (70, p. 295, fig. 257). No poles were used at the two ends.
In
In
A shorter net in rerekue. These were evidently well made and considered valuable for those belonging to chiefs were given proper names. Thus Rua's net was named Tua-kere-maro, Taupine's net Te 'Uti-marumaru, and the net of Ara-pa'i was named Tukia.
Short nets with an upright pole at each end were much in vogue and were easily managed by two men while others drove fish into them. When fish struck the net, the two men brought the two poles quickly together and so enclosed the fish though many were enmeshed. The different islands had different names for the same type of net and distinctive names were applied according to length and size of mesh.
The best known were of the type termed nariki in nariki, after the name of the nets. The two bearers of the net set them near the shore to catch small fish that could not escape through the fine meshes. Thirty to 40 men formed an oval to drive the fish and they were termed rau tangata. Rau (leaf sweep) refers to the men (tangata) who took the place of a leaf sweep. If fewer men were employed, they filled in the wider spaces in the drive with a leaf sweep (rau rakau). The method was used in the daytime; and as the men saw likely looking rock hideouts, they groped for refugee fish. In rau tata, but hand groping was not done.
Nets with a larger mesh than the nariki had were termed tata in ko tata. It was used in the deeper channels toward the reef. The two net holders set it across the channel and narrowed (ta pa'ipa'i) it by overlapping the slack and tying ('itikitiki) to suit the width of channels narrower than the net. Five or six men beat the water to drive the fish down the channel. Two divers (ta'aro), stationed near the net on either side of the channel, kept watch; and when they saw a school of fish pass by, they dived in behind it to drive it into the net. The fish were driven in from the shore side in the daytime at low tide or when the tide was beginning to come in, and, as the tide deepened, the net worked nearer to the shore.
In toto, are used on the outer lagoon and are set parallel with the reef. Men with sticks drive fish into the net from the shore and from the sea side of the net.
Nets shorter than the nariki are also used. In Aitutaki, they are about eight feet long and six to seven feet deep and are termed tutu-rua (two poles) after the pole at each end. This net has quite a bulge in the middle. Two men carry the net and set it in a suitable place when a school of fish is seen, and others drive the fish into the net. Lengths of leaf sweep may be stretched out from the net on either side to direct fish into the net. Shoal fish such as uoa are caught near the white sandy beaches (kena) of the smaller islets on the reef. Other fish caught are vete, ka'a, and kanae (mullet), usually at full tide. In the medium tides, rakoa and paoa are caught. In February, after thunder at night, large schools of maito are caught near the beaches (70, p. 293, fig. 255).
In tana'o net, about five yards long, is used near the shore to catch fish in shoals (na'o).
nariki and tata nets of kukuti. The same name was applied to a small scoop net.
A small, fine-meshed net with handles, which was used in ta'iti. It is said to have had floats and sinkers and was probably a small form of the nariki net after the style of the Samoan shrimp net (73, pp. 479, 480, pl. XLVI, A).
A scoop net is in the form of a bag that is attached to an elliptical hoop frame with or without a handle.
Large nets with a frame six to eight feet long and from 2.5 to 3 feet wide across the widest part of the frame are used throughout the island under various names (fig. 145). In 'opai; in kupenga toto; in pokipoki; and in pdei'ei. The frame (tutu) is formed of two rods lashed at both ends and spread out into the form of an ellipse by a crossbar.
The net is held by the crossbar with the fisherman's elbow braced against the angle formed by the butt ends of the frame elements. It is used in weirs of the V-shaped type to block the entrance passage after fish enter the enclosure and is also used to scoop up the imprisoned fish within the enclosure. Two Aitutakian methods of use have been described (70, pp. 291, 292) as follows.
The
ekimethod, which is used on the reef on moonlight nights at low tide, when fish are believed to be asleep in the channels, is used by one man. He places his net in position at a suitable place in the channel near some rocks; and, with a pole in his left hand, heprods ( uruuru) among the rocks to startle the fish into his net. He holds the slack bottom of the net with his right hand against the crossbar of the frame. When a fish darts against the taut net the impact is felt, and the slack is released and the net brought up. The fish caught arekauva'a, u'u, nanue, kovia, and sometimesurua.The
akaoro ngaika u'u(driving schools of parrot fish) method requires two or more assistants to drive the schools of parrot fish (u'u) or other fish down the channel into the net placed in a suitable place in the channel. This method is used in the daytime when the tide is coming in (tai maene) or when it is going out (tai tuku), because at full tide the channels are too deep.
The Mangaian pa'ei'ei net is from 5 to 6 feet long and two methods were described by informants as follows.
The
pa'ei'eimethod takes its name from the net and is the same as the second Aitu-takian method. The holder of the net has a stick which he moves about in any space between the net and the side of the channel preventing fish from escaping through the gap.The
ta'ata'amethod is used on the reef to catch fish swimming about in the waves. When fish are feeding on the reef, they come in on the waves and return with the back wash. The fisherman places his net behind the wave so that the fish are swept into the net on the back wash. He uses his feet and a stick to direct fish into the net. As a wave breaks, he stands on one foot to lessen resistance to its force.
The Rarotongan pokipoki net was similar to the Aitutakian 'opai, but I saw one attached to the frame by a continuous chain knot instead of spaced clove-hitches. This net was 6 feet 2 inches long and 3 feet 3 inches across at its widest part, and the crossbar was 2 feet 7 inches wide. The stick used to guide fish is termed a koko.
In kukuti. In Mangaian terminology, the length was said to be a tapa'e, the distance from kukuti was used in narrow channels that suited its size. The method of fishing with it was termed pato'ito'i, which differs in no way from the method of using the larger pa'ei'ei net.
The best known scoop net with a handle is the flying-fish net, generally termed 'uata. It is an oval frame (tutu) formed of two ironwood rods attached to a long handle (kakau) by their thicker ends and tied together at the other ends to form a distal point (katatai). A wooden crossbar (pukei, tiare after the wood used, and this name has evidently displaced an older specific term. A fairly deep bag net is attached to the frame and the crossbar. In
I have described specimens from C and figure 146. The
The 'uata net is used at night for catching flying fish (maroro) in the open sea. The method is termed rama maroro (to torch for flying fish) after the rama) which are used. A number of torches are carried in the canoes, a fresh one being lighted from the one that is burning out. For the usual small fishing canoe, a crew of three men is required, one to wield the net, one to hold the torch, and one to sit in the stern and paddle the canoe. The flying fish are attracted by the light, and as they fly through the air near the bow of the canoe the net wielder dexterously intercepts them and empties the mouth of the net into the canoe. The manual action of sweeping with the net is termed ta'ei and painga and the net wielder who stands in the bow is called "the man who netted flying fish" (tangata ta'ei maroro). The act of using a lighted torch is tu rama, and the torch holder who stands behind the net wielder is called "the man holding the torch" (tangata mou rama) or "holder of the fire" (tutu a'i).
In a, b.
Torching is usually carried out by a number of canoes on dark nights. In Mangaia, I was told that a number of men I saw gathered on the beach in the early evening were going out to torch for flying fish. As no move was made, I asked when they were going. A man pointed to the new moon a little above
In
Flying fish are sometimes caught in the lagoon, and the flying-fish net may be used in torching to scoop other fish out of the water.
A net with a shorter handle, used in ngake (70, pp. 292, 293, pl. 253) is a smaller edition of the flying-fish net, but the bag net is attached to the frame by a circumferential cord through the marginal meshes and a spiral cord around the first cord and the frame as in the i'e (piper) and muro and shoal fish such as koamo and tikoami. Fish may be driven toward the net with coconut leaf mauru and the net may also be used as a scoop without a handle for fish enclosed by leaf sweeps.
The Mangaian kukuti net is ingeniously made from two branched branches and does not require a crossbar spreader (fig. 148, c).
A net frame in the
Fish are driven into nets by various methods. Beating upon the water with poles is termed papa and thrusting with the pole into pools and crevices is koko. In mauru is used to beat the water. Leaflets are stripped off the thicker end to form a handle and the leaflets at the other end are split on either side of the leaflet midribs pokipoki and beating the water with two cupped hands brought together is porutu.
Fishing with hook (matau) and line (a'o) is still a favorite occupation of the men. Women sometimes say that the men go fishing to avoid the chores around the home or in the plantations. Certain it is that when the weather is not rough a fleet of canoes can always be seen in the daytime fishing on some selected ground off the coast. Wherever the fishermen's local seasonal knowledge leads them, the cluster of specks seems to remain stationary all day.
The lines are made like the cord for nets (p. 223) and some are long for deep-sea fishing. The simplest form of implement attached to a line for securing fish is a gorge.
Gorges (tara) are made from a short length of black ngangie wood sharpened at both ends and with a line tied to the middle (fig. 150, a). The gorge is held in the same long axis as the line and inserted into the bait. When cessation of movement of the line indicates that the bait has been swallowed, the line is pulled and the drag on the middle of the gorge causes it to turn cross-ways in the fish's stomach (kua tarava te tara i roto i te kopu). The fish is thus effectively hooked and can be drawn up. In
The straight gorge (tara pu'i) is used for catching sea eels (pu'i) in holes in the rocks within the lagoon. The bait is the small panoko fish. After the bait is tied on, one point of the gorge is stuck into a length of cane (kaka'o), which makes it possible for the bait to be thrust into likely looking holes in the rocks. When the fisherman feels the bait taken, he draws away the cane but leaves the line slack until cessation of movement indicates that the bait has been swallowed. Sea eels are voracious and swallow the bait without playing with it. This form of fishing is termed mangai pu'i. In te matau o te pu'i (the hook of the sea eel).
The curved gorge (tara karore) receives its name because it is used to catch the karore, a small fish frequenting the outer side of the reef. The karore pulls and shakes the bait before swallowing it, so the curved gorge is believed to be better than the straight gorge for catching this fish. Two gorges are used, one attached with a two-inch length of line to each end of a spreader, consisting of two combined pieces of coconut leaflet midribs (kikau) 10 inches long. The line is tied to the middle of the stretcher and a short length extends kiri'au). Each gorge has a short length of thin line attached to it for tying on the bait, ungakoa or hermit crab (ungaunga).
The line is lowered until the sinker touches the bottom, but the bait is suspended above the bottom. When the karore fish pulls on the bait, which is plainly seen in the clear water, the line is slightly jerked. The fisherman waits until a fish takes the other bait before drawing in the line.
Other fish caught with a gorge are takataka and rari. If octopus bait could not be procured by deep sea fishermen, they fished for karore from their canoes to obtain a substitute.
Hooks (matau) of the old types have gone out of use. They are rare even in Museums, and except for an occasional wooden shark hook, are not found in the islands.
The simplest form of hook, made from pandanus leaf thorns, is described by
The serrated edges of a stout leaf are pared off; the narrow pieces are then carefully tied together with a bit of hibiscus bark, care being taken that there be at least two thorns or tiny fish-hooks on either side, and that these little hooks point upwards. The slit midrib of a long coconut frond furnishes the fishing rod—the thorny hooks being secured to the tapering end.
These hooks were used by children to catch gobies (kokopu) in the fresh water streams and pools, with pieces of fresh water shrimp as bait. The mode of angling is said to have been invented by the Mangaian ancestor, Tarauri, who also earned fame by conquering the seven dwarf sons of Pinga in a dart throwing match. In recent years, children make hooks out of thorns of the introduced lime which are tied at an angle to a length of coconut leaflet midrib.
In upu) or the shell of a Turbo (ariri) which Turbo petholatus. The shells were cut on their natural curve, which supplied a curve to the hooks. A chip of chert (ruarangi) was used to cut the shell and
Though the Mangaians no longer have coconut and marine shell hooks, informants knew quite a lot about the methods in which they were used. This is probably because the same methods apply to the use of trade hooks. The three methods described for within the lagoon and three for outside the reef are the following.
The 'i nanue ('i, angling for nanue) receives its name from the nanue fish. It is caught in daylight with hooks of coconut shell or ariri shell, outside the reef in a depth of 7 to 8 fathoms where the bait can be watched. Land and sea crabs are used for bait. Ground bait is used to attract fish to the hooks and is crushed crustaceans or pieces of fish. It is wrapped up in a leaf and placed on a flattish stone. The baited hook is laid on the ground bait and the line above the hook is wound around the stone, bait, and hook for a number of turns. The left thumb is laid transversely over the turns and the line reversed around the thumb. The reversed line takes one more turn around the stone and the loop formed after disengaging the thumb is twisted under and over the last turn in an overhand knot. This is sufficient to hold all together. It is dropped quietly over the side of the canoe. The stone is lowered to the required depth, and a sharp jerk frees the loop. The stone sinks to the bottom and the leaf opens out to free the ground bait with the baited hook in its midst. Ume are also caught by this method.
Nanue were caught off the reef with a bamboo rod and ground bait could be used.
Wooden hooks were made in three forms: a medium-sized hook termed toko, the large so-called Ruvettus hooks, and large shark hooks.
The toko hooks of medium size were used for deep-sea fishing. I saw some in ngangie wood. It was stated that bone and boar tusks were also used in toko, is 280 mm. long (11 inches) and has all the dimensions of a Ruvettus hook. Evidently some confusion has arisen between the two forms, but, to the best of my knowledge, the toko is a medium-sized hook for catching barracuda (manga) and other fish. It was similar to the Ruvettus hook but much smaller. A hook of this form, made for me in Managaia, is shown in figure 150, b.
The Ruvettus hook has a wide distribution, as shown by Gudger (37). It is usually associated with catching the castor oil fish (Ruvettus ruvettus; vena), but apparently the manga was more important in the toko hook, the Ruvettus hook was made of a forked branch of ironwood and fitted with a wooden point in the same manner, but the Ruvettus was larger. It resembles the Ruvettus hooks of
Fishing took place by day or night, and the depths fished ranged from 1,200 to 1,800 feet. A fairly heavy sinker was used, and, to save hauling it up, one of two ingenious ways was used to get rid of the sinker after it had served its immediate purpose. The sinker was attached to the hook with a strip of pandanus leaf which was fixed to the bend of the hook with a Blackwall hitch that automatically released when the stone touched bottom (fig. 151, a), or the hook was bound to the stone by a series of turns with a slip knot that was released by a jerk of the line at any required depth (fig. 151, c). The second method resembles that used for releasing ground bait in nanue fishing (p. 237).
A fisherman had to take out a load of stones and some pandanus leaves if he used the automatic release. An assistant termed utauta collected the stones utauta with a fish.
Day fishing and night fishing had distinguishing terms in 'akareva 'oka) was carried on at a depth of four angarere (1,200 feet). The bait used was karore, and the fish caught were 'oka, 'apuku, ru'i-kai'ara, and angamea. Night fishing ('i manga, to angle for manga) was done 'in four to six angarere (1,200 to 1,800 feet). The bait was flying fish and the fish caught were manga, vena (Ruvettus), mango (shark), ru'i kai'ara, and manga kai'ara. The term kai'ara used with the last two fish is the Mangaian term for very large. The manga may be two finger spans (18 inches) in thickness and one and a half maro (9 feet) in length. Some manga are deep ('a'ano) and others more rounded (punupunu). The round bodied barracuda are termed manga tangi tuoro.
Shark hooks. A large wooden hook in the kura vena (Ruvettus). Though conveniently regarded as shark hooks, they were used for catching other large fish as well.
The hooks, which are well made from a dark wood, are in one piece with the point curved inward and have a well-formed shank knob. The very long inaere pattern of oronga bark, but
Incantations termed mauri were often recited to insure success in fishing for shark with the baited hook. A Rarotongan mauri appeals to Tangaroa.
'Utia means to bring up on a line. The last line is a rhythmical phrase imitating the sound of the wooden gong and used here to denote success.
toko type to which a separate front piece had to be attached (fig. 153, a).
A very large hook of the Ruvettus type in the Fuller collection is figured by b). Though
A wooden shark hook in the
There is no definite information regarding the use of these hooks but they were possibly symbols retained by chiefs or head fishermen to bring success in fishing.
A paragraph is given to these widely distributed hooks because
The inhabitants of the volcanic islands of the Cook group state that they never fished for bonito and hence had no bonito hooks. Manihikians living in
My informants in
E a'o te tautai(a line is the fishing). Two wooden hooks on a wooden spreader were baited with octopus for sea fishing. Though a line (a'o) was used in all the methods, the use of the terma'oevidently arbitrarily distinguished this general form of fishing. The fish caught were'apuku, mai'e, urua, ru'i, angamea, rot, tarao, and'oka.E 'oe te tautai(paddling is the fishing). The term paddle ('oe) was used because the paddle was constantly plied while the line, about five fathoms long, was trolled. The hook was wooden, the bait waskoperu, and the time was day. The fish caught weremango(shark),urua, angamea, ono, varu, 'a'ai(albicore), andkaku.E tutau te tautai(anchored is the fishing). The termtutaumeans an anchor and conveys the meaning that the canoe was anchored during operations. A wooden hook was used with a line about 12 fathoms long and without a sinker. The bait waskoperuand the fish caught were the same as those caught by the trolling method. Fishing took place at night on the 'Oata (3d) night and the ni ghts of the full moon.E tutau 'a'ai(anchored for albicore). This differed from the third method only in that it took place in the daytime. In addition to albicore ('a'ai), the same fish were caught as those procured by the trolling method.E 'i koperu te tautai(line fishing forkoperuis the fishing). Thekoperuwere fished from the outer edge of the reef with a two-branched ironwood rod (matira) with a Look attached to each branch. The time was about half past four in the afternoon.
The koperu, a species of mackerel, was an important fish in manava, extended around the island, and each had its place name. The ariki Tamuera of
The fish were fed regularly in the afternoon at about half past four with cooked taro, sweet potato, banana, and grated coconut carried down in a wooden bowl. The caretaker threw the food into the mackerel ground from the reef, and the fish came in shoals. Tamuera said that good food had to be cooked for the fish because they were famous (ika rongonui) and protected (ika tapu). When the owner wanted some mackerel he sent an attendant to
A myth on the local origin of the mackerel states that a woman named Pitako brought them with her when she came to
The fry (ika tauira) of sea fish commence to come into the lagoon in shoals in February. In Mangaia, they are scooped up with a kukuti net. Names are applied to the fry and to one or more stages of growth before they reach adult size. The following names are from
The pi'o fry are very white (teatea), but in three days, they darken in color and are termed para'a. The adult stage is the api (maito in other islands).
The ka'uru fry becomes the adult a'uru. Ia ngangao te ka'uru, ka tuatua'ia e a'uru (When the ka'uru becomes large, it is said to be an a'uru).
The koninonino fry becomes the adult avini also called tiovi (in manini). The miro fry becomes the i'e (garfish).
The takuo fry, considered the best eating fry grows into the takuo-paparu. A whole shoal will follow their leader into a net.
Fresh-water gobies (kokopu) are found in the streams and in fresh-water lakes such as Lake Tiriara in rotu or rutu kokopu for gobies was carried out in Lake Tiriara. In olden times, the shores of the lake were cleared of hibiscus trees ('au) and weeded. A party of about 40 men took part in the operations, standing in water up to the breast, this depth being termed one tukunga. An old nariki net was set with a man holding each end pole. The other men formed an oval formation (rau tangata) and worked toward the net splashing the water with both hands to drive the fish before them into the net. When the net was lifted, as many as three coconut-leaf baskets were filled. The lake was worked over, and even the deeper parts near the exit under the makatea wall Were explored. When operations ceased, the catch was distributed (tu'a) among those who had taken part.
Angling for goby (titomo kokopu) was done with gorges and with the primitive hooks made with pandanus spines. The bait was fresh-water shrimp (koura vat).
The fresh-water goby was fat in October and November, and the sign that they were ready to be caught was the new growth of turmeric (renga) which comes up in these months.
Fresh-water shrimps (koura vai) were caught by hand or, in
Fresh-water eels seem to be considered unimportant, except in
People who could afford to, employed the services of an expert to make nets and lines. The employer got together some fish such as koperu, cooked and mashed taro in the form of tiroimi, and a bunch of ripe bananas. These he took to an expert and, presenting the food, asked him to make his line or net. If the expert accepted, he said, "Ae, tikina te kiri'au" (Yes, get the hibiscus bark). When the task was ended, the expert took the net or line to his employer, who prepared a feast termed patu a'o (a'o, line) in which roasted pigs and bananas artificially ripened were presented to the expert in recognition of his labor. The new line or net was placed under a bowl containing coconut cream in order that it should secure food. If the expert were not properly rewarded, he went to his marae and complained (aue) to his gods, hence the line caught no fish.
According to the ariki Tamuera of poke taro and poke pia which were placed in a large wooden bowl. The new net or the line with a fisherman's basket of hooks was placed beneath the bowl. The fisherman gathered a number of children who had not eaten recently and were very hungry. He brought the group to his house and, indicating the bowl of food, told them to fall to. The manner in which the hungry children rushed the food and clustered around the bowl was held to indicate the manner in which fish would come to the net or the line that was beneath the bowl. As children who were not hungry and came quietly to the bowl would affect the future attitude of fish, the owner ' was careful to question them before extending an invitation.
Hunting is used here as a convenient heading under which to group the activities adopted for catching live creatures of the land for food. The scope was not large, as there were no large native animals. The introduced pig and dog were well looked after and had no chance of escaping to become wild in the small island areas that were fairly thickly populated. The introduced fowl, however, did take to the woods and enough became wild to motivate some method of catching them. The native land birds offered no incentive for hunting as a source of food supplies, as did the larger native birds of New Zealand and the pigeons of
Domestic fowls (moa) that ran wild in the woods were open game to all. I have hunted wild fowl in marei (70, pp. 317, 318). The general principle was a running noose attached to a bent green stick which was kept down by a trigger that was released by trip sticks (fig. 155). An enclosure of upright sticks was built around the trap with an entrance gap on one side of the trip sticks. The bait was placed on the far side of the entrance. In crossing the trip sticks to reach the bait, the weight of the fowl pushed down the
In the kiore) were eaten only on the island of 'ina'ina) over a fire, and were then scraped with a strip of bamboo and grilled on the stick until they were cooked. They were eaten by older people who considered them as a great delicacy. Children were not allowed to eat them because they would have their opportunity when they became adults. Owing to disapproval of missionaries and ridicule of neighbouring islanders, rats are no longer eaten in
|
Te kiore o te maunga, | The rat from the mountain, | |
Te kiore o te makatea, | The rat from the makatea, | |
Tera mai ta taua maunu | Here is our bait | |
E ki-o. | O rat. | |
Aua koe e kai tapa'ure | Do not nibble suspiciously | |
i ta taua maunu, | at our bait, | |
E ki-o. | O rat. |
Kio is an onomatopoeic word for the squeak of the rat, but in the incantation it is a playful term for the rat.
In tautai, as applied to fishing, is applied to catching land crabs with the qualifying term 'enua (land), as tautai 'enua. Land crabs are divided into two groups—the large coconut crabs (unga) and a number of smaller crabs included under the general term karai'i. The smaller land crabs are of four kinds: tupa, papaka uta, 'irave, and mikia.
Coconut crabs are concealed in the daytime in holes under the rocks, but at night they come out in search of food and climb up rocks and trees. They are caught with the aid of coconut-leaf torches. The natives are expert at
All the smaller karai'i are eaten. There is a period of hibernation during which they remain in their holes on land, and they emerge in October and in February and make for the sea to shed their spawn (ami). The process of shedding the spawn is termed ruru i te ami. It is during the months of October to February that these crustaceans are sought as food and then only on the dark nights comprising the first to the fourth (o'iro to 'ainiama 'akaoti) of the lunar month. They are sought on the inland face of the makatea cliff by men with torches. They are knocked off with sticks, picked up, and placed in a basket carried around the waist. The process is termed uru karai'i.
Of the cultivable food plants that were introduced by the ancestors of the Cook Islanders, the fruit-bearing trees such as the coconut and breadfruit received little attention after they were planted, beyond the clearing away of undergrowth from time to time. The banana and plantain received more attention, as the plants were cut down after the annual yield of fruit and the young plants that grew up at the base of the old were replanted or thinned. The root plants—taro, sweet potato, yam, and arrowroot—received more attention because the ground had to be prepared for planting. The agricultural implements were two, the digging stick and the planting stick.
The digging stick (ko) was a sharpened stake of ironwood, without a step, and of a length to suit the user. The act of using the implement to dig in the plantations was also ko, or ko'ai. Tamuera Ariki stated that a digging stick of hibiscus wood (ko 'au or patia 'au) was preferred for planting sugar cane (to), as the use of the ironwood stick which had a hard bark would render the skin of the sugar cane hard and also allow worms to get in.
In a).
The planting stick (also ko) was thicker than the digging stick, with the lower end rounded and the upper end shaped to a convenient grip for the hands. One seen in use in moto because it retains its weight when dry. Candlenut wood (tuitui) was used only when green, for it is too light when dry and weight is essential in driving holes for planting taro. In pa'eru, and, as it was made of chestnut wood (i'i), the implement was termed pa'eru i'i, according to Tamuera Ariki. pa'eru was an ancient spade made of hard wood, the blade of which was generally spoon shaped, but I have nothing to support this.
The sweet potato (kumara) was planted from shoots (kata), hence the ground was dug up with the digging stick only where the shoots were to be planted. The broken earth was heaped into mounds ('akaa'u) and the shoots planted on top, or the shoots were planted on the flat and the earth heaped up as the plants grew. In
Taro was planted in dry land or in irrigated patches. The planting stick was driven into the prepared ground and levered from side to side to enlarge the holes. The cut off tops of the tubers carrying the leaf stalks, which were cut off short, were planted in rows about 2 feet 10 inches apart. The distance between individual plants was about the same as the distance between rows. Taro matures in about 12 months. As planting can take place at any time, it is usual to plant at intervals that will insure a sequence of mature plants throughout the year. This constant supply from the plantations obviates the storing of large quantities of taro, thus special storage houses for taro are not built.
Large irrigated plantations for taro are a feature of kauvai, and the place where it is dammed for a water race is the matavai. On sloping alluvial soil, a series of terraces are formed by building up the sides (pae) with stones and earth. The water is led from the dam (matavai) by a race (aravai) dug along the banks of the stream and in places built up with rocks to form a level. It is led to the higher terraces to flood the individual patches termed motu repo (repo, mud); and by short channels through the built-up sides (pae) of the patches, the water is carried to the terraces below until all are flooded. The channels between patches may be blocked until the patch has received its share, when the stone or wooden block is removed to allow water to pass. A good deal of supervision is needed to
In
In puraka taro is grown.
Yams (u'i) are not grown in such quantities as in western Polynesia. They are cultivated in bush clearings and the vines allowed to run over the neighboring shrubbery.
Arrowroot (pia) is still planted, but the introduced manioc is becoming more popular because of its greater yield.
Under the form of feudal system, the land was owned by chiefs, who sublet their arable lands to farmer tenants who paid their rents with part of the produce of the land and with service. In Rarotongan phraseology, the service of the tenant to the landowner was summed up in the terms, "E ko, e 'ere." The term e ko refers to the digging stick and hence implies the cultivation of the land to produce plenty of taro. E 'ere ('ere, to tie) refers to the duty of fattening pigs, which were tied by the leg to a tree in the plantation and fed daily to fatten them. When the landowner gave a feast, the tenant brought food, which was incomplete without a fat pig. The chief sent a messenger to inform the tenant of the contribution required from him.
The chief who owned the land had command over the irrigation channel and the distribution of water. In an old ledger of the Ariki Kainuku, I noted where he had cut off a tenant's water because the tenant had failed to produce a fat pig when Kainuku demanded it. The actual implements used in horticulture may be simple, but the social implications involved were of great importance.
Tutamawa was telling his son about the ancient homeland of 'teka (darts), pua (throwing discs), tupe (pitching discs), papa 'aka'oro'oro ngaru (surf boards). The son asked how each game was played, and the father explained.
Darts (teka) were made of cane (kaka'o) averaging 0.3 to 0.4 inch in thickness and of varying lengths governed by the method of throwing. The people of
Tumutumu(fig. 156,a): cane 2 to 4 feet long, depending upon individual preference. The front end was wrapped with hibiscus bast which was covered with a coating of breadfruit gum (tapou). The thrower held the dart horizontally in his right hand with the forefinger over the proximal end, took a run of several yards, and threw it so that the heavier front end (kouma) struck the ground and ricocheted upward in a long flight, like that of a golf ball.
Okaoka:cane or slender hibiscus rod about two spans in length. The front end was usually wrapped with hibiscus bast or pandanus. It was thrown with both hands, the right holding the end, and the left holding the shaft.
Teka kiore(fig. 156,b): a piece of wood about 10 inches long and a little thicker than the thumb, with the front end sharpened and the other end blunt and with a coconut leaflet midrib stuck in it to form a tail. The dart was thrown against a mound to make it rise in the air, height being the object. It was said to rise high among the tree tops like a rat (kiore), hence the name.
Teka ta manu'iri(fig. 156,c): cane about 1 foot 4 inches long with a coconut-leaf midrib stuck in the back end. It was thrown with a strip of hibiscus bast with a knot at one end. The knot was placed against a node near the tail end and a turn around the cane passed over it. The bast strip was kept taut along the cane and twisted around the right forefinger as the hand held the dart near the fore end. This arrangement gave the thrower a longer purchase on the dart. The knot was released as the dart was thrown.
Teka koki'i(fig. 156,d): a wooden rod cast with a throwing stick to which was attached a short cord with a knotted end. The knot was fixed to one end of the dart in the same way as in theteka ta manu'iri, and the cord was wound spirally around the dart. The dart was laid on the ground and a sharp jerk of the throwing stick projected the dart forward, the knot releasing automatically.
The uka. The okaoka is thrown into the air with both hands. When it strikes the ground, it runs on for a short distance along the ground. The tumutumu is the most popular form of dart, but it re) is gained by the first to get a count of six. In team competitions, one team throws and their longest throws are marked. All throws that are ahead of the longest throw of the other team count. A well-thrown dart is a pretty sight. In a competition in
In
The game (pua) of throwing discs (pua) for distance was played throughout the tupe) took its place. The discs were made of ironwood and were fairly circular in form, with thick edges and with the two surfaces slightly convex so that they were thicker in the center than at the edges. In
Ra'i:largest size, used on a calm day.
Ape(Atiu ,pupu): a smaller size but thicker for use on a windy day. They run better and can wobble at the end of the run without falling down, whereas the largera'ifall over more easily.
Rakumu:a small size, thicker than theape, for use on a very windy day.
Four discs in the
The method of playing the disc game in pe'i, and to throw a disc is pe'i pua. A strip of hibiscus bast 0.5 inch wide and 7 or 8 feet painga) was a suitable part of the village road where throwing marks were made across it at two ends of the throwing distance. Each competitor took a long run and, as he approached the mark, drew back his right arm. At the mark he delivered an underhand throw with all his force. As the
disc left his hand, the bark strip fixed to the forefinger was given an upward jerk which gave the disc a powerful top spin. The disc struck the ground some distance ahead with great velocity, bounced high in the air, and after a series of lesser bounds, ran on its rim until the force subsided and it rolled over on its side. The throws were marked by the official marker, who then signaled for the next competitor to throw. Each competitor had one disc, and when all had completed their throws from one end, they walked down to the other end and threw back. The farthest throw, termed a'o, counted one point toward the game of 10 points. In team competitions, a team counted all the throws that were ahead of the opposing team's best throw. The first thrower was called the 'unga and the best thrower on the team, who was reserved for the last, was called the makona. In a competition between the seven villages of
A tradition states that a Tahitian warrior named Taumata went to
In ko'ao)—such as octopus, sea eels, conger eels, Tridacna, crabs, and crayfish—on the theory that the discs would make a hole in the ground (ka ko'ao) and thus shorten their flight distance.
Children play with discs cut from green breadfruit and this early training makes for later dexterity with the ironwood discs.
A pitching game (tupe), somewhat resembling the modern ship game of shuffle board, was played in miro wood. The discs, also called tupe, had a flat bottom and thick circumferential edges, and the upper surface formed a low cone (fig. 158). They were pitched onto plaited
coconut-leaf mats (ta'ua) made of two strips of coconut-leaf midrib from opposite sides of the same piece, about 210 to 215 mm. in length, and each carrying 14 or 15 leaflets. The leaflets were passed over the fire to toughen them and the completed mat usually showed some trace of soot. The midrib strips on either side are termed taringa, the end serrations keo, and the introduced leaflets to fill in the lower end, 'utukava. The mat described in figure 159 thus had four keo, and the 'utukava had four leaflets. In another mat in taringa has 14 leaflets and the other 15, and the 'utukava has 3 leaflets. There are two keo which are not quite symmetrically placed in that the left end dextral is crossed by 8 sinistrals and the right end sinistral is crossed by 5 dextrals. The plaiting technique is shown in figure 159.
The mats were placed six or more yards apart according to the decision of the players, expert players desiring a longer distance. The narrower ends were proximal on the ground level, and a slanting bed of sand was built up beneath a mat, raising the distal end. This slant makes it easier for the discs to remain on the mats. The angle having been adjusted satisfactorily the four corners are anchored with wooden pegs.
The game was played as a foursome, two opponents seating themselves behind each mat. Two sets of five discs were used, one set in the natural color of the wood and the other set stained to a dark color. The opponents threw alternately from the sitting position, and their partners at the other end kept the score. The object was to land the discs as near as possible to the far edge of the mat and still keep them on the mat. Close throws were decided by the nearness of the discs to the far row formed by the spaces between the crossings of the leaflet wefts. Terms applied to the methods of throwing are: paku, in a high curve to drop directly on the mat, and tareki, to ricochet off the ground onto the mat. When an opponent's disc was on the mat, with plenty of room in front, the tareki throw could be used to ricochet the disc over that of the opponent and have it stop on the mat beyond the opponent's disc. If the disc ricocheted off the ground and then off the mat to jump the opponent's disc, the throw was called a rua tareki (double ricochet). If the opponent's disc was so far on the mat that there was not enough space beyond it for his own disc, the thrower tried to drive the opposing disc off the mat with a direct hit (pao tiro), and if his own disc remained on the mat, it was pao mau. If a thrower's disc was in scoring position, he could cast aside (tia) his last disc to avoid the risk of knocking his own disc off the mat and losing a score. If a disc turned upside down (ka'era) but remained on the mat, it scored the same. Sometimes a larger disc (katua) was used as the last of five for driving purposes.
At the end of five throws each, the disc or discs remaining nearest the far end counted for the score, but often there was no score because the last player drove his opponent off the mat and went off himself. The two opponents at the other end played in their turn. The score made by partners was added and the first side that reached a count of 20 took the victory (re). For affiliation of this game, see p. 455.
Though surfboarding (papa 'aka'oro'oro ngaru, board for riding the waves) was mentioned as one of the games of 'papa) were made breast high and that the surf riders clasped the sides of the board with the breast against the end. There is no evidence that they stood on the boards as did the surf riders in
In poro'iti fruit and pandanus from the coast ('ara ta'atai) were also placed in the pit. After being covered up for three days and three nights he emerged fair.
Kites (manu tukutuku) were popular with both adults and children. They were made of crossed hibiscus rods connected at their ends with sennit to form the outer margins of the figure and covered with bark cloth. The cloth was doubled around the sennit margins and the overlap sewn with fiber or stuck with breadfruit gum. An ironwood bodkin was used to pierce the cloth and the fiber threaded through the holes. A tail (ave) with a bunch of hibiscus bast was added to steady the kite. The string (a'o tukutuku) was made of hibiscus bast or banana fiber (kua) and was attached to the middle of the framework. Children made kites from the leaves of the chestnut tree.
In
Manu teketeke vai'i(fig. 160,a).
Manu patiki(fig. 160,b): so called from its lozenge shape which resembles a flounder (patiki).
Manu tangi(sounding kite) (fig. 161,c): this is a variation of themanu teketeke vai'iin which the front end is formed into a gutter and a flap of extra cloth vibrates in the wind to make a roaring sound.
Three, more complicated, kites formerly made in miro with crossbars of reed (kaka'o) and marginal boundaries of hibiscus rods. Each kite had a tail to which was attached a bunch of feathers at the junction to the frame and another at the free end. Between the two bunches of feathers, a number of bunches of dry ti leaf were evenly spaced, the number corresponding to the number of stars in the constellation represented by the kite.
Tops (potaka) were made of wood (potaka rakau) or of the shell of small coconuts (potaka 'akari), the variety of nut which is termed rakita in tamanu, and others. I did not see any old tops in use by children but was assured that the wooden tops resembled the pictures I showed them of Maori tops. Small husked coconuts could be spun with the meat still in them or the meat was rotted out with sea water in the same manner as the coconut water bottles. Some of the emptied coconuts had a hole pierced in the side which caused a sound as the top was spinning.
A strip of hibiscus bast was wound around the middle of the coconut top or near the upper blunt end of the wooden tops and the end twisted around the forefinger. The top was held between the thumb and forefinger, jerked outward quickly, and the strip pulled inward to give the top a rotary spin.
A whip was said to have been made from an aerial root of the banyan, about 2.5 feet long, one end of which was beaten to spread out and soften the fibers. The whip was used to keep the top spinning and the object of the competition was to see who could keep the top spinning the longest. Chants were recited by children and on the last word they all spun their tops by jerking the strip wound around them (70, pp. 328, 329).
Tops were evidently not so important among adults as they were in New Zealand.
A teetotum was called potaka miro because it was made from a miro berry through which a piece of coconut leaflet midrib was thrust until the point protruded a short distance to form the spinning point. The long end was rolled between the palms to cause the toy to spin.
Stilts (rore) were used by both children and adults. The pair I saw in
The stilts were used in
Ball tossing (pei or peipei) was a favorite game among women and was played less often by men. The balls were the fruit of the candlenut, and tamanu were also used. Nowadays, oranges are used.
The ball was tossed vertically in the air and caught in the left hand as it descended. Other balls were added until there were a number in the air, and the competition was based on the number a player could keep going for an appreciable time. To keep four going was fairly easy, but experts reached as many as seven or eight. While the balls were being tossed, a song was chanted.
The Mangaian legend of Ngaru recorded by
|
E pei ka topa i te rima o nga tupuna 'tu, | Ball tossing came down from the hands of old-time ancestors, | |
Na Teiiri na Teraranga. | From Teiiri, from Teraranga. |
However, the Mangaians gave Ngaru the credit of introducing the game into this world.
The game spread through central Polynesia to the east. In
Jackstones (pere, to throw up), which resembles the old English game of knuckle bones, was played by children and adult women, usually with a large number of stones of the candlenut. It was played by two players or two pairs of partners. The principle was to pick up all the stones by different stages, each movement being accomplished while one stone was in the air. A large number of movements have already been described by me for
String figures ('ai) or cat's cradle are still widely known but a collection of them for the different islands of the group would require a special monograph. The string was formerly made of hibiscus bast or oronga. Many of the figures represent incidents in legendary stories, and others are in a series where one figure leads on to a sequence of others by slight changes. Many have chants which are recited as the figure is set up. The making of string figures was part of a child's education as well as recreation, and in adult life failure to form the various figures and to know the chants and stories connected with them was looked upon as a sign of ignorance.
A number of games in which material objects are used may be briefly enumerated.
Skipping (ta'iri kaka) was common among children. A length of vine was used as a rope swung by two children while the others skipped. Single skipping seems to have been absent (70, p. 324).
Swings were made with a single length of vine attached to the branch of a tree, and a crossbar tied to the lower end formed the seat (70, p. 324).
Toboggans (tupa'oro'oro) formed from the butt end of a coconut-leaf midrib ('aniu) were used on convenient hillsides, but there were no special sledges or sliding courses like those in
Coconut-shell shoes (tamaka ipu), formed of the stalk end of the shell with a strip of pandanus passed through the hole and knotted, were used by children. The strip passed between the big and second toe and the end of the strip was held in the hand (70, p. 323).
Passing a marked shell (tukituki teniteni) was a game in which children sat in a circle, all but one holding a half coconut shell without a hole. One shell had the stalk half that was perforated. In time to a chant, all the children beat upon the ground before them with their shells. Commencing with another chant, they passed their shells to the right and stopped on the last word of the chant. The child with the perforated shell was out (70, pp. 323, 324).
Tip cat (ipanapana), a form of cricket with a stick instead of a ball, was described to me in
A number of toys were made by children from coconut or pandanus leaf.
The jew's-harp (pokakakaka) was a piece of coconut-leaflet midrib held in the left hand and vibrated with the right forefinger against a strip of coconut leaflet about an inch wide and bent in an arch in front of the teeth with the ends under the cheeks. Songs were sung as an accompaniment (70, p. 319).
A hoop (potaka) was a leaflet strip half an inch wide, the ends joined with a technique already described (70, p. 319). It was rolled along the beach, particularly when the wind was blowing. Though a child's toy, it was said to have been introduced into
Windmills (porotaka) were made of two leaflet strips doubled and crossed at their middle to form four radiating arms (70, pp. 320, 321).
Spinners (kuere) were formed of a loop of coconut leaflet which spun in the wind (70, p. 321).
Bull roarers (patangitangi) of a simple kind were formed of a strip of coconut leaflet and leaflet midrib. When swung round and round, they made a humming sound (70, pp. 321, 322).
Leaflet canoes (vaka kopae) were young leaves of the coconut that were pinned together. This toy also is said to have been introduced by Ruatapu to intrigue the high chief Taruia (70, p. 322).
There was never a large variety of musical instruments, but now their number has dwindled to slit gongs and shell trumpets. The ancient shark-skin covered drum, formerly so important in festivals and religious ritual, has been supplanted by a copy of the English drum covered with cowhide and beaten with a drum stick during demonstrations of native dances. With the exception of carved specimens of the slit gong, shark-skin covered drums, and two ancient shell trumpets, I have failed to locate old specimens of Cook Island musical instruments in museums and private collections.
Following Hornbostel (43), the instruments may be classified as autophones (slit gongs), aerophones (flute, shell trumpet), and membranophones (shark-skin drum). There were no cordophones or string instruments.
Autophones are instruments which are struck directly, the sound being produced without the aid of a medium. These instruments, which are often wrongly referred to in literature as drums, are called slit gongs here for want of a better term. There are two varieties of slit gongs, the small type still in use and the larger, carved form preserved in museums. They were evidently used throughout the island group.
The small slit gong (tokere) was made from a section of a branch of tamanu or miro. Part of the surface was trimmed fiat longitudinally and a slit cut along it. Through the slit the interior was hollowed out. In most gongs, the long middle slit does not extend quite to the ends but is separated from short end slits by septums of unremoved wood. A different note is obtained by changing the beat from the middle to the ends. A gong with end slits was figured by me (70, p. 355) for
The larger, carved gongs (ka'ara) are typical of
Large gongs were made from a section of tree trunk trimmed to a flat upper surface from which the interior was hollowed out through two long triangular openings connected by a median narrow slit. At the ends, raised bands correspond in width to the thickness of the end walls and encircle the gong, but these bands are flattened on the upper surface. Beyond the raised bands, short, regularly spaced projections extend around the circumference on the same lower plane as the body of the gong. The
The Peabody Museum gong is larger than that in the c, but the figures are elliptical instead of circular.
The
I examined the
The Rarotongan gong differs from the Mangaian form in that the straight base of the triangular openings are curved on the round, the ends are simply crisscrossed with oblique lines, and the body is not carved (fig. 166).
A slit gong in the
Aerophones or wind instruments were bamboo flutes and shell trumpets. There were probably toy trumpets made of coconut leaf twisted into a cone by spiral turns, but I obtained no information concerning them.
Bamboo flutes (ko'e) obtained their name from the native name for bamboo (ko'e). These have long been abandoned, and I know of no authentic specimens preserved in museums. Our knowledge of them is derived from references in literature and in native songs.
Shell trumpets (pu or pu u'o) were made from Triton shells. I was told in a), but he does not show the patch near the hole. However, the larger trumpet bears the number "E.P. 35" showing that he numbered and initialed it. He evidently committed a further error by giving it the length of 7 inches which is the length of the smaller trumpet with a cord attached to its rim (fig. 167, b). Thus Edge-Partington evidently drew the larger trumpet inaccurately by omitting the patch and made confusion worse confounded by giving it the dimensions of the smaller trumpet. Under the circumstances, both trumpets have been tentatively ascribed by me to
The drum (pa'u) in its Polynesian form, was present in all the tamanu, tou, breadfruit, puka, or 'utu. The round block was hollowed out from both ends to leave a wooden partition a little less than a third from the lower end. A circular piece of shark skin was fitted over the upper opening and lashed down by lengths of sennit which were drawn taut and fastened to the lower end. The drum was placed upright on the ground, and the shark-skin membrane was beaten with the bare hands.
The only Cook Islands drums of an old pattern that I know of are four from
Though shape, size, and decoration by carving and painting must have varied in drums of different islands, it is probable that the lashing technique remained the same throughout the group. This technique involved two problems; the upper fixation to the shark-skin cover and the lower fixation to some part of the woodwork.
The upper fixation of the
The second
The Cranmore drum resembles the type specimen closely in shape, cover overlap, direct upper fixation from left to right, lower single slot fixation with tautening loops, and pandanus covering of lower rim. Faint traces of a painted pattern cannot be made out in detail.
A fourth drum in the
It is difficult to decide whether the double slot fixation is merely a variation of
The musical instruments, though few, played an important role in social and religious life. The bamboo flute was the least important, but young men were able to express love messages by means of its plaintive notes.
In Rarotongan tradition (65, vol. 28, p. 121), the great ancestor Tangiia was said to have obtained the sacred dances (eiva) from the gods in 'pa'u (drum), the pu (shell trumpet) and the ka'ara (slit gong). These were placed in the care of Taote, and on the return voyage the drum was beaten (kua rutu te pa'u) and the trumpet was sounded (kua 'akatangi te pu) at each island they reached. On arriving at Kuporu, it was found that the shell trumpet had been left behind at Uea, so the ship returned for it.
The shell trumpet was used to make announcements and assemble people. It served as a military bugle in warning warriors to mobilize.
The shark-skin drums were of even greater importance, as they were used in both civil and religious observances. A drum named Tangimoana (To-sound-at-sea), famous in Rarotongan tradition, was held to have been used on the great marae of Taputapuatea in
In addition, the beating of the drum announced peace.
And now the famous drum of peace, expressly made for this solemn occasion, would be beaten; or, strictly speaking, would be heavily struck with the tips of the fingers. A feast occupied the attention of the warriors and chiefs between the presentation of the bits of ears and the drumming. The performance first took place on the marae of Rongo; a procession was now formed of all the victorious tribes, headed by the king and the hereditary drum-beater, who carried the big drum. This object of mysterious reverence was simply part of a tree, dug out at one end with stone adzes; the aperture being covered with a piece of shark's skin. Each relative of the hereditary drum-player carried a small
drum, to increase the volume of sound, thus assuring fugitives hiding in the rocks and thickets that better days were dawning…. At a certain point all the males of the kingly families united their voices, and all the drums sent forth their agreeable, although monotonous accompaniment.
The slit gong was used to accompany songs and dances. In Mangaia, it was particularly important in performances given to honor the dead some months after death had taken place. kaara), and the harmonicon. Sometimes the 'paû' was added. The musical instruments were called into use between each song; in the case of the 'showery' songs the great drum accompanied the grand chorus." Here paû[pa'u] or shark-skin drum and the slit gong or kaara[ka'ara] which he erroneously terms the great wooden drum. His translation of "the awakener" for kaara might be correct if the word consisted of ka ara (ara, to awake) but the word with the glottal closure is ka'ara and hence has a different root from ara.
It is curious that, though a number of the Mangaian ka'ara slit gongs have been preserved, no specimens of the more important shark-skin drums of
The use of native weapons in warfare was abandoned when the people accepted the sanctions of Christianity. They continued to be used, however, in dances and dramatic representations of events in traditional history. In the course of time, practically all the old clubs that had been made with stone tools were given away or sold to European visitors. For their dances the people replaced the old clubs with new ones of softer wood and made with steel tools and, though the older generations may have copied the original patterns, craftsmanship degenerated so that some of the modern dance weapons cannot be matched with the old specimens that found their way into museums. The people in various islands can still enumerate the names of the old weapons, and many of the names occur in their traditional history. However, as there are no originals and as their descriptions lack detail, I am unable to identify many of the museum specimens I have seen.
Weapons may be divided into clubs, spears, and slings. The spears and slings follow a general pattern, but the clubs in each island vary so much that they are best described separately. Old Museum specimens have been preserved for
The old clubs were made from heart of ironwood which is extremely hard and tough. It takes such a beautiful dark polish that some of the well-made Rarotongan clubs look as if they were made of metal. The heart of ironwood has the specific name of taiki, the term which applies to warriors who used weapons made of taiki. A similar usage exists in the aito and the same term applies to warriors. The general name for ironwood is toa, and this is also a general term for warriors and bravery. The fact that in New Zealand, where there is no ironwood, the Maoris also use the term toa for warrior argues that the association between the ironwood and the warrior had taken place in central Polynesia before the Maoris left. The close association of the ironwood tree with war weapons was recognized to such an extent that if people were seen cutting down such trees it was generally recognized that they were preparing for war and other tribes assumed the alert.
A Mangaian legend states that the first ironwood tree was introduced by the Tonga'iti people, who planted it in the deep valley of Angaruaau in the
A man named Oangi and four friends cut the ironwood tree down with great difficulty. Two of the woodsmen died, so Oangi left and returned with two others to find the tree restored to its standing position, its trunk dyed red with its blood (sap) from the cuts it received when it was felled. Oangi returned home where his two companions died. Oangi, nothing daunted, returned with another party, but Vaotere, the spirit guardian of the tree, afflicted him with blindness so that he could not find the tree.
A man named Ono took up the quest, armed with an ironwood spade. (The legend does not say where he obtained the ironwood for his spade.) He dug down and severed the roots through which the tree had restored itself. As he cut through the tap root, Vaotere, the spirit of the tree, sprang at him with bared teeth, but Ono split his head with the spade. The name of the spade was Rua-i-paku and with it, the tree trunk was split into portions. Thus Rua-i-paku performed the functions of spade, club, and adz. [All ironwood trees are the progeny of the chip from the first tree.]
The momore (with plain blade), momore 'akatara (serrated momore), aro'a (four-sided), tokotoko (short, with blunt end), maka (sling), and toki (stone adz). To these may be added the long and short spears. Atiuans recognized the momore, momore 'akatara, maka, and two spears, but made no mention of the others.
The momore with a narrow two-edged blade was the pattern copied by the Atiuans for their dances, and two old specimens confirm the type (fig. 172, c, d). In some clubs, the blade is so narrow that they look like spears, but the Atiuans distinguish this momore type from spears (tokotoko and tao) which are round in section. The two-edged blade rounds off into the shaft without any distinct shoulder and the lower end is pointed. The lower point is plain
The momore 'akatara is illustrated by a specimen I obtained in tara), and a similar four-point flange is formed a few inches lower down. The shaft continues the four edges of the blade for a short distance and then rounds off. The lower end widens out slightly and then diminishes to a blunt point (fig. 172, e).
Another momore 'akatara seen in momore 'akatara in their list had points below the blade and this description corresponds with the
Figure 172.—a-e, f, a, narrow blade with blunt unflanged point (Fuller coll., 318). b, very narrow blade, with straight flanged point (Fuller coll., ?). c, shortest club with widest part of blade near tip; blunt point with faintly incised double chevron (Fuller coll., d, long point with fairly wide blade; double flanged chevron point (Fuller coll., e, narrow blade with triple chevron motif (1); two sets of four barbs (2, 2); slight enlargement (3) of shaft near proximal end (Bishop Mus., C2918). f, wide paddle-shaped blade; unflanged point accidentally split (Bishop Mus., C2922). Measurements in millimeters.
A momore club given to me in f).
No further information is available about the aro'a and the tokotoko mentioned in edged momore, and the small ones may be the short clubs termed tokotoko in tokotoko means a staff or long spear.
Cook (20, p. 196) indicates that laterally serrated clubs were seen in d may be from momore 'akatara.
The earliest reference in Rarotongan traditions to the varieties of their clubs occurs in the story of Tu-tarangi, an ancestor who lived 33 generations before the ancestor Tangiia (65, vol. 28, pp. 85, 94). Tu-tarangi became involved in a quarrel with another chief, so he sent his son to fell a tree named Te Ii-matoa-i-avaiki from which to make weapons. His son was then ordered to take the wood to Tane. Tane asked that an expert craftsman (ta'unga) be sent to him. Tu-tarangi accordingly sent Rauru-maoa with an offering of food. Tane directed his work, first reciting an incantation to facilitate the splitting of the wood and to give the weapons power (mana). The wood was made into eight weapons of different types and each weapon was given a proper name, as follows:
|
| | Type | Proper Name|
1. | tokotoko | Ni'oni'o-roroa | |
2. | aro | Te Aroaro-rangi | |
3. | kounga | Te Pivai-rangi | |
4. | mata-tupa | Te Mata-tua-vere | |
5. | rupo | Te Po'opo'o-rangi | |
6. | korare | Te Iti-rarerare | |
7. | tao | Rau-tiare | |
8. | 'akatara-kuri | Puapua-inano |
When the weapons were finally smoothed off, they were placed in a house named Oro-kete which stood by the side of Tane's house and contained an altar platform to the god Rongo-ma-Tane. After the weapons had been placed in order on the platform, the expert craftsman returned to Tu-tarangi and informed him that the weapons were finished. In answer to the query as to whether they were good, he replied that there was one in particular named Ni'oni'o-roroa that Tu-tavake had placed on the altar. Ni'oni'o-roroa (long teeth) was so named after the teeth of Tu-tavake. Tu-tarangi sent for his leading warrior Kuru and told him to go and take possession of the weapons that were with Rongo-ma-Tane. Kuru was invited to enter the house and when he did so all the weapons quivered and shook. After examining them all, he selected the weapon Ni'oni'o-roroa, in spite of Tane's warning that it was a weapon of ill omen that would destroy the land. As he left the house, he poised the weapon in his hands and chanted: "Whose is the weapon that will succeed in war ? It belongs to Rongo, to Tane, to Rua-nuku, to Tu, to Tanga-roa." Having dedicated his weapon to the major gods to give it power, he struck and killed two children of Tu-tavake to remove the tapu of newness. He went on and slew the two sisters of the first victims saying, "Women are food for this weapon." He then fought with Tane-au-vaka, the enemy of Tu-tarangi, and slew him. He next fought with Maru-mamao, but Maru-mamao maneuvered so that the sun shone in Kuru's eyes. Maru-mamao then struck Kuru in the face with an adz (toki), and the weapon Ni'oni'o-roroa fell into his hands. A native manuscript belonging to the ariki Kainuku stated that in the religious processions during the takurua festival, the weapon of the god Maru-mamao (or his followers) was a tokotoko. (In the preceding list, the weapon Ni'oni'o-roroa was also stated to be a tokotoko).
In the story of Apakura (65, vol. 30, pp. 241, 249), a war party of 500 men made the following weapons (rakau tamaki) in preparation for a campaign:
- maka e tona toka: slings with their stones
- toro e te 'ana: arrow and the bow
- ka'a ei marei: sennit for slip nooses
- tokotoko
- rupo
- aro
- 'akatara (serrated)
- po'orapa, "and many others" (not named)
Deferring consideration of slings, bows, and nooses, we recognize the tokotoko, rupo, aro, and 'akatara from the previous list. The native text states that the rupo was one arm span long (okota'i maro te roa) and the po'orapa was one yard long, rounded at one end, and with a flattened blade at the other end, like an adz (toki). aro was usually translated as a wooden sword and that the 'akatara was a two-edged barbed spear.
Another weapon mentioned in tradition is the koke (65, vol. 29, p. 132). In a manuscript book, it is stated that the weapon of the god 'Etu-rere was a pare'iti.
In 1896, eleven drawings of Rarotongan weapons were made by
figure 173, a-d shows variations of the common serrated club (fig. 174), but none follow the evenly scalloped blades of the real article. Two of them (fig. 173, b, c) are called 'akatara (serrated). This name is in the previous lists and is probably the correct term applied to the Rarotongan type of serrated club. The first club (fig. 173, a) has concave curves of different sizes, but in all the real clubs, the concave curves are even. The fourth club (fig. 173, d) has convex curves, a feature not present in the large number of clubs examined by me. The name taringa-varu (eight-ears) refers to the eight e-g) are variations of a plain-bladed type (fig. 173, g) represented by real clubs (fig. 178, a), which, how-ever, have a blunt butt point. The names rupo and aro (fig. 173, g, i) occur in previous lists and mata-tupu-rere-te-rangi (fig. 173, j) is evidently a long form of mata-tupa, one of the original eight weapons made in the time of Tu-tarangi. The term momore (fig. 173, h) is the same as the Atiuan term for this form of club and taiki (fig. 173, k) is the term elsewhere used for heart of ironwood.
The name ni'oni'o-roroa which is the proper name for a tokotoko in the original eight weapons is here applied to two different types of clubs (fig. 173, a, e) and one of them (e) is said to have belonged to the ancestor Kuru'eke. Another club (fig. 173, f), said to have belonged to Tu-tapu, the half-brother and enemy of Tangiia, is given the name of orokete which is the same as that of the house in which the original eight clubs were laid on the altar of Rongo-ma-Tane. The taringa-varu and the rupo (fig. 173, d, g) are given to the ancestors 'Iro-nui and Tangiia-nui respectively. 'Iro-nui, Tangiia-nui, and Tu-tapu were contemporaries who lived over six and a half centuries ago, and, though the names of clubs may be associated historically with certain ancestors, it is only by a stretch of imagination that the actual forms of the clubs can be recalled after such a length of time.
The old weapons definitely identified as Rarotongan are serrated clubs and a short implement that may have been used as a hand club. The identification of both types is supported by carving motifs which are peculiar to
Serrated clubs have lanceolate blades with the sides carved with sharp-edged concave serrations. Raised flanges run parallel with the curves of the serrations, and this feature is characteristic of the Rarotongan clubs. The flanges are mostly single, but some clubs may have two, three, or four flanges running parallel with each other. The junction of the blade and the shaft forms a shoulder, because the lowest serration is wider than the shaft. Just below the shoulder, a raised shoulder ornament encircles the shaft. It varies considerably, though the most common motif is some form of the flanged eye that is typical of the wooden images representing the gods (fig. 179). The shaft is long and below the shoulder it has a greater diameter from side to side, corresponding with the blade width, than from front to back. The two diameters gradually approximate, though the shaft rarely becomes quite circular; thus the lateral edges that commence at the shoulder may continue throughout the length of the shaft. The butt end usually terminates in a point and the treatment of the point varies (fig. 177). The neat workmanship and the fine dark polish make the clubs the most attractive in Polynesia.
The club blades are narrow, medium, or wide. In the narrow blade variety, the flanges of the concave serrations from either side meet in the middle line. There is, however, a widening of the blade at about the junction of the upper and middle thirds where the flanges may not meet (fig. 174). In the medium-bladed and wide-bladed clubs, the flanges which run parallel with the concave serrations are widely separated on either side. In the series shown in figure 175, a has plain edges and the shaft is enlarged just below the shoulder evidently for the shoulder ornament. The club is probably an unfinished b) illustrates the medium variety and the other two (fig. 175, c, d) the wide-bladed variety. Practically all the wide-bladed clubs have single flanged serrations, but one in the c has a long, fine blade point which probably was present in most clubs but was broken off in transport or in museums.
Figure 175.—Rarotongan medium and wide serrated clubs. a, Unfinished club: unserrated blade (1) and shoulder enlargement (2) for ornament; has enlargement at butt end of shaft for butt flanges of point. b, medium width blade with single flanged serrations, showing widening space between serrated flanges in upper part of blade. c, wide blade with long thin point. d, wide blade with four small carved panels in middle line of blade; lower part of blade not shown in figure; no shoulder ornament, but six carved panels similar to those on blade encircle shaft 18 inches from butt; sharp butt point with five four-pointed flanges (fig. 177, m). e, wide blade with triple-flange serration in upper half of blade and double-flange serration in lower half. Measurements in millimeters.
Another series of narrow-bladed clubs is shown in figure 176, a-c. The first is so narrow that it almost approaches the form of a spear. The second is wider toward the distal end which is divided into two points. The third widens
Figure 176.—Rarotongan serrated clubs with one to three points. a, long narrow blade with single point and double flanges; four transverse notched bands (1) spaced along blade in space between innermost flanges; no shoulder ornament; blunt butt end (b, two-pointed blade with triple flanges on blade and double flanges on points; five notched bands (1); two double-eye ornaments (2) (c, three-pointed blade with triple flanges on blade, single flanges on points; four notched bands (1); double-eye shoulder ornaments; blunt butt end (Dresden Mus., 15743). d, enlargement of transverse notched band. Measurements in millimeters.
The butt ends of the shafts of the clubs hitherto figured are usually trimmed to flanged points which are not particularly sharp. A few have a blunt end squared off and some have a blunt point without a flange. The flange which forms the beginning of the point is wider and thicker than the part of the shaft immediately above it. In some clubs, the base of the flange is straight transversely, but the usual technique was to cut the base into a V-shaped notch with the point directed downward in the middle line, front and back. This
In some clubs four notches were made instead of the usual two V-shaped notches. This technique forms four upper points, one in the median line back and front and one on each side, making a four-pointed flange. The four-pointed flange is repeated up to five flanges, and one club has two flanged
A distinct subtype is formed by nine (24 percent) of the 37 clubs examined. In all nine clubs, the blade point is blunt as compared with those already described and the butt ends are square. They all have exactly the same design on the shoulder ornament. The butt ends of three clubs are enclosed in a woven cover of bast material, and immediately above it an ornamental sennit binding extends upward on the shaft for a short distance. The binding is worked in the simple lozenge technique in two colors which was used on Rarotongan fan handles. It is possible that the ornamental cover and binding was the correct finish for these clubs. At all events, it stresses the fact that, unlike the other clubs, the butt end was not used for stabbing. These clubs may be divided into two varieties, unserrated and serrated.
Figure 178.—Rarotongan blunt pointed clubs: a, unserrated blade with shoulder ornament (1) (b, common type with triple flanges on blade (Fuller coll., 324). c, double-flanged blade (Liverpool Mus., 7-12-57-79). d, four flanged blade; lower textile cuff (1) covers bottom and extends upward on shaft for 54 mm. and sennit binding (2) extends upward for further 82 mm. (e, enlargement of serrations of b. f, enlargement of c. g, enlargement of d. Measurements in millimeters.
The unserrated clubs were represented by two clubs in the series of nine. On seeing the first in the Manchester Museum (897), I thought it was an unfinished club to which the blade serrations had not been added, though the club was well formed and the blade edges appeared too thin to form flanged serrations. Later I saw another well-finished club of the same form in the rupo shown in figure 173, g. The a).
Serrated clubs are characterized by a comparatively wide blade with a rounded point, and the concave serrations have more than one flange. In the seven serrated clubs, five have three flanges, one has two, and one has four. The lowest blade serration meets the shoulder ornament directly without a shaft space between. For details of the shoulder ornament, which is present in all the clubs, see figure 179, j. Three clubs with varying numbers of flanges are shown in figure 178, b-d, and the general appearance of the cuff and binding is shown in figure 178, d.
The shoulder ornament characteristic of the Rarotongan clubs is based in most forms on the eye motif with flanged lids and brow which forms such a marked feature of the wooden images of gods. The eyeball itself is represented by an elliptical figure with curved flanges above and below that represent the eyelids. In some clubs, an additional curved flange represents an eyebrow. On the wider surface of the shaft corresponding to the wide surface of the blade, the eye motif may be repeated up to five. The commonest form is two eyes with two lids. In some ornaments, the eyeball is replaced by a single or a double transverse bar. Less common motifs consist of zigzag bands and oval panels. (fig. 179).
Two short clubs shaped something like a butcher's cleaver were identified as Rarotongan from the double heads carved on the butt end of the shaft in a manner characteristic of that island. The blade and shaft are also carved. The type specimen selected is in the a, b). A second club in c).
In the list of clubs on page 279, the native description of a po'orapa states that it was short with a rounded handle and a flattened blade like an adz (toki). Though the native historian used the term toki, he may have had in mind an ax, to which the same term applies. In giving the length, he used the term iada, the native form of the English word yard; and though the type specimen figured above is only 13.75 inches in length, it is possible that the use of the word iada was meant to convey the idea of shortness instead of actual measurement. It is possible, therefore, that the name of the short clubs figured was po'orapa.
It is likely that the distal holes in the blades of the short clubs were like the holes in the ears of Rarotongan images, made for the attachment of bunches of feathers. Except for the short handle, the club resembles the New Zealand tewhatewha weapon to the blade of which bunches of feathers were attached through a hole on the proximal side of the blade. To avoid breaking the blade of the New Zealand weapon, the blow was struck with the straight edge or back of the blade; and it is possible that the Rarotongan weapon was used in a similar manner.
The expert use of weapons in ara'a), and wooden swords (aro) were made. A list of weapons was written by the father of my informant, Aituna, on a blank page of the family Bible. The list was headed with the words, "Te 'ata taua na Tonga'iti" (The weapon rack of the Tonga'iti). Eight weapons with accompanying brief remarks were enumerated as follows:
- Tauokura: e taiki roroa, e ono maro, e rima maro, e 'a maro (long iron-wood weapon, six, five, or four arm spans).
- Tarai-matakura-mea: e ara'a (an
ara'a). It had two cutting edges.- Tarai-arorangi: e 'aro (a
'aro).- Upoko-motu: e rapa (broad or paddle bladed); with sharpened edges but differing from an ara'a (no. 2).
- Tao-rangi: e 'a manga (with four branches or points).
- 'Iti-pa'aka: e rua manga (with two points).
- 'Ui-pua: e potakataka, mei te kurukuru te tu (rounded, like a
kurukuru). Aiteina stated that it was a short club up to 3 feet in length with a rounded head like a sling stone (kurukuru).- Kaika'a.
In addition to these, the popo described as an ironwood staff (tokotoko taiki) was used as a club on occasion.
Of the weapons enumerated, only the kaika'a can be definitely identified with existing weapons. This is possible because it was figured by kaika'a), and short hand club.
The type specimen of the spade club, which is in the a).
Since the preceding paragraph was written, I have received a photograph of a club in the d). The shaft is decorated with sennit, which is now loosened and disarranged, but the markings on the d). This weapon (fig. 181, b) confirms the contention that the a) is more a weapon than a spade.
Specimens of serrated clubs were studied in the Fuller collection (a
). At the blade and shaft junction is a raised shoulder ornament with notched mesial and lateral edges and carved like the blade (fig. 182, b) or with chevrons alone (fig. 182. d). The shaft ends in a four-pointed flanged point identical with that in the spade club. A serrated club in the Norwich Museum was figured by Edge-Partington (24, II-9-1) and another in the Douay Museum by Stolpe (64, p. 48, fig. 54). (See figure 181, c.)
The pointed paddle clubs have an elliptical paddle-shaped blade with a long, thin point which gives the clubs a unique appearance. I have seen specimens in the c). The median edges may be continued down the shaft for some distance, but the lateral edges are present throughout the length, of the shaft. The shaft ends in a blunt point with a four-pointed flange similar to that in the spade and serrated clubs. The shaft of the d, e.)
In the Mangaian list of clubs, the upoko motu was described as rapa and as the blade of a canoe paddle is termed the rapa in distinction to the shaft (kakau), it may be that the pointed paddle clubs bore the name of upoko motu.
A plain edged club with a narrow blade and pointed distal end in the f).
A carved shoulder ornament is constant in the serrated and paddle clubs. The lower end of the blade in these clubs narrows and thickens to provide a quadrangular section between blade and shaft, 55 to 70 mm. long. It is marked by sharp lateral and median edges which are regularly notched throughout their length. There are thus two antero-lateral and two postero-lateral surfaces which are completely carved with similar patterns. Two patterns are seen: one with a vertical row of lozenges in the middle line of each surface with chevrons filling in the surface on either side (fig. 182, b, c), the other with horizontal rows of chevrons without any mesial lozenges (fig. 182, d). The first form is a repetition of the pattern on the blades of the serrated clubs on a smaller scale. This form of shoulder ornament is peculiar to
The triple serrated club (kaika'a) is peculiar for Polynesia, in that it has a median row of serrations in addition to the side rows and that the distal end of the blade bends forward at right angles. The lateral serrations are continued on the bent portion but the middle series ends in three long spikes. The shaft is somewhat triangular in section with edges corresponding to the two side edges and mesial edge of the blade. The proximal end has an expanded point with a simple transverse flange that departs from the four-pointed flanges of the preceding weapons. The club figured by
A roughly made, serrated club, without the bent part or the dorsal row of serrations, but with both surfaces ribbed, is in the University of Pennsylvania Museum (2151). It has a quadrangular section at the lower end of the blade and is evidently a modern hybrid between the serrated club and the triple serrated club.
A short, hand club in the ui-pua with a rounded head like a sling stone. Though the Peabody club ends in a square, there are a number of rounded or ribbed flanges which. by a stretch of the imagination, might suggest sling stones (fig. 184).
All but the narrow bladed type (fig. 181, f) and the hand club (fig. 184) have flanged butt points. The triple serrated club has a plain straight flange (fig. 185, a) which represents the stage before notches are cut in the base to make the other type of flange. The common form is the four-pointed flange present in the spade, serrated, and paddle clubs (fig. 185, b-e). Taking the middle point of the straight base in front and at the side, a V-shaped notch is cut and this is repeated on the other side of the median line in front and at the back so that a four-pointed flange is formed with the upper points in the
k-m), but the Mangaian notches are shal-lower and the point of the clubs beyond the flange is very short as compared with those of the Rarotongan clubs. A club in the Fuller collection is ornamented by incised lines following the contour of the point (fig. 185, e) and not distinctly flanged as in the Rarotongan clubs.
Modern clubs used in dances in
Neither on the island itself nor in museums have I seen any old weapons from miiro termed miro mingimingi that grew at Vairota.
The long weapons were termed generally ko, pa'eru, tokotoko, and tadtea, but variations in form received specific names. Of five weapons described, two appear to have been used as clubs for thrusting and striking, whereas the other three may be classified as spears.
The 'iku tuna is about two arm spans long with one end pointed (ko'eko'e) and the other end expanded into a blade with sharpened edges (70, p. 350, fig. 295). The blade was likened to an eel's tail, hence the name of 'iku tuna ('iku, tail; tuna, eel). The weapon was used for thrusting with the point and striking with the blade. It was also thrown.
The no'o mou is about three arm spans in length with a four-sided point (70, p. 350, fig. 297) and a paddle-shaped blade with sharp edges. The weapon was not thrown; the warrior held his ground, hence the name no'o mou (no'o, to remain; mou, fast).
The other three clubs are included under spears.
Five clubs in the a, b) I tentatively attributed to d, e), but authentic Mangarevan staves in the
A third club (fig. 186, c), made of light wood, has a narrow blade with mesial edges and a shoulder ornament consisting of a raised oval protuberance on each of the four edges. The carving on the panels is similar to that of the shoulder ornaments on some of the Rarotongan serrated clubs (fig. 179, r, s). The lower end of the shaft has been cut off so we have no information as to the form of the butt end. However, the carved shoulder ornament is argument in favor of
The other two clubs are made of ironwood and have flanged serrated blades. One (fig. 186, d) has a square end to the blade with a narrower
Old spears, like clubs, are scarce in the
The Fuller collection contains two ironwood spears obtained from the a. The other (no. 2620), which is similar in all respects, is 1,120 mm. long, the blade is 46 mm. in greatest width and 24 mm. thick at the same point, and the shaft is 34 by 31 mm. These spears are evidently from momore clubs shown in figure 172, a, b. The two spears, however, have a blade thickness of 21 and 24 mm., whereas each of the two clubs has a blade thickness of 19 mm. The spears thus have a rounder or more spearlike appearance. However, the transition of this type of spear into narrow-bladed clubs is somewhat arbitrary and the distinction must depend on the use and naming by the native owner.
Atiuan informants said that spears were divided into two forms, tao and vero. The tao was a long spear about three arm spans in length (18 feet). It had a round point and was not thrown. On occasion, it was rested on the shoulder of an assistant for more accurate thrusting.
The vero was a span shorter (11 to 12 feet) and was thrown or thrust. A vero shown me was 12 feet 4 inches long and had both ends pointed in leaf fashion (fig. 187, b). Another vero was 11 feet 7 inches long and had a round point with a straight flange (fig. 187, c). It was said to have been a tao originally, but about 6 feet had broken off one end. The broken end had been trimmed to a round point with a flange. Both spears were made of ironwood which corroborates Cook's statement that the spears were made of the same wood as the clubs.
In tao was said to be a short throwing spear with a rounded point and the vero, a long spear.
In okiri but no details were obtained.
For tao was an ancient short throwing spear, a tao-rangi an ancient spear pointed at both ends, and a tao-rua an ancient spear approximately 18 feet long. He gives Vero as a dart or thrusting spear and tokotoko as a staff or walking stick.
In Rarotonga, I saw two old ironwood spears in the possession of the Vakatini family. Both were just over nine feet long and thus come under the term of tao. One had the point barbed on one side (fig. 187, d) and the other had an elaborate point furnished with a series of four-pointed barbs termed ni'o pongaponga (fig. 187, e).
A spear in the h) is pointed at each end and ornamented with spaced bands of sennit lashing, after the manner of
In tara ta'i (one point). It was thrust or thrown. A more elaborate spear with a series of barbs in sets of four was termed puapua inano (male ni'o pongaponga barbs of e). In this form, the barbs all point toward the shaft, but in a variation some of the barbs are directed toward the point, probably in a manner similar to some barbs in the Rarotongan spear. Sometimes the barbed point was made separately and then lashed to a shaft. The weapon was used in hand-to-hand fighting or thrown. The puapua inano barb with four points is supported by the statement of
Their spears are about twelve feet and thick in proportion, some of them of hard toa, very much barbed near the point, others of bamboo pointed with toa wood, and one I got pointed with pieces of the sun-ray's tail, and must be a very dangerous weapon.
A picture by Tobin (46, p. 134) shows a man holding a many-barbed spear which illustrates the first type referred to by
Another spear, termed tu-a-rupe, was localized to the old village of puapua inano as regards the four-pointed barbs but was much shorter. It also had a separate point joined to the shaft (70, pp. 350, 351).
Slings (maka) were the projectile weapons of Polynesia, as bows and arrows were the projectile weapons of A). A very old one in the possession of the Rongo-ma-Tane family of oronga thread in what seemed to resemble the New Zealand two-pair interlocking weft used in weaving (69, p. 66). At the commencement of the pouch, the coir cords were included in the oronga crossing weft strokes in pairs for a length of 57 mm. and then the cords were separated to be caught in the weft singly to widen the middle part of the pouch (fig. 188, a). Owing to the decay of the other end of the pouch, the length of the middle part could not be determined, but the cords were paired again before reaching it. The paired cords
The deterioration in technique is shown in two modern slings from b). In the other, the sennit lengths are simply brought together, tied with coir two-ply cord, and three lengths continued as a braid to form the strings (fig. 188, c). Neither sling has a wrist loop, but each has one string longer than the other for tying to the wrist.
Sling stones (po'atu maka or toka maka) have been picked up, recognized, and identified by the older people. The
e was picked up from an old battlefield; f is more cylindrical than round.Figure 189.—
Basalt in volcanic islands was the natural material for sling stones. Though water-worn pebbles from streams may have been used, the fact remains that stone was trimmed to a spherical shape because the slingers recognized that they were more effective in that form. From the worldwide distribution of the spindle-shaped form, it would seem that other areas including
Stalactites and stalagmites are present in caves in
Meshed bags of sennit were used to carry supplies of sling stones into action.
The meshed appearance of the bags conveys the impression that they were made with the netting technique used in the larger meshed bags which were for carrying provisions (pl. 12, B, D). In netting, however, a single continuous cord is used and the margin or rim of the bag must end in mesh loops as do fishing nets, whereas the sling-stone carriers end in a marginal rim of three-ply braid that involves the use of a number of cords or braids. The carriers were commenced with a number of lengths of sennit looped over a bottom ring of sennit. Adjacent lengths were tied with an overhand knot to form meshes and, after the depth was obtained, the ends of the braid were plaited in a three-ply braid to define the opening of the bag. Two lengths of sennit, threaded through the meshes below the rim from opposite ends, served to close the bag and could be tied around the waist or slung over the shoulder. (See plate 12, C and, for technique, figure 190.)
The usual throw was overhand, but an underhand throw was used if the enemy was at a higher elevation than the slinger. With one string looped around the right wrist, the slinger held both strings at an even distance from the loaded pouch. When the pouch reached the desired forward momentum, the slinger opened his hand, and the stone was discharged with great velocity.
In
Women and children brought up extra supplies of sling stones to the rear ranks of their own troops engaged in action.
The best native account of the use of slings in battle has been described by me elsewhere (15, pp. 107-109). In the battle, the Atiuan attackers slowly crawling over their clubs laid down over the sharp points of makatea coral surrounding a upoko-rakau to give power and direction to his throw. The incantation preserved by the Rongo-ma-tane family is as follows:
Incantation of Takere
|
Ko au teia ko, Takere, | This is I, Takere, | |
Mapi'i tuauruuru e taka, | A fish firmly established in the reef, | |
ana i te rua i te moake, | unmoved by the northeast wind, | |
E 'ua tapotupotu no runga | Restless seed nourished | |
i te tua o Rangiatea. | on the back of Rangiatea. |
|
'Uria e rapa 'enua, | Overturn the buttress of the land, | |
E 'enua kua 'uri i Te | The land that was overturned | |
Tumu-o-' | Avaiki , e taku atua.by the Foundation-of-'Avaiki, O my deity. |
|
E po'aki ko Ruru-roro, | A sling stone is Ruru-roro, | |
E maka ko Tu-kai-pakora. | A sling is Tu-kai-pakora. | |
Oioi e, tikitiki ki te atea. | O Oioi, bring them out into the open. | |
E manga koe na taku po'aki! | You are food for my sling stone! |
In the chant, Rangiatea was the name of Rongo-ma-tane's house where Takere was brought up. Informants stated that Te Tumu-o-'
Slip nooses made of sennit (ka'a) plaited into a rope were used as an accessory means of disabling an enemy and rendering his final disposal with a club easier.
In the Rarotongan version of the story of Apakura (65, vol. 30, p. 249), mention is made in the native text of "te kaa ei marei" (the sennit for snaring) among the weapons prepared for attack. In the campaign which followed (65, vol. 30, p. 251), the invading chief Vaka-tau-ii fought in single combat against the enemy leader Orokeva-uru. They fought from stationary footholds which were deepened into holes (erunga) by the movement of their feet. When evening fell without victory to either, the warriors retired with the intention of resuming the combat next day. In the night, a supporter of Vaka-tau-ii laid a rope snare (ereere) around the hole made by Orokeva-uru and covered it with sand. He took the end of the rope on board his canoe which was anchored off the beach. The next day after the two warriors recommenced the combat from their own holes, the rope was pulled from the canoe, the noose tripped Orokeva-uru, and Vaka-tau-ii killed him.
In the Rarotongan story of the battle against the tyrant Apopo by invading Marquesans (65, vol. 29, p. 136), Apopo put up a strong resistance on the side of a tree-covered hill. Three Marquesan brothers advanced to the attack. The eldest brother Parau-rikau advanced up the hill from the shore while the others, Pukuru and Atoto, made a detour to get behind Apopo. They camouflaged themselves with leafy branches and headdresses of coconut leaves and crept up behind Apopo, who disregarded his daughter's warning that there was death behind him. The native text, in which I have inserted glottals, states:
|
Kua 'akapu'era ake ra a Pu-kuru ma Atoto i te ka'a, ka titiri ki runga i te kaki o Apopo, kua mou te koke a Parau-rikau ki te pakuivi, kua piri te ka'a ki te kaki… kua topa a Apopo ki raro. | Pu-kuru and Atoto opened up the sennit (noose), threw it over the neck of Apopo, the the weapon of Parau-rikau struck him on the shoulder, the sennit (noose) closed tight around the neck… Apopo fell down. |
The slaying of Apopo resulted in victory for the Marquesans.
In puao'uru whereas in ka'a though the actual noose is termed marei and ereere ('ere'ere). The following quotation (76, p. 64) illustrates the Mangaian use of the noose:
Moerangi, a son of Tokoau, seeing Raumea descending one of the paths from Vaitatei on his way to Ivirua, arranged his own rate of progress so as to meet him near the summit of Rangimotia. As Raumea passed, Moerangi threw a sennit rope noose (
puao'uru) over his head so as to imprison his arms. Raumea was rendered helpless and was killed.
The three stories show the use of the noose on three parts of the body, the legs, arms, and neck; but in all of them the element of trickery is present.
Among the weapons enumerated in the Rarotongan version of the Apakura story (p. 279), occur "toro e te ana" (arrow and the bow). A ana) was used in war, but outside the Rarotongan reference, there is no definite mention of its use in native historical narratives. If it was actually used in war, it is reasonable to suppose that it would have been employed in the more recent wars in
Children in modern times use the bow and arrow in play. The bow is usually made of the introduced orange or guava wood and the arrow of cane (teka). It is possible that the natives learned the sport from the children of Europeans.
The term ana is given by ana also means an arch it could have been applied to the bow in post-European times, in spite of the fact that the name occurs in the legendary story quoted above. In tokini which is evidently a modern local term that does not necessarily carry age. The term toro means a point and as a term for arrow could have been applied descriptively in modern times.
Various informants have stated that stone adzes (toki), hafted to short handles, were used as weapons in war. Every craftsman had a short handled adz and could use it as a weapon if it was handy when he was attacked. It could also be used to cut off the head of a slain enemy. As so many types of weapons were made for the specific purpose of fighting, it is doubtful whether the stone adz was other than a makeshift weapon.
An antui), concealed in a fan formed of a bunch of ti leaves, was used as a dagger to kill the giant Ta'iri-te-rangi, who had tyrannized over the island. This again was a makeshift weapon used treacherously on a single occasion. The dagger as a special weapon was not known.
The material objects associated with the religion of the
The temple (marae) consisted of an open court built up or defined by a curb of rocks, filled in to level the area, and carpeted with gravel, preferably of white coral. A raised platform of stone or wood termed an atarau was erected at one end of the court. Decorative carved slabs termed unu were set up on the platform and on the margins of the court. There were houses for storing the gods, carved slabs, and such other things as may have been used by the priests.
In the campaign conducted by the white missionaries and Tahitian native pastors for the conversion of the people to Christianity, the first requisites were the demolition of the temples and gods. In
…the assembled multitude yielded their cordial assent. As soon as the meeting broke up, a general conflagration of the maraes took place; and so complete was the destruction, that, on the following morning, not a single idol temple remained unmutilated.
The same Papeiha was later stationed at
The teachers informed him that he must destroy his maraes and burn his idols, to which he instantly replied, "Come with me and see them destroyed." On reaching the place he desired some person to take a fire-brand, and set fire to the temple, the
atarau, or altar, and theunus, or sacred pieces of carved wood by which the marae was decorated.
A similar fate overtook the maraes in the other islands. All that was inflammable was burnt and even the stones were displaced. In later years, stones from the maraes were used for the walls of taro patches and for other modern utilitarian purposes. The Mokoiro marae in
Though the names and sites of the maraes in each island are remembered by the older people, most of them are marked only by a few stones that remain imbedded in the ground.
The platforms (atarau) on the court evidently were made either of wood or stone. In
The decorative slabs or posts (unu) were part of the temple appurtenances and were evidently erected after the court was weeded and before the ritual took place. The Rarotongan history (65, vol. 3, p. 262), in describing a ceremony on the court of Arai-te-tonga, gives the following account in the native text for which I have used my own translation:
|
Kua vaere te ta'ua | Weeded was the court of | |
i Arai-te-tonga ma Tau-ma-keva. | Arai-te-tonga and Tau-ma-keva. | |
E oti ake te ta'ua kua ipuipui te marae, kua 'akatu te umu [unu], kua iriiri ki te pou ki te marae, kua tau te kai i te takurua. | When the court was cleared, set in order was the temple, erected were the carved slabs, hung to the posts on the temple, laid out was the food for the ceremonial feast. |
In iriiri (to hang upon) refers to unu. It would seem that between ceremonies, the carved slabs were stored away in a house on the marae and set up again on posts after the court was weeded in preparation for the next ceremony. I know of no carved unu slabs from unu. A bottom projection on these slabs looks as if it might be stuck into the ground, but some of the slabs have coir decorations that would not show up on the ground. If hung on posts, however, the decorations would hang down and render this decorative technique effective. (See figs. 203, b, d and 204.) A similar explanation applies to the spatulate lower ends of the
Houses on the temple courtyard were a constant feature of the Tahitian and Hawaiian temples, and it is probable that they were erected on the are ei 'au, house for peace) were about six feet long, were well thatched with pandanus leaves, and had a small doorway screened with white bark cloth (76, p. 173). In
Mangaian gods were wrapped in a special, thick, white bark cloth termed tikoru. The priests also used tikoru, and it may be assumed that the priests of the other islands had special garments that were used during religious ritual. Such garments would be tapu and would probably be stored in a marae house when not in use. Sacred things were too dangerous to keep in the ordinary dwelling houses. The priests of tikoru.
Though most of the gods were committed to the flames on the conversion of the Cook Islanders to Christianity, many were spared to be exhibited at the missionary headquarters in
The gods and bundles of gods, which had escaped destruction, thirty-one in number, were carried in triumph to the boat; and we came off to the vessel with the trophies of our bloodless conquest, "rejoicing as one that findeth great spoil."
Williams (81, p. 91) describes the arrival of the missionaries at
With grateful hearts we now turned our faces homewards; where, after eight or ten days' sail, we arrived in safety. And, as other warriors feel a pride in displaying the trophies of their victories, we hung the rejected idols of
Aitutaki to the yard-arms and other parts of the vessel, entered the harbour in triumph, sailed down to the settlement, and dropped anchor amidst the shouts and congratulations of the people.On the following Friday evening the idols were suspended about the chapel, the chandeliers of which were lighted as before.
From
A study of the material gods shows that though all the islands of the group shared the same major gods such as Tangaroa, Tane, Rongo, and others, the
Rarotongan gods were of wood carved in conventionalized human forms. Those available for study comprise two groups: (1) images consisting of one main figure and (2) multiple figures with an intermediate plain staff around which tapa was wrapped originally.
The images consist of two forms: the so-called fisherman's god and a figure with three small figures on its breast, said to be Te Rongo.
A number of images called the fisherman's god are found in museums (pl. 13, D, E). Their function rests solely on the authority of Williams, who figured one of them (81, p. 100) and referred to it thus (81, p. 99):
An idol, of which the figure on the opposite side is a correct representation, was placed on the fore part of every fishing canoe; and when the natives were going on a fishing expedition, prior to setting off, they invariably presented offerings to the god, and invoked him to grant them success.
Ellis (25, vol. 2) includes a similar figure in a frontispiece with a number of other gods, and labels it and a Tahitian image with the same number, 7. In the figure legend he refers to 7 as "Orametua." He has thus confused a Rarotongan image with the orometua or ti'i images of ng sound in taringa and other words was used throughout the Cook group. There is no evidence that the Rarotongan god had the same name as the Atiuan god, and it is probable that the name was given by museum people because the fisherman's god happened to have big ears (fig. 191).
The characteristics of the fisherman's god are the short, thick-set, sturdy body with a large well-formed head with high forehead and specialized eyes, mouth, and ears. The head is sufficiently large to allow the craftsman to carve in details in a bold and striking manner. The eyes are extremely large, the inner angles almost meeting and the outer angles well out on the sides of the face. The eye areas are left as large elliptical areas projecting above the general plane of the face. Each eye consists of four elements: eyeball, lower and upper lids, and brow. The eyeball is elliptical, being pointed at the inner and outer angles. The lids and brow are formed in bold curves which form raised flanges. The two brows meet in the middle line. The curved planes of the cheeks meet in the middle line to form a vertical edge which extends downward in a straight line from the eyes to the mouth with no attempt to define a nose. The mouth is formed by four curved lines cut down into the general plane of the face, wider in the middle and narrowing to the outer ends. They define what I assume to be a middle tongue and upper and lower lips. The lowest of the curved lines is placed so that the chin is of the same thickness as the lips and tongue, which lends another characteristic feature to the appearance of the images.
The ears are set slightly back from the outer angles of the eyes and form projecting ellipses from which the inner part has been cut away to conform to the outer shape. A hole, usually square, is pierced through the posterior part. The straight chin and lower jaw line is carried obliquely upward below the ear and is continued horizontally across the back of the head. The wood is cut away between this line and the shoulders, both at the sides and back, and thus results in a distinctive, clearly denned, short neck.
The shoulder line is carried across the back as a straight edge. The shoulders are square, and large perforations free the upper arms from the chest. The forearms are flexed and the large expanded hands rest on the sides of the abdomen. Five or sometimes four fingers are defined by straight incisions. Nipples are shown, and the abdomen is large and distended with a protruding navel usually circular in form. A phallus with a large glans was always present, but in some museum specimens it had been amputated either by the missionaries or native converts. It is absent in the
Two images in the
The three-limbed motif (fig. 192, d, 3), somewhat resembling the rau-teve motif in tattooing, is placed on the front of the ear instead of the back. The vertebra motif (fig. 192, d,1, upper part) is on the thighs instead of the back of the neck. The other painted image has a simple motif of wide bands, most of them with serrated edges (fig. 193).
The second type of human figure is larger than the fisherman's god and bears three small human figures on its breast. The head is large with well-flanged eyes, notched mouth, and ears of the same form as those of the fisherman's god, but the head and face are narrower in proportion to height. A new element is the well-shaped nose with carved nostrils. A long, well-shaped neck separates the jaw line from the shoulders, and the upper shoulder line is carried across the back as a straight edge. Two projecting breasts are high up on the chest, and the three small figures in full face appear below them, the middle figure being in the mesial line. The abdomen is large and protruding with a circular raised navel pitted in its center. The upper arm is long and vertical, free from the chest, and is carved with full-face human figures on its outer surface. The hand is large, four-fingered, and flexed onto the side of the
The image is made of ironwood and has a fine polish. Its greater height gives it a more slender appearance than the fisherman's god, yet they have certain elements in common. The general shape of the head and the technique of the eyes, mouth, and ears is identical. The continuation of the jaw line across the back and the straight shoulder line across the back are similar and the resultant neck differs merely in length. The arm and hand technique is
Elaboration has taken place in the longer neck, the definite nose with well-defined nostrils, and the addition of secondary figures. The secondary figures are of two types; breast figures carved in the round and arm figures carved on the flat. In both forms the artist's field is restricted in area, and the details of technique established on larger figures were difficult to produce on the smaller figures. The result has been the natural elimination of some details that would have required more space than was available. Thus while the characteristic eye pattern was observed, the brow element was omitted in both types. The full mouth pattern consists of four curved notches, but in the breast figures one notch was omitted and in the arm figures two were omitted. The ears offered no problem, and in the arm figures they are exceptionally large to balance the rectangular panel that forms the field of the figure. In the breast figures the large protruding abdomen is maintained because the figure is carved in the round, but in the flat arm figure the abdomen is represented by a knob. The upper limbs lose details as to forearm and hand in both types and are represented by raised ridges, which are separated in the round figure, owing to distance, but run together in the flat figure. The lower limbs in the round figure are capable of following the flexed pattern, but the feet are left out. The angular notches associated with the feet of larger figures are included on the lower edge of the flexed leg. In the flat figure the flexed limb pattern becomes flattened out with the knee angle toward the middle line, and neither feet nor notches are present. Thus extreme conventionalization occurs in the smaller figures influenced primarily, no doubt, by the limitations of space but also affected by an artist's ideas of values. A secondary figure is an ornamental detail and does not need the elaboration of the main figure.
The
Staff gods are long staves of ironwood with an expanded upper end carved into a large head in profile, succeeded by a number of smaller figures. Similar
Apart from the presence of the face technique typical of the Rarotongan fisherman's god, the identification has been placed beyond doubt by Williams (81, pp. 98, 99):
A day or two afterwards, they requested us to take our seat outside the door; and, on doing so, we observed a large concourse of people coming towards us, bearing heavy burdens. They walked in procession, and dropped at our feet fourteen immense idols, the smallest of which was about five yards in length. Each of these was composed of a piece of
aito, or iron-wood, about four inches in diameter, carved with rude imitations of the human head at one end and with an obscene figure at the other, wrapped round with native cloth, until it became two or three yards in circumference. Near the wood were red feathers, and a string of small pieces of polished pearl shells, which were said to be themanava, or soul of the god. Some of the idols were torn to pieces before our eyes; others were reserved to decorate the rafters of the chapel we proposed to erect; and one was kept to be sent to England, which is now in the Missionary Museum. It is not, however, so respectable in appearance as when in its own country; for his Britannic Majesty's officers, fearing lest the god should be made a vehicle for defrauding the king, very unceremoniously took it to pieces; and, not being so well skilled in making gods as in protecting the revenue, they have not made it so handsome as when it was an object of veneration to the deluded Rarotongans.
Makea Ariki of
… we prepared for our missionary meeting; at which from two to three thousand people assembled, many of whom had come from
Huahine and Tahaa; with the noble chief, also, fromRarotonga , whose presence, together with the exhibition of the neglected idols of his people, added to the interest of the occasion. This was the third time we had enjoyed the privilege of exhibiting to the Raiateans the abandoned idols of other islands.
It is evident that the various types of gods in the
Large staff gods. The frontispiece in d, and the pattern of the bark-cloth wrapping in figure 28, b.
Williams (81, p. 99) mentions that red feathers were placed next to the wood under the cloth with pieces of polished pearl shell to form the manava or "soul" of the god. This may have been a constant feature, but, as the specimen sent to the Missionary Museum and now in the C.) The correct length of the image sent to
Of the nine incomplete specimens the
In preparing the timber for the large gods, the craftsman adzed the upper part into a thick plank and trimmed the section for the large head so that the two surfaces formed two inclined planes which met at an edge in front. The back retained the full thickness of the plank. The front and back lines of the head are vertical and parallel, and the front mesial edge extends from the top of the head to the chin. The flanged eye is carved some distance below the vertex and gives the effect of a high vertical forehead. The eye technique is similar to that in the fisherman's god, with a transverse pointed ellipse for the eyeball, a curved raised flange below for the lower lid, and two similar flanges above for the upper lid and the eyebrow. The eye extends across the lateral surface of the face, leaving just enough space behind it for the raised ear. The ear and mouth have the same techniques as the fisherman's god, and there is no nose. From the chin, the lower jaw line inclines upward and backward in a straight line to meet the vertical posterior line of the head and then cuts horizontally across the back. Below this line, a square-cut groove at the sides and back form a short neck. Below the neck comes the shoulder, arm, and hand which form the posterior boundary of the first small figure. The posterior border of the shoulder and arm is serrated. In ten specimens the vertical height of the head from chin to vertex ranged from 195 mm. to 310 mm.; the head width from the front back from 81 mm. to 160 mm.; and the thickness at the back from 45 mm. to 72 mm. (See figure 196.)
In describing the upper series of small figures it is convenient to place the artifact on its back, as in figure 197. In this position the upper edge of the wood was cut with a number of fairly deep and wide notches to form rectangular projections. Commencing from the large head, the projections were carved alternately in full face and in profile. The full face figures were carved with
At the end of the double row of figures, there is usually a single full-faced figure carved on either side of the beginning of the staff section. The number of figures varies in the different gods, but the number in the top row ranges from four to eight (fig. 197).
On the back surface, there is a full-face figure on the same level as the first small figure near the large head and the rest of the surface is notched transversely at regular intervals (fig. 197, e).
The middle section which is the longest is a plain rounded staff covered with rolls of tapa forming a large-sized wrapping. It is absent in the museum specimens that have been cut short, but fortunately the technique is present in the complete
The lower section also has small figures arranged in two rows and it ends in a phallus with a well-defined glans. In the
Small staff gods. Small staff gods are like the large gods, but less carefully carved, with the edges between chipped hollows unsmoothed. They have been preserved whole, except one in the
In this series, the height of the large head ranged from 105 mm. to 182 mm.; the head width from the front back from 45 mm. to 81 mm.; and the thickness at the back from 33 mm. to 45 mm. The eyes of the large head were formed by incising curves on the general plane of the face and consequently there are no raised eye flanges. The lines of eyes and mouth are not always regular and they may be reduced in number. The ears are not pierced.
The small figures are fewer in this series. Though upper and lower rows are usual, some single figures, both full-face and profile, occupy the full depth of the surface. In the large staff gods, the first small figure is always full-face, but in the series of eight small gods, two are in profile. There are no triangular perforations to define the lower figures, but triangular depressions may be present in some. Below the hand of the large head, however, there is usually a square perforation. In some, the small figures are replaced by a full plain panel with serrated edges; in others, the lower figures are replaced by a serrated plain panel, zigzag lines, or dots. The profile figures are devoid of a phallus. Most of the specimens have the small full-face figure on the commencement of the staff section. Further details are shown in figure 199.
The middle staff section is very long in proportion to the other two carved sections in order to provide space for the cloth wrapping. Of the series of eight, only two in the
The lower carved section has an upper and lower row of small figures, except in two specimens in which one full-face figure occupies the whole upper and lower space. In all except one, the last figure is a single profile figure facing toward the phallic terminal. The one exception to the end profile figure is a specimen which has no small figures at all (fig. 200). In the upper row the profile figures greatly outnumber the full-face figures. In seven gods, there are 22 profiles to 3 full faces. They are usually arranged in two groups with a short length of bare staff between them. Adjacent profile figures are carved back to back. The lower row is always full-face of the non-perforated variety, except in three panels in which the raised zigzag motif is used.
Double-figure staff god. The third type is composed of three sections but differs from the preceding forms in that the upper section is flat and wide instead of a narrow plank set edgewise. The single large head in profile is replaced by two fully formed figures with flexed arms and fully shaped flexed legs. The small figures are in single rows looking outward from either side edge of the expanded upper portion. These figures are full face with well-formed head, body, and limbs. In the wide space between the lateral edges,
The middle section is a rounded staff that was probably covered with a cloth wrapping. The lower section is ornamented by two pairs of back to back profile figures and it ends in a phallus. The specimen in the
The order and arrangement of the multiple small figures in the staff gods follow a similar pattern but a good deal of variation exists in their anatomical details (fig. 202).
Large ears are prominent in Rarotongan images and staff gods, a feature which persists in the smaller figures of the staff gods. In the profile figures, the ears are readily distinguished because the eyes and mouth are well defined. The head parts of the profile figures are similar in the three types of staff gods. They all have recognizable eyes, mouth, and ears though the incised curves around the eyeball may diminish to one above and one below and the mouth may be defined by one notch. In one of the smaller staff gods (fig. 199, f, 4), the mouth is omitted. In the large staff gods, the area given to the profile figure is so short that the body and limb elements cannot all be included below the head; but, owing to the inclination upward and backward of the jaw line, it has been possible to include an upper limb element to balance the figure (fig. 202, f, g, h). In one figure where the jaw line is horizontal, the upper limb element had to be omitted (fig. 202, i). In all the profile figures of the large staff gods, the phallus is under the chin of the profile head. This is ridiculous anatomy, but it must be remembered that a horizontal slit between the upper adjacent figures served a useful purpose in fastening feather decorations. The phallus was a common motif in carving, hence it was natural enough to carve the bar above the slit into an art form to serve as a cleat for fastening feathers in an appropriate position. Function, not anatomical position, decided the form of motif selected.
In the large staff gods, the profile heads are above highly conventionalized figures in full face (fig. 202, f-i) with the limbs partly defined by triangular perforations. In the small staff gods, the first full-face figure of the lower row may occur under the first profile figure of the upper series (fig. 199, b,5), but the triangles defining the body and limbs do not perforate the wood. The other full-face figures of the lower row are usually simple in form without the defining triangles (fig. 199, c,3, 3, 7). Again in the double-figure staff god and some of the figures in the smaller staff gods, the area usually devoted to full-face figures of the lower row is given to limb elements for upper profile heads (fig. 199, c,6 and f,4).
The full-face, small figures are so highly conventionalized that their anatomical parts would not be recognized were it not that the key is supplied by the profile figures on the same god. The key is the consistency in the shape and the position of the ear motif. In the upper figures in figure 202, b, c, d, there is no difficulty in recognizing as ears the slanting, projecting, and elliptical motif hollowed out in the middle, because of their resemblance to the definite ears in the profile figures. The notched part between the ears must therefore
c,2, what we know to be ears could quite excusably be regarded as eyes and the middle face motif might well be regarded as a nose with expanded nostrils with a small mouth below it. I tested the drawing on members of the Museum staff and, without exception, they diagnosed the elements as eyes, nose, and mouth. Thus the inaccurate interpretation fits the actual appearance of the figure better than the true one.
The secondary, lower full-face figures below the profile figures in the large staff gods are formed by a more specialized technique than those below the full-face figures of the upper row. In these, the ears and notched face are similar but the body and limbs are defined by perforated triangles and both hands and feet are further distinguished by two incised lines which divide them into three fingers and three toes. Owing to the limitations of space, there is no neck and the arms branch off from the outer sides of the ears (fig. 202, f-i).
The highly conventionalized full-face figures by themselves would be regarded as examples of "degradation in art", but as they occur in association with well-executed figures on the same object made by the same artist, such a theory is untenable. It must be conceded that the artist was influenced not only by the limitations of space, but that he had a set of values in which secondary parts of his creation purposely did not receive the care devoted to the principal motifs.
The study of the material symbols of the gods of
After the Tahitian teachers, Papeiha and Vahapata, were stationed in
The whole population then came in procession, district after district, the chief and priest leading the way, and the people following them, bearing their rejected idols, which they laid at the teachers' feet, and then received from them in return a few copies of the gospels and elementary books.
Williams (81, p. 92) evidently had the right idea of the value of the gods as museum specimens for he says:
I obtained from the chief of
Aitutaki a short account of the relics of idolatry. Twenty-five of these I numbered, and transmitted, with their name and history, to the deputation then atTahiti ; six others were sent to England, and many of them are now in the Missionary Museum.
Williams (81, p. 93) then described a selection to give the reader a general idea of the whole. As any information collected at that time may be valuable, the list of selected objects and their numbers are repeated here in full.
Number 2. An idol named Te Rongo, one of the great deities, called a
kai-tangata, or man-eater. The priests of this god were supposed to be inspired by a shark.Number 8. Tangaroa; the great national god of
Aitutaki , and of almost all the adjacent islands. He holds the net with which he catches the spirits of men as they fly from their bodies, and a spear with which he kills them.Number 15. A rod, with snares at the end, made of the fibers of the cocoa-nut husk, with which the priest caught the spirit of the god. It was used in cases of pregnancy, when the female was ambitious that her child should be a son, and become a famous-warrior. It was also employed in war-time to catch the god by his leg, to secure his. influence on the side of the, party performing the ceremony.
Number 18. Ruanuu; a chief from
Raiatea , who, ages ago, sailed in a canoe from that island, and settled atAitutaki . From him a genealogy is traced. He died atAitutaki , and was deified, asTe atua taitai tere, or the conductor of fleets. The Raiateans haveseveral interesting traditions connected with Ruatiuu. To this idol was appended an old tattered silk handkerchief, and the foot of a wine-glass; both of which were obtained from Captain Cook 's vessel, and dedicated to Ruanuu, "the god or guide of fleets", for conducting that celebrated navigator to their shores.Number 25. Taau, with his fan, etc.; the god of thunder. When the thunder peals, the natives said that this god was flying, and produced this sound by the flapping of his wings.
Williams uses the Tahitian dialect with the dropped k, so Ruanuu and Taau would be Ruanuku and Takau in the
The six gods that reached the Missionary Museum in
The
The carved slabs resemble some of the unu carved ornaments figured by Ellis (25, vol. 2, p. 217) on a picture of a Tahitian temple. Carved unu ornaments were used on the Rarotongan temples, and it is probable that they were used also on Aitutakian temples. Though each of the three slabs in the unu and were termed idols by the missionaries because they were used in the temples. They are flat pieces of wood, usually carved on both sides, and narrowed at the lower end into spatulate form.
In the simpler forms, the carving motifs consisted of serrated edges, raised serrated bars, and sunken or pierced triangles. In the better carved forms, a, b; the raised serrated bar in 203, a, b, c; the sunken lozenge in 203, b; the chevron-triangle motif in 203, c; and the sunken crescent in 203, c.
Two carved slabs; in the Lille Museum have been described by Stolpe (64; pp. 41-43, figs. 47, 48) and are here reproduced in figure 204.
In the Lille slabs, the serrated edges with alternating sunken triangles and the raised zigzag bar in one slab (fig. 204, b) are characteristic of b,3) which is a further elaboration of the triangle-chevron motif (fig. 203, c). The coir cord ornament with transverse tufts of coir fiber occurs in both slabs and is identical in technique with that in figure 203, d. Stolpe (64, p. 41) states that the origin of the Lille figures is unknown but that they belonged to a large collection
Two carved slabs of a simple type in the a says, "Brought home probably in
The most elaborately carved slab of the series brings in new features in the presence of pierced dome-shaped protuberances at the upper end and arches with cleats for the attachment of feather decorations (pl. 14, A). It was figured by Edge-Partington (24, 1-23-1). (See figure 206.)
The feathers used are red parakeet, split black man-of-war hawk, and small white and long white tropic bird feathers. The red feathers are tied in small bunches to a single cord holder and the split black feathers are bound into bunches with the quills seized to form a loop. These two forms are attached to the upper dome-shaped protuberances. All the feathers without holders or loops are attached by a fine thread to the arches at the sides and in the front mesial row. They must also have been attached to the arches on the upper part of the slab, but they have disappeared because some of the arches are broken. The technique of the feather work is shown in figure 207.
Two carved slabs with the typical motifs of a) is believed to have been taken home by b) has not been located in any museum or collection. Concerning it, Ellis (25, vol. 2, pp. 220, 221) writes: "No. 2 is an image of Tebuakina, three sons of Rongo, a principal deity in the Harvey Islands." The "statement does not make sense, for the single name of "Tebuakina" (there is no b in the dialect) cannot denote the three sons of Rongo whose individual names were Rangi, Mokoiro, and Akatauira. Furthermore, the slab is undoubtedly from
The wooden images of
The simplest image is a head set on a long column. Its identification is correct, for it was figured by Williams (81, p. 55), who describes his acquisition of it in a village in
While walking through the settlement, we saw two grim looking gods in. a more dishonorable situation than they had been wont to occupy, for they were sustaining upon their heads the whole weight of the roof of a cooking house. Wishing to make them more useful, we offered to purchase them from their former worshipper. He instantly propped up: the house, took out the idols, and threw them down; and, while they were prostrate on the ground, he gave them a kick, saying, "There—your reign is at an end."
Unfortunately neither name nor history has been recorded. The god was also figured by Edge-Partington (24, I-21-4) and it is reproduced here in figure 209.
The second image, also in the A, B.)
A painted image in the Munich Museum, labeled "Gotze aus Neu Seeland", was later attributed to the c). Stolpe (64, pp. 41, 42) also drew attention to the resemblance between the serrated line and triangles to a similar technique in the Lille carved slabs which I have attributed to
A figure in the Hunterian Museum,
Of two carved objects in the Te in b) was stated by Ellis to represent three sons
An interesting artifact with multiple figures in the Marine Museum,
In the
The identified wooden god consists of a column with a dome-shaped head and a lower portion with vertical sets of arches radiating from a center. Feathers and thick sennit covered with red feathers are used as ornamentation (pl. 14, C). The
When Rongo-ma-tane, high chief of
The feathers used were red parakeet, black man-of-war hawk, and white tropic birds as in
A plain staff with two sets of uncarved arches and a terminal upper point in the
Two gods in the
A new element is introduced in the use of coconut leaf stipule (kaka) to fold around the sennit foundation, and the outer lengths are covered with thin white tapa to provide a smoother bed for the feather decoration. The feathers are laid in transverse rows and fixed by spiral turns of a thin oronga thread passing over the quills. The red feathers, and occasionally white and yellow feathers, were tied in bunches of five or six with a thin bast filament before attachment to the braid lengths. Plumes of split black feathers and tropic bird tail feathers on holders or ring carriers were placed thickly around the feet, lower abdomen, arms, and neck. The wing and tail feathers of the parakeet were also used.
The various combinations of feathers were kept in position by spiral turns around the sennit lengths. Two tufts of human hair were also used. The god and the feather technique are shown in figure 218.
The second sennit bundle is two and a half times as long as the first one but it is merely a bundle, thicker in the middle than at the ends, and without any attempt to distinguish anatomical elements (pl. 14, B). It is composed
g). The lower end was hollow. Small white and small yellow feathers were attached to the braid in narrow bands. Here and there split black feathers, parakeet wing and tail feathers, and tropic bird tail feathers were included under the spiral turns of the general fixation thread. Adjacent outer braids were fixed side by side by a special thread. (See figure 219.)
The specimens of D, E).
The dome-shaped head is fashioned and hollowed out to form a thin curved vertex, supported by equidistant vertical panels elliptical in form and coming to points above and below. The lower ends of the panels join the solid part just above the constricted neck between the head and the middle section. In hollowing out the interior of the head, transverse bars are left to connect the middle of adjacent vertical panels. The panels are plain, but the transverse bars, except in one specimen, are carved in zigzag patterns on raised bars which may be single or double. In one of the
The transverse bar is the only part with decorative carving, except transverse lines on the upper part of the neck in figure 220, c, f. The height of the head ranges from 68 to 85 mm.; the greatest width is 36 to 69 mm. Except for minor details the heads conform to one pattern of structure.
In the middle body section, the wood in the round was cut down longitudinally
f) had six ridges for the upper half, reduced to five for the lower half. Another (fig. 220, e) had seven ridges throughout. The ridges were undercut to form a series of arches, each arch with two pillars and each separated from its neighbors, except in the specimen with seven ridges. In specimens with separated arches the ridges were each formed into four arches and each arch corresponded in its respective level with the arches formed on other ridges. The method of carving the arches and their ornamentation is shown in figure 221. It is evident that the object of the craftsman was to form a series of radiating arches with ornamental cleats, both of which were for the attachment of feather decoration. No evidence is apparent that this technique ever represented a conventionalized human form.
One of the specimens (fig. 220, e) shows a departure from the general pattern, in that it has seven ridges on the middle part instead of five and in that the arches are continuous instead of separated. The upper ends of the top arches have free extensions carved with the lozenge-chevron motif, but below them the carving motif changes to a triangle and chevron combination which extends over the uncut arches (fig. 222 and pl. 14, E).
From the above discussion, it is clear that the square cuts between adjacent motifs (fig. 222, b,2) mark the boundaries between adjacent arches but that the wood below the notches has not been cut away to make a dintinct division as in the separate arch technique. Each ridge has four true arches, corresponding with the number in the objects made with the separate arch technique.
The use of the triangle with the chevron as an art motif, although probably influenced by the technique of the continuous arches, is not entirely due to it, as evidenced by the appearance of a similar motif on a specimen in which the arches are separated (fig. 224, c, 2).
The slenderness of the central column and arch pillars is exemplified by one of the Sheffield specimens, in which many of the arches are broken off (fig. 223, a). The manner in which decoration is applied to the lower end is shown in figure 223, b.
The lower staff part of the gods is a continuation of the central column which expands in one diameter in some specimens to a spatulate form, whereas it remains round in others (fig. 224).
The total length of the two unbroken specimens in the
Feathers and sennit decoration were undoubtedly applied to all the
Though complete detail of the decorative technique of the arches is lacking, the decoration of the lower staff ends is fully illustrated by the three lower fragments in the Cambridge Museum. The
The sennit decoration of the staff ends consists of long lengths of coir cord and braid with transverse or oblique tufts of coir fiber caught under a ply at regular intervals. These were tied with transverse turns to the upper end of the staff just below the last arch, and the lashing was covered with a strip of thin white tapa also lashed with transverse turns of fine thread. Such transverse tufts with a two-ply cord were used in the carved slabs of b, d and fig. 204). I identified the staff ends with the sennit decoration at a-c. Some of the braid lengths end in a form of coir tassel shown in figure 226, d, e.
Though the coir tufts are placed horizontally across the cord or braid in the transverse method, the ends of the tufts hang down obliquely in much the same manner as in the oblique method and thus give a branched appearance. The oblique technique with sennit was used in Tahitian fly whisks. Stolpe (64, p. 41) states that in the cord ornaments of the Lille slabs (fig. 204) red feathers were attached to both and one had yellow feathers, but they were not present in the
The decorations attached to the body of the b) consisted of a length of loose braid with about ten cross tufts, a length of sennit with four branches to which feathers were attached, loose long feathers, and one set of feathers with their quill ends seized into an eyelet hole. The feathers were laid in the vertical grooves between the arches with the tip ends directed upward. The branched braid and tufted braid were in different grooves and the whole was kept in position by transverse turns of white bark cloth. It is probable that this decoration was readjusted in b) had feathers attached to the lozenge-chevron cleats at the upper ends of the top arches. The thread attaching the feathers continued down and passed around some of the arches. Some of the other arches had the remnants of a two-ply thread around them showing that feathers had been attached to them. (See figure 227.)
From the practical use of the arches and pillar projections, it is evident that the geometrical patterns were largely influenced by utility in lashing. The simple lozenge-chevron motif was probably brought about by notching the sides of the pillar projection and bifurcating the inner end to form the chevron shape suitable for figure-of-eight lashing turns. The outer ends were trimmed into a point for balance, and the figure thus assumed the lozenge-chevron form. In some projections, the square end was not trimmed off and the form remained as triangle-chevron. Other minor variations consisted in the trimming of the upper surface of the arch. These and the two forms of bar ornamentation across the clefts in the dome-shaped head are shown in figure 228.
In the B) and the other is a sennit bundle covered with bark cloth and decorated with feathers. The wooden object is described in the catalog as a "God in the form of a flat staff, expanded at the head and pierced to represent a conventional human figure. The greater part of the staff is covered with plaited sennit with remains of feather decoration." Another catalog entry read: "Tangaroa from Maute with feathers and fibre sennit appended to him." Maute was the spelling used by the Missionaries for
Many mistakes have been made in the original catalog of the Missionary Museum, and these errors have accompanied the collection to the
The decoration of the quills of tropic bird tail feathers with small red feathers is a common practice in the neighboring islands and the addition of extra tiers is merely a matter of degree and not a new principle. An identical technique occurs in
The second god attributed to
The use of folded sennit to form a body has been described for neighboring
The names of the gods of tikoru), and cooked food for them every evening. Neither the gods nor their caretaker were disturbed during the changing fortunes of intertribal war.
During the exile of the skilled carver, Rori, the god house was accidently burned down and its contents destroyed. Rori subsequently emerged from exile and was commissioned to carve a set of gods for the new god house. Rongo was represented by a shell trumpet, but the remaining 12 gods are said to have been carved from wood. They were Motoro, Tane-papa-kai, Tane-ngaki-au, Tane-i-te-'utu, Tane-kio, Te A'io, Te Kura'aki, Utakea, Turanga, Teipe, Kereteki, and Tangiia. Rori carved all these except his own god, Teipe, which was carved by his friend Tapaivi. A deified ancestor named Vaeruarau also was carved in wood by Rori and placed in the national god house. The image was removed because of sickness among his followers, and he was hidden in the rocks by some who remained faithful (33, pp. 86, 87).
The
Soon after the introduction of Christianity it happened that one of the regal family was taken dangerously ill. Whilst the heart was softened by affliction, the parent was struck with the glaring absurdity of professed adherents to Christianity keeping up this idol-shrine with its daily oven of food. What should be done with the idols? It was decided by the king, Parima, Simeona, and other leading men of the day, to surrender these dangerous things to Davida. To the horror of the heathen, but to the great joy of the Christian party, the whole thirteen were carried in triumphal procession to the house of Davida by the sea. The wrappings were thrown away, and for the first time since they were carved by Rori they were exposed to the vulgar gaze. Soon after Messrs. Williams and Platt paid an opportune visit to the island; and they proceeded to
Raiatea laden withthese idols, which were eventually deposited in the museum of the London Missionary Society , and are now in theBritish Museum .The day the idols were removed, the house in which they had been kept was set on fire; the maraes all over the island were desecrated, the little houses in which the deity was supposed to be invisibly present were burnt, the great stone idol of Rongo at the sea-side, where human sacrifices were offered, was smashed to atoms, and (what is much to be regretted) the magnificent native mahogany (
tamanu) trees were set on fire, on account of their supposed connection with idolatry.
As the tracing of these gods and the material of which they were made is important, I quote further details from
Motoro. Next to Rongo, Motoro, the god of the ancient Ngariki tribe, was the most powerful.
Red feathers brought from raei, were used by him to adorn Motoro, to the great admiration of men of that day."
Some
The place of Motoro in the god house is thus indicated by
Motoro, Kereteki, and Utakea were represented by iron-wood idols in the god-house of the king. On entering that rude reed hut, the dwelling place of the chief divinities of
Mangaia , the first idol was Rongo, in the form of a trumpet shell; next came the honoured Motoro, the guide of daily life; then came Tane and ten other objects of worship; amongst which were Kereteki and Utakea.
As to Motoro's later abode,
Tane. Of Tane's position in the god-house,
Amongst the thirteen principal gods of
Mangaia which at the establishment of Christianity were surrendered to the Missionaries were four bearing the name of Tane. They were simply pieces of iron-wood carved roughly into human shape, once well wrapped up in numerous folds of the finest native cloth. Of these four Tanes three—Tane-Ngakiau, Tane-i-te-ata, and Tane-kio—were considered to be inferior to the first, who was usually called Tane, sometimes, however, Tane Papa-kai, i.e. Tane-piler-up-of-food. In order of rank Tane came after Rongo and Motoro, the chief deities ofMangaia .
In this list, Tane-i-te-ata is substituted for Tane-i-te-'utu of the first list. Concerning Tane-Ngakiau,
Te Kuraaki. Of this god,
Tiaio [Te A'io].
Utakea. A native convert, reported by
Teipe. In addition to the god carved by Rori's friend to form one of the 13 deposited in the god-house, another kept in the curtained off part of the house of the priest Keu, is alluded to by
Tangiia.
Speaking of Tangiia, the Rarotongan ancestor,
It is evident from F-H). In form and carving they are very similar; and, in all probability, they are some of those made by Rori. However, by no stretch of imagination can they be regarded as "a rude representation of the human form." One wonders what
Priests kept a representative of their particular gods in a screened-off part of their dwelling houses (33, p. 153). Various groups had family gods of lesser note. Some were natural objects such as stones, as the great god Rongo was represented in the god-house by a shell trumpet. Other religious symbols were formed of coconut leaf, feathers, human hair, sennit, and tapa.
The specimens available for study consist of simple objects, compound objects, a spiked wooden artifact, carved slabs, and ceremonial adzes.
A water-worn dark stone, rounded in shape, collected by a.)
b. It was figured by Edge-Partington (24, I-1-1).
An alternate form of fishing charm, representing Mokoiro, was distributed by the Ruler of Food (76, p. 146). It consisted of bark cloth (autea) folded into cones termed poani (plug) of which four were placed in different parts of the fishing canoe to plug up the four quarters from which the winds blew.
Tapa symbols were formed into gods with a body formed of folds of sennit, covered with tapa, and decorated with feathers. One in the
A similar tapa and feather bundle, without arm projections, is in the
The direct representation of Mokoiro consisted of a small roll of sennit which was hidden in a cave.
The god Tane-kio was originally represented by finely plaited coconut fiber.
Speaking of the place in the god house of Rongo, the principal god of
The Triton shell was in the form of a trumpet, as it was used by the king to summon his warriors together. Two shell trumpets attributed to
A god in the Missionary case in the F) and by Edge-Partington (24, II-8-3). Read states that the name and locality are lost and Edge-Partington attributes it to eastern Polynesia. Somehow, I mistook the locality for
The artifact may be divided into an upper specialized section with human figures and a long shaft with transverse sets of curved spikes. The total length is 2,886 mm., and it is carved from one piece of wood. The lower end has been cut off so that originally it was longer. The upper section with human figures and spikes ends in a neck to which is attached a composite cord carrying a strange assortment of shells and pieces of coral. Below the neck, single human figures and curved spikes commence the upper end of the shaft (fig. 233). The upper end of the shaft, with single human figures back and front and with lateral spikes is shown in figure 234.
The staff is rectangular and four-sided with single figures on the back and front and balanced on the sides with two pairs of long incurved spikes with their bases opposite the heads of the figures, whereas opposite the lower part of the body the sides are balanced by upper and lower pairs of diverging spikes.
Below the upper single figures the two pairs of diverging lateral spikes are continued, and on the same level single pairs of diverging spikes take the place
The lowest figure was followed by five sets of spikes where the staff was 34 by 36 mm. in two thicknesses. Here the four surfaces began to narrow, and at a distance of 42 mm. the two thicknesses had diminished to 28 mm. each. The plain surfaces below the last spikes were incised with parallel oblique lines. Evidently a long plain shaft had been sawn off.
It is obvious from the figures that the pointed vertices and chins of the figure were so carved as to balance the points of neighboring curved spikes which formed the dominant motif of the artifact. The arms and legs were similarly affected.
The composite cord with its ornaments after Edge-Partington (24, II-8-3) and methods of attaching feather holders under seizing turns is shown in figure 236. It is evident, from the great number of feather holders on the terminals and even in the main cords, that the feather decoration must have helped considerably in making the spike god an imposing sight.
The three "district gods of F-H.)
As the districts of
A similar figure is in the
The four similar slabs follow a common technique as regards the form of arch and pillar, their arrangement in horizontal series at front and back and ends, and the lozenge-shaped holes on the same level as the arches. The tops of the pillars and arches are all carved with combinations of bar and chevron motifs, the pattern being the same on each slab but varying slightly in different
All the slabs diminish in width and thickness from the top down, but, the bottom arches and pillars expand in both diameters to more nearly approach the dimensions of the rounded shaft below them. Variations in the top and bottom of the carved section are shown in figure 239. The top end of the c, but only one of the free arches is intact. The lower end is similar to figure 239, e.
The shaft extending from below the lowest arches to the expanded pedestal is round in all four artifacts, with the diameter ranging from 44 to 56 mm. The inaere for the rest in the same technique used on house rafters (fig. 18). At different levels, feathers, human hair, and coir holders from which the feathers have fallen out were introduced in rows and fixed by the transverse turns of sennit which pass over and conceal their lower ends. (See figure 240.)
The upper surfaces of the circular pedestals join the lower end of the shafts at an obtuse angle, and slope outward and slightly downward to reach its upper circumference, the diameter of which is a little less than that of the bottom. The pedestal is divided into ridges by removing wedge-shaped pieces so that the ridges radiate from the shaft center. The ridges are carved into pillars and arches with the same technique as the upper ridges, and the outer
The b). All except one of the lower free arches are broken off. On this slab, there are a number of loops made with fine sennit around the wood between the lozenge-shaped holes and under the adjacent arch. It may be safely assumed that these loops formerly attached feathers in the inter-ridge spaces. The lozenge-shaped holes thus assisted in the fastening of feather decoration, and from this position the feather decoration was less likely to obscure the carving patterns on the arches and pillars.
The carving motifs used on pillars and arches were formed on small rectangular surfaces by cutting out small triangular or rhomboidal pieces to leave portions of the original surface in the forms of transverse bars and chevrons. Both bars and chevrons were separated by an intervening space or brought together to form a geometrical figure like the letter K. Owing to the larger area left above the arch, the patterns made on the longer space contained more elements than on the pillars. Sometimes the bar was notched in the middle and sometimes the outline of the K was formed without cutting out the small triangles to define the arms of the K. Another variation occurred when a wide
It is seen from the carving technique of pillars, arches, and geometrical motifs that there is nothing to suggest any derivation from a human figure or to justify the "degradation" that some writers have applied to this form of design.
The I)
The wide and narrow arches are complementary to each other in the carving pattern. The wide arch is carved with the bar and the chevron motifs and the narrow arch with the notched bar. The notched bar is formed by notching the upward projection of the pillar between the lower end of the wide arch and the upper end of the narrow arch, but the notch is continued downward to perforate the narrow arch into two longitudinal divisions which resemble legs. At first sight, the carving appears distinct from that of the preceding four slabs but a careful analysis shows that the difference is merely one of degree. (See figure 243.)
The upper end of the upper section is broken in parts and the exact finish is not clear. The lower end is narrowed laterally and thickened antero-posteriorly into a rounder section. Its upper boundary is formed by a narrow band carved with sunken lozenges resembling the technique on the pedestal of one of the other slabs (fig. 241, b).
The middle staff part is smooth and circular in section, but it was probably ornamented originally like the three slabs in the
The lower circular pedestal is much broken and it appears as if a row of arches had been broken off. (See figure 243, d and plate 14, I.) For comparison of Mangaian and
Although
What seems to have been a definite human form was the stone symbol of Rongo, which
A long block of stone, rudely shaped like a man, was also regarded as an inferior representation of this Polynesian Mars. Many years ago, when the people embraced Christianity, this huge stone idol was utterly defaced, and the fragments form part of the stonework of the church at the principal village.
A block of stone, shaped like a man, and covered with cloth and coarse sacrifice-nets, was set up at his marae O-Rongo for the convenience of worship and sacrifice; where also stood a smaller image named Little Rongo, or "Rongo-of-the-red-tongue."
Human sacrifices, after being offered on the inland marae of 'Akaoro, were carried in a coarse sennit net to the shore marae of Orongo where they were offered to Rongo. The body was then thrown into the bushes at the back of the marae and the net was cast over the statue of Rongo where it was left to decay. Rongo was thus represented by two stone images on the marae of Orongo and by a shell trumpet in the national god house. What the images were like we can never know.
With the exception of these two sporadic stone images,
Adzes lashed with the Mangaian triple triangle pattern (fig. 110) to shafts of various forms, carved with the K-motif are widely distributed through the museums of the world. Though often labeled "
The stone adzes were secured to their wooden hafts by means of fine sinnet, itself esteemed divine. It was fabled that the peculiar way in which the natives of
Mangaia fasten their axes was originally taught them by the gods. A famous god, named Tanemataariki, i.e., Tane-of-the-royal-face, was considered to be enshrined in a sacred triple axe, which symbolized the three priestly families on the island, without whose aid the gods could not be acceptably worshipped. Tane-of-the-royal-face was one of the very few much-respected godsnotsurrendered to the missionaries, but hidden in caves. All trace of this interesting relic of heathen antiquity is now lost. The shape of a god-adze differedat the backfrom those used by artisans in being rounded underneath.
If by triple adz it is meant that three adz heads were attached to one shaft, the technical problem of lashing must have been interesting. The god-adzes, as
The number of adzes with carved shafts now preserved seems to be out of all proportion to the needs of the limited population of
On my last visit to
It is evident that a large number of the Mangaian carved hafts in collections were not made to function in the native culture and that form and carving were affected by influences foreign to that culture. Though interesting in that they show the changes since European contact, later artifacts have confused the determination of the original Mangaian forms. A careful inquiry is needed to determine what adzes in museums date back to the period immediately following missionary contact in 1823. Lacking sufficient information, an analysis will be made of the material now available. From their material form the carved adzes may be broadly classified into three main classes according to the form and carving of their shafts.
Class 1 consists of adzes with shafts that could be manipulated with one hand. Professor toki tamaki (war adzes), toki kaika'a (weapon adzes), and toki a rore. In the last name, rore is a misspelling for Rori. He was a skilled carver, and the form of Mangaian carving is attributed to him. In the name toki-a-Rori (adz-of-Rori) we have an acknowledgment that Rori began the application of the carving technique to the shafts of adzes that could be used by hand. toki tamaki and toki kaika'a are descriptive of this particular function. The term toki-a-Rori brings out the fact that the shaft was carved. That such adzes should be used as property by chiefs, conforms to Polynesian custom. The highly carved hafts of Maori jade adzes were also used as weapons and property. A number of adzes with usable carved shafts have been preserved. Those I have seen appear to have been carved with metal tools, but they no doubt represent an old form. The shaft and foot resemble those of working adzes (fig. 111), the only difference being the complete carving of the shaft which is consequently somewhat thicker. The shaft is divided into narrow panels by transverse grooves or deeply cut lines which encircle the shaft. The panels are carved with combinations of the bar and chevron motifs resembling the K-figures on the carved slabs representing district gods. In the district gods, however, the carving surfaces on the pillars c). This may be regarded as a post-missionary development. The shafts are generally round in section, but some of the more modern specimens may have four or more longitudinal surfaces. These adzes have no religious significance. (See figure 244.)
Class 2 includes shafts which are enlarged forms of class 1. They could not be used, and were never intended to be used, with one hand. In cross-section the shafts range from round to square, and their length usually exceeds greatly that of the working adzes. Some are massive and very long. One in the
Class 3 may be termed pedestal adzes, because the haft has an enlarged pedestal forming the lowest section. poro; column [shaft], ma'a; base [pedestal], uma. The foot is similar in shape to those in classes 1 and 2. The shafts are usually round or elliptical, but some are shaped to form four or more longitudinal surfaces defined by distinct edges. The shaft flares out from the
The pedestal may follow the general cross-section of the shaft, but it is usually quadrangular and thus contrasts with the general rounded form of the shaft. The most characteristic feature of the pedestal is the presence of rectangular holes, which divide the surfaces into smaller horizontal and vertical panels. The panels in turn, may be subdivided by deeply incised horizontal or vertical lines into panels carved with the K-motif. As in adzes of class 2, the lower end of the pedestal is cut with square notches to form short projecting legs, which are also carved with the K-motif.
The narrow panels on the pedestals are carved with the bar and chevron motif, as are the corresponding panels in classes 1 and 2; but a new motif in the form of rows of incised triangles is sometimes introduced. The surface of the thick shafts is not divided by grooves, clefts, or holes; and, on this uninterrupted field, the geometrical motifs are combined to form a pattern of continuous lozenges that could not be developed on the narrow panels of classes 1 and 2. Rows of triangles are sometimes used on the shafts as well as on the pedestals.
With the use of steel tools and with the probable weakening of craft conservatism as regards form, the stimulus of trade led to great variety in the pedestal forms. I have not yet seen an example of this class that dates back to the period of early missionary contact. It is significant that though Williams (81, pp. 224, 225) speaks of "the exquisite carving of the handles of their stone axes", the two examples that he figures belong to class 2. It seems reasonable to suppose that if the more spectacular pedestal forms had been available in his time, he would have figured one of them. I believe that the long pedestal form with the carving motifs of lines of triangles and continuous lozenges has been developed in the post-missionary period and that it never had religious significance. Some of the common forms are shown in figure 246.
- Working adzes with uncarved hafts.
- Adzes with carved shafts that were easy to handle. (This corresponds to my class 1.)
- Adzes with carved shafts not usable for practical purposes. For the carving he adopts
Gill 's term oftikitiki tangataand hence terms the adzestoki tikitiki. They are enlarged forms of his class 2 which being carved, have as much right to the termtokitikitiki(carved adz) as his class 3. He states that they "are considered as funerary monuments connected with the cult of the ancestors." (This curious statement will be dealt with later.) He divides his class 3 into two:
- Typical and complete with shaft divided into three parts of which the lowest is the pedestal (my class 3).
- Those without a pedestal.
- Adzes with shaft in form of a square pyramid with carvings of triangle motifs (
m'o mango;sharks' teeth) and with at least two faces carved with combinations representing different tribes.Giglioli termed them peace adzes namedtoki mahia. He stated that they were scarce and that he had the only sample in Europe. It was made for him by a Mangaian named Miringa-tangi. I knew Miringa-tangi personally and both his contemporaries, and I regard him as a very unsound authority. He and Taniera Tangitoru carved adz hafts for trade but they had no old patterns to copy. The adz figured byGiglioli (27, p. 8) shows a modern form of my class 3 with poor carving and lashing. I cannot accept this adz as forming a special class (fig. 246,h). The question of peace adzes is discussed on page 395.- Sacred adzes. This is a purely hypothetical group based on the statement by
Gill (31, p. 224) already quoted concerning the god Tane-mataariki.Giglioli quotedGill and said that he understood that the three stones were now hafted separately on monumental hafts (toki tikitiki) of different types. He then described the large flat adz heads with notched ridges as being Tane-mataariki of which he had one. One in theBritish Museum has been described (fig. 84), but the shaft upon which it is mounted is a long shaft (my class 2) and saw marks dispose of the question of the antiquity of the hafting. (For further discussion see page 394.)
District gods. The long panels or ridges were vertical and the division into pillars and arches provided small rectangular surfaces on which the bar motif was used to define one end of the surface and the chevron motif to decorate the remaining area (fig. 242, b,1). When space permitted, another bar bounded the other end of the surface (fig. 242, b,2, 3; c,3, 4, 5). When further space or artistic inclination prompted, a second chevron and bar were introduced for symmetrical balance (fig. 242, b,5, 6; c,6, 7). The open side of the second chevron faced the open side of the first chevron. In forming the open side of the chevron, the carving implement was pressed down vertically toward the outer edges to deepen the incisions. In removing the surrounding wood to make the chevron stand out, the implement cut from the mesial longitudinal line in a slanting direction downward and outward on one side to define one limb of the chevron. The process was repeated on the other side. This technique resulted in a longitudinal mesial edge extending from the open angle of the chevron to the middle of the next motif, whether it was a bar or a chevron. Thus, when two chevrons were used, the mesial edge extended between their open angles. The mesial edge was not a carving motif, but because this technical edge comes out as a distinct line in rubbings it has been erroneously regarded as part of the carving design. In the district gods, the bars and chevrons lie in a horizontal direction, owing to the vertical direction of the carved surfaces; and the technical edge extending between the open angles of the chevrons is vertical.
Adz shafts of classes 1 and 2. The panels on these shafts are horizontal and of a similar width to that of the short surfaces on district gods. The bar and chevron motifs, thus lie vertically. The chevrons are produced by exactly the same technique as that used in the district gods. consequently the technical mesial edges which extend between the open angles of adjoining chevrons are horizontal. The carving technique is identical in the two groups, though the panel direction is vertical in one and horizontal in the other. On the adz shafts, however, the bar and chevron motifs are repeated on each panel to cover the longer surface.
The most developed combination of the bar and chevron motifs possible on the short surfaces on the district gods is the short balanced bar and chevron combination shown in figure 242, b,5; c,6. This pattern was used and repeated on the adz shafts until the length of the panel was filled in. The combination of bar and chevron formed the K-figure, and in the double combination the ends of the arms of the K's may or may not meet on the edges of the panel (fig. 247, a). In some panels, the combination of two K's facing each other is repeated as a distinct pattern. The combinations are separated by a vertical groove between the vertical limbs of the K's, which are back to back (fig. 247, b). The more common technique, however, was to omit the vertical groove and allow one vertical element to serve the two back-to-back K's. In other words, the two vertical limbs of the back-to-back K's are fused into one (fig. 247, c). This combined figure, which may be called "fused K's", is a repeating motif, for it forms the right stem of one pair of K's and the left of
The pattern set up on one horizontal panel is repeated on the succeeding panels, as shown in figure 247, c. Two panels separated by a wide groove are shown in the figure. In some adz shafts the wide groove is replaced by an incised line which brings the patterns on adjacent panels close together (fig. 247, d). With the close approximation of panels, the small excised triangles between the oblique and vertical elements of the K's of an upper and lower panel practically fuse into larger triangles; and these triangles on either side of the joined vertical elements of the K's form an alternating set of lozenges divided by vertical bars and by horizontal incised lines defining the panels. In the adz shafts of classes 1 and 2, in which the conventional panels were maintained, the pattern in figure 247, d was as far as progressive development could go.
With a few exceptions, the pedestals in class 3 were marked off into panels, and the patterns developed on the panels of groups 1 and 2 were, of necessity, followed. On the shafts, however, the carvers departed from the panel technique; and, with the disappearance of horizontal grooves and dividing lines, the tendency toward fusion (fig. 247, d) became complete in the common pattern shown in figure 247, e, f. Here it is evident that the idea of alternating sets of excised lozenges suggested in figure 247, d took definite form. The panel dividing lines which marred the new set of lozenges were eliminated, and for further balance and symmetry the vertical limbs of the K's also were left out; but to retain the alternating effect the two triangles forming the new series of alternating lozenges were excised laterally from a mesial vertical edge. Thus the alternating set of lozenges adopted the technique of the original sets except that the two halves were cut laterally from a vertical mesial edge, whereas in the original lozenges the two halves were cut upward and downward from a mesial horizontal edge. It may be said that the vertical edges are on the site of the vertical elements of the K's which were completely eliminated in the new development. What remained of the fused K-motif were the oblique arms on either side, which fused to form continuous oblique raised lines running in opposite directions and enclosing lozenges. In other words, the original bar motif was abandoned and the normal and reverse chevrons were retained.
An introduction to the common multiple lozenge pattern was figured by Stolpe from an adz haft in Neuchatel (fig. 247, e).
A common pattern used on the front surface of the foot of pedestal hafts is shown in figure 247, g, but it is merely another arrangement of the combined bar and chevron motifs in which the ends of opposing chevrons do not meet.
The preceding discussion disposes of the various forms and combinations of the bar and chevron motifs. It will be noted that, except for straight grooves which are used to divide panels, the craftsmen made use of excised triangles to separate the bar and chevron motifs used in the patterns.
Excised triangles as a distinct motif were used in class 3 on both the pedestal and the column. They were arranged in rows, either vertical or horizontal, with the apex of one triangle touching the middle of the base of the next triangle (fig. 247, h). This arrangement is characteristic of the later. Mangaian work. A variation of the triangle pattern occurs when the apices of the triangles are overlapped by the bases of adjoining triangles, giving a "herring bone" appearance (fig. 247, i). nio mango). The word nio should be written ni'o (tooth) as it has the glottal h, being written niho in other dialects.
The square of rectangular holes used only on the pedestals of group 3 are termed ai tuna (eel borings) by rua (hole) and rua matangi (hole of the wind). According to ruamatangi is "mouth of the four winds." This is too free a translation. Taniera Tangitoru stated that they were rua tangeo (tabernacles of the god Tangeo). Tangeo is not present in the list of Mangaian gods, and it is difficult to see how an unknown god could be located in objects which were originally associated with the god Tane-mata-ariki.
In the district god slabs, a marked feature of the technique is the presence of holes in the spaces between the ridges. I believe that the holes in the pedestals are a carry-over in technique and are rendered easier by the use of steel tools. In the district gods the holes are lozenge shaped, but from their position they do not interfere with the arrangement of the carved surfaces on the ridges. In the pedestals, however, they were made square or rectangular to avoid interference with the plotting out of vertical and horizontal panels as a field for carving. In the district gods the holes functioned in the tying on of feathers, but in the adz pedestals they were purely ornamental. It is evident that the original function of the holes was forgotten and that the later carvers invented new functions, probably to satisfy the questions of foreigners. The fact that they were given two functions and two sets of names indicates that rationalization had taken place.
The grooves or clefts in the district gods served to divide the slab surface ai tuna (holes) and kavava (clefts) applied by
A myth widely spread throughout Polynesia asserts that the first human being created was Tiki. In most areas Tiki was a male, but in Mangaian myth Tiki was female. An object carved in human form was termed a tiki. In New Zealand the carved figures erected on the front gable ends of houses and the small neck ornaments made of jade are termed tiki, because they represent the human form. In ti'i in distinction to the to'o objects representing gods which were not carved in human form. The term tiki was probably derived originally from the human ancestor Tiki, but the tiki objects are merely conventional products of the art developed in the area. They do not represent Tiki, but the ancestor that the Maori desired to commemorate or the evil spirit that the Tahitian sorcerer wished to enlist in his service. This use of the term tiki applies equally well in
In the 'akatiki ('aka, causative); and, though it may have originally applied to carving the human form, it came to be used in current speech as applying to any form of ornamental carving. Sometimes the word tiki is reduplicated in the verb, as in 'akatikitiki. tikitiki tangata)." This statement led Stolpe (64),
Stolpe, who deserves the greatest credit for pioneering in the detailed study of the ornamental art of savages based on museum carved specimens, spoiled his chain of reasoning by grouping the Hervey (Cook) and f), did not develop from a simple process of arranging the excised triangle technique in symmetrical form. However, Stolpe goes further in attributing a similar course of development to the geometrical patterns on Mangaian adz hafts. Thus, for the continuous lozenge pattern, which occurs on c) that "the fusion between arm-curves and leg-curves is so complete that legs and arms are formed by uninterrupted crossed lines enclosing regular chequers within which we can still always recognize the rudiments of the trunk—that is, the elevated sharp ridge, which in the drawing appears merely as a slender line."
Read (56, pp. 145-147) independently followed a method similar to Stolpe's to show that the Mangaian geometrical patterns were derived from human figures by a process of "degradation." He used a sequence of 16 drawings (56, pl. 14) from artifacts, of which five were from
The fault of the method used by Stolpe and Read is the fact that the definite human forms had to be imported from tikitiki tangata). On the evidence of the development from artifacts confined to Mangaia, I do not hesitate to conclude that tangata (man) to tikitiki, the general term for carving. The origin of the tikitiki carving was attributed to Rori. But in the district gods, also attributed to him, we find only the bar and chevron motifs, except in the unique specimen in the
The term "K pattern" was first used by Read (56, p. 146). Stolpe (64, p. 55) objected to the term on the grounds that it was applicable only when the pattern was mutilated by kavava (clefts or grooves) and ai-tuna (holes). This objection was based on the erroneous theory of "degradation", implying that the continuous lozenge pattern was older and that the simpler forms were due to the continuous lozenges being broken up by the clefts and holes. Stolpe said that it was better to name ornamental types, if possible, after their derivation and significance. He therefore preferred the term "tiki-tiki ornamentation" as being directly indicative of "the essence of the question", which to him was the human figure. The name preferred by Stolpe indicates the essence of the error, for any name based on derivation and significance will carry with it any mistakes made by the author in his interpretation of origin and meaning. Read's term, based on geometrical appearance, avoids such errors.
Read (56, p. 142) states that in many theories of the development of forms of primitive instruments and deviations, there are two defects. First, a good deal has to be assumed before the theory will bear criticism; second, the series of progressive stages can be traced equally well from either end, and it is impossible to say from internal evidence whether it is a case of development or degradation. Both defects are present in Read's theory of the degradation of Mangaian carving patterns. It is too much to assume that a composite sequence made up from three different groups of islands indicates what happened in one, Read selected the wrong end of the progressive stages and found degradation instead of development.
So much has been written about the function and symbolism of the carved adzes that a detailed criticism of all the statements made would require a
The adzes of class 1 have been assigned definite functions as war adzes and objects of art that marked social distinction. Shafts of a size convenient to handle were carved with the bar and chevron combinations purely as ornamentation to enhance their value, and they had no hidden religious meaning. The fact that motifs similar to those on the district gods were carved on secular objects shows that the carvings were not sacred in themselves. The use of the objects indicated whether they were religious or secular, and the purely ornamental carving patterns were applied to both without restriction.
The large hafts of classes 2 and 3 have led to confused thinking.
I have discussed elsewhere (76, pp. 132, 133) the view that large adzes were symbols of Tane-mata-ariki, the god of craftsmen, but I could get no information as to the exact part they played in religious ritual. It is probable that master craftsmen kept a carved adz and went through some ritual with this craft symbol, when occasion warranted. In
|
Tei Ara'ata ta'au nu, ta'au toki. | In the Ara'ata temple is thy coconut, thy adz. | |
Ite 'ae'aenga i a Tane, Ua 'ui mai nga ta'unga, nga toa e, | When timber (Tane) is dressed, Assembled are the expert craftsmen and the warriors, | |
Mai ki a Una e—. | And they come to Una—. |
In a culture in which working adzes underwent a temple ritual to obtain mana from the god Tane, there is little wonder that one area should have developed an adz symbol for the tutelary deity of craftsmen, Tane-mata-ariki.
The type of haft originally used with the religious symbols remains in doubt, but the likely form is that of class 2. In the more elaborate forms of this class, the projecting transverse panels with small legs at the lower end form the prototype of the later pedestal form. Such a pattern could have been suggested by the pedestals of the district gods (fig. 241).
Funerary monuments. Stolpe (64, p. 34), supported by was, after the owner's death, hafted in this manner that it might be preserved by his family as a remembrance. It was afterwards presented to a French officer who chanced to do the family some great service." Stolpe's drawing (64, p. 28, fig. 41) shows part of the carving, consisting of two horizontal panels with repetition of the fused K-motif (fig. 247, c) and an intervening deep rectangle with vertical rows of the repeated triangle motif (fig. 247, h). The carving is Mangaian, and it would be interesting to know why the family of a Tahitian chief of Cook's time was commemorated with a Mangaian adz haft bearing the triangle motif which was probably not used until after missionary contact in 1823. Stolpe goes on to discuss "ancestor worship" of a form that never existed and that could have no bearing on the case. Polynesian families have preserved ancestral objects as heirlooms, but that they constituted funerary monuments associated with ancestor worship is a theory supported by one erroneous label and may be summarily dismissed.
Peace axes. The theory that the carved adzes are "peace axes" is evidently post-toki mahia had faces (vaero) of the haft carved with what were said to be the emblems (tohu) of the Ngati-akatauira and Ngati-tane tribes and
Tribal emblems.
Genealogical records. Colley March (51) advanced the absurd theory that the carved hafts were genealogical records. Not the slightest evidence could be found in
A number of objects in the
An object with a middle staff and end blades is catalogued, "Hervey Group, Paddle-shaped idol,
The other artifacts consist of some detached feather ornaments, bundles ornamented with feathers and with human hair, and a feather shield.
Five individual objects tied together with a piece of foreign string were evidently odds and ends that were bundled together in the Missionary Museum. Four of them must have formed parts of the decoration of some more complex object, and the fifth, a doubled length of thick sennit covered with tapa and decorated with feathers, is complete in itself. It is bifurcated at one end into legs and its appearance and technique suggest affinity with the Cambridge Museum form of the Mangaian god Tangiia (fig. 232, a). For the individual objects, see figure 249.
The formation of a neat cylindrical sennit bundle, ornamented with feathers and covered with a lozenge design, is reminiscent of the
A cylindrical tapa bundle without an inner core of sennit offers a change of ornamentation in the use of human hair. It is interesting in that it has three spaced lashings with a continuous length of sennit in a technique used on some Mangaian adz shafts and weapons. Short white feathers and a tropic bird tail feather are also used. The absence of red feathers is negative evidence in favor of
A unique feather object in the form of a shield with a looped wooden handle at the back was probably used in dances rather than in religious ritual. The use of lengths of thick sennit covered with feathers on one surface and fastened by continuous spiral turns of thread, has affinity with the technique of b). (See figure 252.)
A long cylinder partly covered with feathers is unique in having a feather cap held in position by a feather covered collar. The artifact was originally attributed to
The human form was used as an art motif in carving. Geometrical figures were executed in carving, painting, tattooing, and plaiting, and artistic patterns were produced in sennit lashings.
It is curious that stone as an art medium was so rare in the
Wooden images representing gods were made in
Apart from images representing gods, small, fully formed human figures are used on a carved slab that I have identified provisionally as a canoe stern ornament (fig. 121). The characteristic Rarotongan head in double form back to back is used as an art motif on the handles of fans (fig. 23), an ornamental staff (fig. 69), and a short club (fig. 180).
The Rarotongan eye with raised flanges is used to ornament the shoulder of serrated clubs (fig. 179).
Aitutakian images representing gods are much less carefully carved than those of b), and only the head occurs on a slab pedestal (fig. 209) and a carved pedestal (fig. 208, a).
Small carved human figures occur on the tip of a paddle shaft (fig. 127, d) and the head alone on another paddle shaft (fig. 129, e).
An exception to the statement that human figures were confined to
More or less geometrical art motifs occur on carved objects from all the islands of the group. Plants, fish, birds, and animals were not represented in wood carving. The usual motifs consist of V-shaped notches, chevrons, triangles, crescents, lozenges, and combinations such as the chevron joined to a straight bar, triangle, or lozenge. Certain motifs and combinations were used in some islands and not in others.
In
In a) and its appearance on the base of the key a) confirms its importance for identification purposes. The raised bar with serrated edges is also common (figs. 129, d; 203, a, b, c; 204, b;205, a, b;206; 208, a, b;212). In fact, the serrated bar is present on all the slab carvings. Incised lozenges were also used (fig. 203, b, e;205, b;208, b). An interesting combination is the chevron-triangle (fig. 203, c) and particularly the chevron-lozenge (fig. 204, b;205, b), which was also used on arches for the attachment of feathers (fig. 206).
On the modern four-sided enlargements on the shafts of adzes (fig. 106, c) are rows of lozenges and triangles. In the carving on the sides of a large seat (70, fig. 315) are triangles with curved sides and bases, and the combination
Serrated edges with chevrons opposite alternate points and rows of triangles and lozenges occur on a paddle blade (fig. 129), and more elaborate combinations are seen on another paddle blade (fig. 127), Incised semicircles are used on a paddle shaft (fig. 127, d, 2) and on a paddle blade (fig. 128). The composite lozenge-chevron motif occurs on a paddle shaft (fig. 127, d). The various geometrical motifs and combinations are assembled in figure 254.
The only Atiuan carvings available are on the domed god (fig. 215) which uses the lozenge chevron cleat at one end of an arch and divided prolongations at the other. With the top of the arch forming a connecting body, the figures a, 6, 7, 8). The geometrical motifs used are chevrons, bars, and triangles (fig. 215, e).
In
The geometrical motif of the bar and the chevron combined to form the K-figure (figs. 242, 247) is typical of f) and rows of triangles (fig. 247, h, i) were late developments. The Mangaian craftsmen carved more extensively than their brethren in the other islands.
Painting on wood was done with black pigment probably made from the soot of burnt candle-nut kernels. In
In
For
In
In all the
The study of tattooing motifs is limited, because they were not recorded when the art was flourishing. Though the art was not encouraged by the missionary teachers, a few of the figures used were utilized until fairly recent times. Such motifs as persisted or were remembered by the older people of
The colored borders of pandanus sleeping mats were purely decorative, and women vied with each other in working different designs with black and red strips of dyed material that were laid over the sinistral wefts. The various motifs and designs have been described elsewhere (70, pp. 136-154), but they are reproduced here (fig. 256) to complete this work. Designs in color were also applied to pandanus baskets. The colored bands were made in all the islands of the group except
Sennit was used in lashings, except those demanding finer material. Sennit lies flat against the wood, and its rough surface prevents it from shifting position as easily as a round cord made from material other than coir fiber. In all lashings, the commencement end of the sennit was turned down and buried under succeeding turns of the sennit. The craftsman thus had two hands free to deal with one braid. He made a turn with his right hand, pulled it taut, and kept the turn in position by the pressure of the left thumb. This enabled him to direct the course of the next turn. When it was taut, the left hand could aid in adjusting the turn accurately before the full tautness was applied. All turns were regulated in relation to previous turns, and a regular sequence was followed so as to develop a neat pattern. In Polynesian lashings great care was taken to insure neatness and regularity and genuine pride was evinced in the production of artistic patterns. All lashings of house and canoe parts were carefully made for artistic expression as well as for security. A lashing in common use on houses and canoes was formed by loops crossing alternately from above and below on the front of the lashing, as exemplified in the early stage of adz lashings (fig. 103). Another common form was the crossing figures-of-eight to form a lozenge pattern on the front of the lashing (fig. 23, c).
The most artistic lashings were made in binding the adz heads to the hafts. The triple triangle pattern (fig. 105) with two variations was used in all the islands except
The Mangaians are credited by their neighbors with being the most expert in sennit work, and their artifacts certainly prove this statement. They took pride in the manufacture of a fine flat braid termed rapa. They not only made neat lashings to fasten parts together, but they also used patterns of crossing courses of sennit for ornamentation. Among the purely ornamental patterns are the following:
In
Perforations as an art motif were used on the handles of the Rarotongan fans and on the pedestals of Mangaian ceremonial adzes. They were also used on tapa in
Though the various details in the technique of carving and lashing were well within the scope of all craftsmen, different islanders seem to have selected
A similar preference is evident in lashings. inaere pattern made by forming the sequence of crossings on one side of the first crossings and in the multiple form, it was applied to house rafters, the staff of one of the gods, and to a wooden shark hook. The lack of material decorated with multiple lozenges from inaere multiple lozenge (fig. 112) requires localizing, it is reasonable to ascribe it to
The study of the arts and crafts of the
In a comparative study, the field is restricted to material culture in which artifacts give information that has not been transmitted orally. Material, form, and technique reveal the material culture of a locality, but in the initial study of museum specimens it is essential that the localities ascribed to them should
Each of the
According to genealogies, the great ancestor Tangiia arrived in
The traditions of
In addition to the historical evidence of settlers from
The native history shows that, in addition to the fundamental culture that was introduced by the first settlers, there was ample opportunity for the diffusion of culture elements that may have been developed in the
In the first period, all the cultural elements were introduced by the first settlers from their previous home and it took some time before significant changes could develop. The climate and soil were similar to those of the
The second period was spread over six centuries and it is impossible to determine when later elements were introduced from the
The third or post-missionary period commenced with the advent of members of the
The evidence on which artifacts are attributed to different periods is based on distribution and technology. It is assumed that artifacts and technical processes that were shared by distant areas belong to the first period when separation from a common home took place. Culture is not static, however, and changes have occurred in all areas. Sometimes the changes were in matters of detail that do not conceal similarities in fundamental principles. Artifacts with a narrower distribution shared by neighboring groups are referred to the second period when inter-group diffusion took place without reaching distant islands. Artifacts and techniques that are confined to the Cook group are regarded as local developments or inventions that occurred in the second period. The allocation of some changes to the third period is based on their departure from recognized native technique and their similarity to methods adopted by Europeans.
In the arts and crafts, there was an advance in technical processes from the simple to the more complex that required time. More complex articles and technical processes are thus held to have been developed at a later period than their simpler prototypes. The opposite course may occur in the later cultural history of a people, but I can see no evidence to show that degradation overtook the arts and crafts of the
The manufacture of some articles that had ceased to function in native culture was continued into the third period for commercial reasons. Such articles are the four legged seats of
Instead of taking each period in its entirety, I have deemed it better to take each section of material culture already described and attempt to place the main artifacts or items of interest in their respective periods.
Of the various implements and utensils used in connection with food, the following are widespread and belong to the period of primary settlement:
|
climbing bandages | earth ovens | |
husking sticks | fire tongs | |
breadfruit pickers (Y-shaped) | coconut-shell cups and containers | |
coconut-leaf baskets | gourd water containers | |
carrying poles | tripod coconut graters | |
fire ploughs | fiber strainers | |
pounders (pestle form) | |
These utensils were so simple and necessary that there was little room for elaboration or change. Breadfruit pickers, carrying poles, and coconut and gourd containers, however, varied in details.
The simple forked breadfruit picker was retained, but a special picker with an obliquely crossed stick on a pole was used in
Some articles are shared with the neighboring island groups but are absent in the marginal areas. It is evident, therefore, that they are due to later elaboration, probably in the
|
stool coconut graters | pounding tables | |
types of bowls | stone food pounders |
The rich creamy fluid wrung from grated coconut was used wherever coconuts grew. The simplest technique is to use a marine shell to scrape the flesh out in thin slices. This method was used in A). It was probably introduced into the a), except in conservative b). The stool grater is present in the Society and
There is a possibility that the stool grater spread in the third period; but, as each of the three groups had distinctive forms of the four-legged seats, an earlier diffusion is more likely.
Wooden food bowls used throughout Polynesia vary in shape and in special features such as legs, handles, lids, and carving. Certain affinities exist among bowls from the Cook, Society, and
The oval or beaker type of bowl occurs in the three localities. Those of the
Another diagnostic feature is an upward projection on the wider end of the rim. Differences in the treatment of the projection in the three areas are shown in figure 257.
The single upward rim projection shows a marked contrast to the two horizontal rim projections in bowls from c) has since been definitely identified as Mangaian (fig. 5).
Round bowls, common in the
The canoe type of large bowl found in the Cook and
The only carved bowls recorded from the
Food could be carried to and from the earth oven in baskets and the cooked food served on mats, thus diminishing the need for bowls. This was evidently true in
The pounding tables of the Society and
Stone food pounders were used extensively in Polynesia, but a few areas did not use them. Food was never pounded in tuki is said to have been used for crushing berries, it did not assume distinctive form. The New Zealand stone implements that resemble pounders were used for beating flax fiber (patu muka) to soften it before weaving. The New Zealand implements (paoi) used for beating cooked fern root were made of wood. The lack of stone pounders in B). In atoll islands, the absence of the taro, sweet potato, yam, and breadfruit made pounding unnecessary.
In the remaining volcanic islands, stone food pounders are a, part of the kitchen equipment. The shape and form of the head differs in each island group. The d-k). Varieties of this form have been described for C, 2, A) and Silverthorne (59, p. 11). It is probable that this type of head was introduced from n) has not been reported from
The small bulbous form (fig. 8) is also present in
The medium thick type of Mangaian pounder (fig. 9, a) is distinct from the pestle type in the other islands of the group. An almost identical form in basalt from e) in the
Coral pounders of a type similar to that figured (fig. 10) have been described by
|
Tall, narrow pestle form | | Cook Islands (exceptMangaia ),Mangareva |
Short, thick, medium form | | Mangaia ,Austral Islands |
Large flared type | Society, | Marquesas ,Hawaii
The large flared pounder, from the standpoint of technique must be a later form than the pestle type. It may have originated in the
The netted food carrier of
From the study of authentic a) shows the flared base with a simple transverse bar with longer lateral b) shows an increased flare with still greater lateral projections of the head typical of the type made in Figure 259.—Tahitian pounders found in a, b, c; d, head of type c. Measurements in millimeters.
Dimensions
c) shows the form of head development that occurred in the windward group of the
The coral pounders already described were also probably introduced in the third period.
The iron serrated coconut grater was introduced in this period with other metal implements, but they were attached to the native form of stool grater.
The original house type was evidently rectangular in ground plan with median ridge posts supporting the ridgepole directly. For small houses, a median ridge post at each end was sufficient but for a longer house, additional median ridge posts were needed to prevent the ridgepole from sagging in the middle. This form of architecture is widespread (fig. 261, a).
The thatch material of pandanus sheets for better class houses and coconut leaf for the rougher houses was probably old. The sliding door which reached New Zealand was probably brought in with the first settlers.
The use of sennit in lashing house framework together with neat lashing patterns was old, but the use of ornamental patterns on purlins and rafters (figs. 17, 18) was evidently confined to
Four-legged wooden seats made in one piece were present in only the Cook, Society, Austral, and western Tuamotuan islands. They must have originated in the second period and diffused from the b), where the seat is flat or slightly curved. The four legs are straight, round in section but with a vertical edge on the outer side, and without feet. This form without feet must follow an old Tahitian type, as a specimen in the Royal Swedish Museum, c) was collected by Sparrman of Cook's second expedition. As this expedition did not call at the Cook and
A second type—with a well-curved seat, curved legs with heart-shaped feet, with the edge on the legs and feet directed toward the middle transverse line—is known to have been made in a). This is a local variation of the Tahitian type. The long seats of b) and the single pedestal seat of c) are also local insular variations. Although two seats of the second type in the
The seat of a third type of stool has an even greater curve than that of the b, c), and the presence of carving lead me to attribute this type to the d).
The fourth type, from western Tuamotu, follows the Tahitian flat seat with legs with an outer vertical edge and no feet. The legs are higher and near the ends of the seat and the lower ends are sometimes flared. A wooden rung is usually lashed between the end legs with sennit (fig. 260, e).
For Samoa, I describe (73, fig. 295) a three-legged seat said to have been., used by fowlers. The legs were separate and lashed to the seat. Brother malaise) used in beating coconut husk to clean fibers for making sennit (73, pl. 18, B, 4). The seats were thus elongated anvils and had no affinity in technique with the four-legged stools described above. Four-legged stools are confined to the central area of Polynesia, where they probably spread from the
As a) is widespread throughout Polynesia. This was the form introduced into the b). The two tie-beam
posts, however, are some distance inside the walls and are distinct from the wall posts (73, fig. 9, b
). This form of house spread as far east as
In te'a) stretched across the wall plates and with king posts (pou te'a) erected on the middle of the beams c). At first glance this form of framework might be classed with the king-post type of western Polynesia but there is an important structural difference involved. In the Mangaian house, the tie beam rests on the wall plate which is supported by wall posts whereas in the western houses, as I have said, the wall posts and posts supporting the tie beam are distinct from each other and set at different distances from the middle line of the house. In addition, the western tie beam is supported solely by its own two posts and does not rest on the wall plate which is at a lower level.
The terms te'a for tie beam and pou te'a for king post are Tahitian words in which the hamza represents the dropped k. If the form of house were old Mangaian, the terms used in the Mangaian dialect would have been teka and, pou teka. The Mangaian form of king-post house described for the po'o ta'a) is attached to the ends of some of the rectangular houses. A number of radiating rafters are attached above to the top of the gable end and below to a curved end plate. This technique is used in the fare pote'e of po'o ta'a is a version of the Tahitian (fare) potee which should be pote'e.
Another addition is a square lean-to, in which parallel rafters extend from the end rafters of the gable end to rest on a straight end plate supported on posts. This technique resembles that of the fare taupe'e of fare taupe'e has the lean-to addition on each end, whereas the
Plaiting is a very old craft that must have accompanied the Polynesian ancestors into the e) may be a later development, though it is found in western Polynesia. A coarse mat (tapakau) of coconut leaf for rough usage was probably introduced during this period, but it has passed out of use.
The use of pandanus for baskets and sleeping mats with the check technique must be old. In baskets, the three-ply braid which closed the bottom was probably on the outside, whereas the concealment of the braid on the inside, necessitating the plaiting of the basket inside out and then turning it again, was probably a later refinement. The early finish of the rim was probably braid. The mat finish and the serrated edge finish are probably later variations that could be repeated independently elsewhere. In plaiting pandanus mats, the ends of the wefts were left free at the commencement end and the side edges were formed by turning the wefts back into the body of the mat with the piu technique as in the koviri mats (pl. 5, C) but without color decoration. Additional wefts to increase size were added by the overlapping join that prevails throughout Polynesia. The taviri finish was used on the free ends of the wefts at the commencement and finishing ends.
Fans made from a section of coconut leaf were probably triangular in shape, with the base distal to the natural midrib handle. Others were plaited in lozenge shape by continuing the plaiting beyond the base of the triangular
The decorative bands on the borders of sleeping mats (pl. 5, B, C), formed by overlaying thin strips of dyed pandanus leaf on the foundation wefts, is peculiar to the koviri mat with plain side edges. The formation of colored side borders, however, was difficult, because in the established technique carried over on the koviri mats, the side edges were turned and there were no projecting free weft ends (fig. 263, a, b). The problem was solved by leaving the ends of the sinistral wefts free on the left edge and adding new dextrals (fig. 263, c). On the right edge, the dextral ends were left free and fresh sinistrals were added. Further complications that arose at the corners were dealt with in the manner shown in figure 263, d-f. The paretumu mat with all four borders colored was thus produced. As colored borders are unknown in the Society and
Though the triangular fan made of a short length of coconut leaf with the leaf midrib serving as a handle is old, the finer fans (pl. 4, C, D) involve a more advanced technique through the use of a wooden handle. The method of tying pairs of young leaflets to the tang of a wooden handle, the crossing of the wefts over both sides of the tang, the splitting of the weft, and the plaiting in check have been described (fig. 22). An identical technique was used in the
The Mangaian fan, apart from its lozenge shape, involved a totally different
a), the crossing on only one side of the handle tang, the closed leaflets with non-separation of the leaflet midrib, and the binding of the edges with fine cord, form a combination that occurs nowhere else in Polynesia. Its use as a symbol of peace probably dates from the period of the great ruler, Mautara, who was the hereditary priest of the powerful Ngariki tribe. When the Ngariki engaged D, E).
The form of ridge sheet (tapatu) now in use (fig. 20, b) is said to have been introduced from o'ini basket (fig. 21, c) is said to have been introduced from
A third method of closing the bottom of pandanus baskets was used after the acquisition of sewing machines. With the basket inside out, the bottom edges were smoothed together, stitched with a sewing machine, and afterwards inverted so that the seam was inside (70, fig. 175, d).
Trade dyes supplanted the old vegetable dyes in the use of color in sleeping mats and baskets.
The manufacture of bark cloth from paper mulberry bast was widespread throughout the volcanic islands and even reached New Zealand. The technique introduced from the
The A) with four surfaces of equal width throughout the length of the blade and with incised parallel grooves, form the type in use in central, eastern, and northern Polynesia—namely the Cook, Society, Austral, b). All have the proximal end of the handle flared except those in h, i). Bark cloth beaters in these areas have grooves and ridges parallel to each other. In i) which result in a variety of geometrical watermarks that may be observed by holding the cloth up to the light. The only other islands known to have the crossed lozenge pattern are B) in the g). f) are distinguished from the Hawaiian beaters by their flared proximal ends, but the j) were made from pandanus wood and depart from the eastern type in having two wide plain surfaces, two narrow grooved surfaces, and a narrow flange terminating the proximal end of the handle. A beater from k), in the Museum für Völkerkunde,
The type of beater used in western Polynesia differs from those described above in being shorter and more massive. The distal end surfaces are three inches wide, gradually diminishing to 2.5 inches at the handle shoulder. The grooves which are widely spaced follow the side edges and consequently are not parallel. There is no close grooving and some of the surfaces are plain (fig. 265, m). The beating process was commenced with the coarsely grooved surfaces and finished off with the smooth plain surfaces, hence western tapa shows no watermark. This type is used in
As atoll groups such as the Tuamotus could not grow the paper mulberry, bark cloth was not made. In New Zealand, where the paper mulberry was introduced by early Maori settlers, bark cloth was abandoned as clothing in favor of woven garments made from the native flax ( Phormium tenax). However, a small supply of bark cloth was made in the warmer areas for such articles as kites and ear ornaments. Two beaters in the
The man's lorn cloth (maro) and the woman's kilt or skirt (pareu) made from bark cloth belong to this early period. The kilt of braided ti leaves, from its simplicity of technique and wide distribution, must also be regarded as belonging to the first period. And the use of the single-pair twine in kilts of hibiscus bast is probably old in central Polynesia.
It is to be expected that colored designs on bark cloth should undergo a varied development in different islands even within the same group. In the upeti) was used in western Polynesia. This was possible with successive thin sheets in which each layer in turn was pressed down firmly on the raised pattern of the tablet, hence rubbing as a technique was associated with the western method of making the cloth. Freehand painting was also used in the west, but rubbing was not used in the rest of Polynesia. The difference between the two techniques is readily observed. In rubbed cloth, the tablet pattern is repeated over the whole surface of the cloth and the pattern also shows on the underside. In painted cloth, the pattern is not geometrically accurate and does not show on the underside except in blotches where the dye has soaked through. Attention to these differences is mentioned because inaccurate identifications have been accepted through ignorance of technique. Brigham (12, pis. 24, 25) reproduced a piece of cloth, which is in the upeti] tablet was used. Brigham recognized from the design that a dye tablet had been used, but, in accepting the cloth as Rarotongan because it was collected there, he made a wrong identification and conveyed an additional error, by assuming that rubbing on an upeti dye tablet was used in
The female garment known as a Mother Hubbard was introduced by the early missionaries to conceal the upper part of the body that Polynesian women had allowed to remain bare. At first sight, the poncho may seem to have been inspired by pastors in a period when loom textiles were not plentiful enough to supply the demand for Mother Hubbards. However, the poncho was seen in the
The ponchos preserved in collections show that there were two forms of the neck opening; the vertical slit and the circular. The side edges were straight or fringed. Garments collected at an early period indicate the original form. A Tahitian poncho (fig. 266, a
) in the Royal Swedish Museum, , b) in the
The later ponchos have circular necks which may be serrated and fringed sides, some with the edges of the fringes serrated. In some ponchos, the lower edge is serrated or fringed. One from d, e, f, have circular serrated necks and fringed lower borders; two have fringed sides; and one has serrated sides. A specimen from g) follows the more recent form.
Ponchos have been described from h).
Information regarding the occurrence of the poncho in leuleu or penu was a small tapa garment worn principally by elderly women but that its exact fakapenu garment falling only to the hips and others described it as a rectangular strip from two to three feet wide and about six feet long, with a round hole in the middle for the head to pass through. It was worn like a poncho, hanging from the shoulders to the hips in front and back. However, Cook, who visited
The poncho was seen by tiputa. It is mentioned even earlier by Wilkes (80, vol. 2, p. 141) who, in speaking of the clothing of the Samoans, states:
"… they also wear wrappers of the siapo form, and the tiputa, a kind of poncho, of the same material, after the fashion of the Tahitians …" At the time of Wilkes' visit to
On the evidence, I believe that the tiputa which originated in central Polynesia before European contact, was carried to
Headdresses, more or less elaborate, were worn in all the volcanic groups of Polynesia. Maoris just stuck single feathers in their hair, but they added ornamental combs of carved whale-bone found nowhere else in Polynesia. The various island groups used techniques that differ so widely that they must have developed after dispersal from the common center. The task of describing the technical differences in the Polynesian area is beyond the scope of this work, so attention will be confined to affinities with
Flowers and scented leaves in the form of wreaths were early forms of decoration. It is probable that the use of bark cloth in the form of turbans and conical caps was also early.
The outstanding feature of the
The technique of the coiled work differs in the
The Austral caps with feather work are of three types, which I associate with the islands of
The evidence of locality rests on a plain cap (pi. 15, A) and a decorated one (pi. 15, B) in the
The type of headdress shown in plate 15, C, has been considered a product of the
The Rurutuan helmet is graceful in appearance, and useful in the protection it affords to the head of the wearer. It was a cap fitted to the head, and reaching to the ears, made with stiff native cloth, or a cane frame-work. The lower part of the front is ornamented with bunches of beautiful red and green feathers, tastefully arranged, and above these a line of the long slender tail-feathers of the tropic, or man-of-war bird, is fixed on a wicker frame; the hinder part of the cap is covered with long flowing human hair, of a brown or tawny colour, said to be human beard; this is fastened to a slight network attached to the crown of the helmet, and, being detached from any other part, often floats wildly in the wind, and increases the agitated appearance of the wearer.
On either side, immediately above the ears, numerous pieces of mother-of-pearl, and other shells, are fastened, not as plates or scales, but depending in a bunch, and attached to the helmet by a small strong cord, similar to those passing under the chin, by which the helmet is fastened to the head. These shells, when shaken by the movements of the wearer's head, produce a rattling noise, which heightens the din of savage warfare.
Ellis' description, except for the vague part about the cap and the wicker frame, gives about as accurate a description of the headdresses as any layman could give.
The eight headdresses known to me are located as follows: two each in the
Like the
The differences, in addition to the technique of the coiled work, the relative dimensions of the cap, and the tapa lining, are as follows:
- Folded tapa is stitched to cap to support the ends of the feather clamps, instead of a bunch of coconut leaflet midribs and part of a wooden frame.
- Holders of wide pieces of thin wood supporting three parakeet wing or tail feathers are used with the clamps, a technique not used in the
Aitutaki headdress.- The horizontal clamps are formed of two pieces of thin wood unlike the composite midrib clamps of
Aitutaki .- The tropic bird tail feathers are fastened by an entirely different technique.
- The shell ornamentation consists of pieces of pearl shell threaded on a coir cord that hangs down below the cap rim, whereas whole cowrie shells are attached directly to the
Cook Islands cap.
The differences are sufficient to establish different islands of manufacture, but the affinities such as the use of horizontal clamps and rosettes composed of a number of ring carriers indicate a common origin, at least, in the technique of the featherwork.
The third form of headdress, figured in plate 15, D, is characterized by a semicircular frontal piece ornamented with rectangular pieces of white shell plaques and feathers. The shape and foundation of plaited ribands of sennit, which resemble the feather gorgets (taume) of
Though Ellis gives both
It is curious that
Pearl-shell breast ornaments were found throughout the
The study of local variations in the pearl-shell breast ornament is limited, because the only old specimens available are from a
), the suspension coil is of dyed cords of bast material, a substitute for the hair coil seen by
Pearl-shell ornaments have been collected from the Society, b). This offers a marked contrast to the unseized ends of the Mangaian suspensory
a). In one Tahitian ornament, the edges of the three shells were notched. A Marquesan ornament figured by d), a feature which differs from the Mangaian technique. The Tuamotuan ornament consists of several smaller pieces of shell attached through holes by a single braid to a twisted band of human hair braid (fig. 267, e).
tofeloa) suspended on a fine braid of human hair was used as a breast ornament in
I have not seen any pearl shell ornaments from
The braided human hair suspension coil was used in
The hair coil of
The ivory ornaments described for
The animal figure in ivory on Mangaian necklaces (fig. 58, h-l) appears on a unique whalebone bowl figured by a-c) which form a handle are practically identical with the Mangaian necklace figures. Another artifact, in the United States National Museum, cataloged as Marquesan, was figured by C) as a harpoon point. It is ornamented with animal figures similar to those on the d-f).
Thus an identical motif of unique form was present in
The wide distribution of tattooing must have accompanied the Polynesians into the
The differences in the tattooing motifs of the various islands indicate either that no set patterns were introduced from the
As quadrangular adz heads were in general use in the marginal areas of Polynesia, it may be assumed that the quadrangular type was the original form before dispersal took place. The fact that a few quadrangular adz heads were in use in the
The form of adz heads influenced the shape of the foot of the haft to which they were lashed. Three types of hafts have been described (fig. 101). The toe haft and the medium haft are associated with quadrangular adz heads and with triangular adzes which have a flat back surface. The heel haft was used with the inverted triangular adz heads which have a median edge on the back.
The toe haft has a wide distribution in
The lashing technique used with the toe haft was transverse turns around the toe and the butt of the adz head (fig. 101, c). This simple pattern was effective because the toe was long enough to accommodate the full length of the adz butt, and toe and butt formed an uninterrupted column for the continuous transverse turns of the lashing element. In Polynesia, no artistic pattern was developed with this form of lashing; but in inaere rafter pattern (fig. 18).
The commonest form of adz head in the pe'e) and a dance. When the dance was demonstrated to me by the descendants of Te 'Erui, they boasted that their ancestor brought the first adz to
Though the toe haft is ancient, it underwent in the second period a certain amount of variation in the treatment of the heel for aesthetic reasons. Some hafts have a prominent heel and were probably left so by the craftsman because he did not think it necessary to remove the upper projection on the original block or because he thought that a heel gave better balance or symmetry to the haft. In toki pou tangata) in which the heel was made large enough to be carved into a human figure. However, the toe of these hafts was shortened for better balance and the haft entered the medium class whereas the working adzes retained the toe type of haft.
The heel haft (fig. 101, e) associated with the inverted triangular adz head is present naturally enough in a secondary central area comprising the Cook, Society, and a) and another with a different lashing pattern (fig. 113) are without the toe. The modern hafted adzes from the b, 2; e). The toe part ceased to be of use and was dispensed with thus forming the heel type of haft.
The lashing pattern used with the heel haft in c, d and pl. 9, A), and it may be assumed that the same pattern was used in e, f and pl. 9, B). The triple triangle was also the general pattern for the d) carved in the technique of a, b). A Samoan hafted adz in the
The use of the two forms of the multiple lozenge pattern in C) and in
Hoop iron was a common medium used by early European voyagers for exchange or for presents. The Polynesians were quick to recognize the superiority of metal over stone; and hoop iron, next to hatchets and axes, was sought after to fashion into adzes. Later, plane blades were bought for the same purpose and with increasing trade in metal goods, the stone adzes ceased to be used. Many of the hafted adzes used in the second period were acquired by traders and collectors and found their way into museums. Hafted adzes that had been used in the native culture speedily became exhausted, but Polynesians have from time to time lashed original adz heads to new hafts in order to meet the demand created by later foreign collectors. Many of these later adzes have found their way into museums, where they create problems as to whether the shape of the haft and the form of lashing conform to an old pattern. When old specimens are available for study, the technique used with the later ones may be checked but where authentic old adzes were not collected at an early date in a particular area, the later hafted adzes from such an area do not convey proof as to the original hafting. In modern hafted adzes, the adz heads are usually authentic old specimens that have been picked up; but in
The medium type of haft (fig. 101, d) was developed from the toe haft in a secondary western area comprising a) is apparently a Polynesian adz with a toe haft. It is said to have been in b) is smaller but the haft is also of the toe type. This adz is stated to have been in c) in the National Museum,
The modern hafts made in the Cook and
In the western area, the shortening of the toe of the medium haft made it impossible to secure adz heads to it by transverse turns alone. The adz butt moved up onto the foot proper, and additional lashing turns had to move up accordingly. Figure-of-eight turns were made around the shortened toe and the heel with the oblique crossings over the front of the butt. By arranging the turns in a proper sequence alternately above and below the first crossing, a lozenge pattern was developed (73, p. 360); and if the first crossing was made low on the butt with the subsequent crossings above it, a pattern of ascending chevrons was produced (73, p. 359). These patterns offered no problem for they were in use in the house lashings of wall plates to wall posts. In the adz haft, the shaft corresponded to the wall post and the foot to the wall plate, and the adjustment of the house lashing technique to include an adz head on the foot of a haft was made readily.
In the
The carved hafts of
Polynesian craftsmen who used the toe hafts evidently felt no artistic urge to depart from a practical technique. The New Zealand craftsmen were second to none in the manufacture and use of stone adzes, and they were evidently content with the efficiency of the seizing technique they employed with quadrangular adzes. Their attitude was shared by the Hawaiians, Marquesans, and others who retained the rectangular adz and the toe haft with its simple transverse lashing.
In the western area, the lashing technique with medium hafts had to undergo change and the craftsmen undoubtedly made use of the technical knowledge that they had acquired with house building.
In the central area, the use of heel hafts also necessitated some change in the lashing technique. The simplest form of lashing used with heel hafts is the a, b). Here again, the craftsmen did not have to invent something new, for the double loop technique was used extensively in lashing together parts of houses and the cross booms of canoes. That the double loop was the precursor of the triple triangle is supported not only by its simpler technique but also by the fact that after the fixation of the commencement end (fig. 102), the commencing turns of the triple triangle were made with the double loop method (fig. 103). The change was then made by dividing the upper loop into two stages (fig. 104), which by creating a different sequence of courses resulted in the triple triangle lashing (figs. 105 and 271, c, d). It is probable
In e, f).
In
In the true ceremonial adzes (fig. 245), the shaft was plotted into narrow panels and carved with some form of the K-motif. If it is true that these adzes had a religious significance, it is reasonable to infer that the technique of narrow panels with the K-motif was derived from the carved slabs that represented tribal gods. The technique as applied to adz hafts having become established, it was used with some adzes of class 1 (fig. 244) purely for ornamentation.
The high stern piece which prevailed in all the islands of the group was shared by the Society and
Paddles and bailers were probably different in form to those in use at the end of the second period.
Hornell (44, p. 174) held that the
The
The bailer in general use in Polynesia consisted of an open scoop with a median handle projecting forward from the back (fig. 272, a). Unless the free median handle was fairly stout, as in the New Zealand form (fig. 272, f), it was apt to break off. In some island groups, such as the b). Some bailers, even in New Zealand, were strengthened by a unilateral connection with the side of the bailer (fig. 272, c). In the d). As Hornell points out (44, p. 170), the e). Hornell believes that the
The use in canoes of the fisherman's god in b) were local developments.
The sharp cut water bow, nearly vertical, and the square truncated sterns on the hulls of Rarotongan and Mangaian canoes were undoubtedly copied from European boats in the post-missionary period. The sharp cutwater at bow and stern of
The paddle with a convex curved end instead of a point at the end of the blade is now used in
In Cook's time, the double canoes that he saw must have been paddled in the same manner as the outrigger canoes, for had they been rowed, some mention of such an abnormality would surely have been made. The present double canoes in
It is evident that when the Atiuans and their immediate neighbors decided to copy the European method of propulsion by leverage against a fulcrum instead of by direct paddling, they were faced with the problem of providing a support for the thole pins. The gunwale rails of the narrow hulls were too close to be practicable. They therefore lengthened the cross booms on either side to support a stringer to provide holes for the thole pins. Hence, we may regard the longer booms, the thole pin stringer, the thole pins, and the method of rowing as foreign to the original canoes. The rowing and the thole pins were borrowed directly in the post-European period, but the practical solution of the problem by means of the thole pin stringer was an ingenious invention that originated in the native mind.
One-piece pearl-shell hooks, both rounded and U-shaped, are so widespread that the form must have been known to the first settlers of the
The general Polynesian net technique (fig. 142, a) and netting needle (fig. 141, a) were introduced and the Mangaian netting needle (fig. 141, b) was probably brought in by the conservative ancestors of the Mangaians.
The round lobster pot type of fish trap (pl. 11, B) with the opening above and the single-pair twine technique is widespread and hence early. The form of the double funnel trap (pl. 11, A) must have been known at this period because it was present in such widely separated areas as
Pearl shell was scarce in the Turbo shells and coconut shell. Unfortunately no old specimens have been recorded. Bonito hooks were not made, and their abandonment cannot be attributed solely to the lack of pearl shell. In New Zealand where there is no pearl shell, the Maoris made trolling hooks with wooden shanks inlaid with Haliotis shell and with bone points to catch the kahawai fish which went in shoals like the bonito. In the
The B, D).
Fish traps, though following an old technique as regards form, underwent local variation in the use of raw material. In most islands, the aerial roots of the kiekie were used but in kiekie did not grow, the long underground roots of the coconut palm took their place. It is also probable that the method of lashing the warps and wefts of the double funnel traps underwent local change. The shape of the C, D) with a funnel opening at one end appears to be a local development though a somewhat similar shape was used in the eel traps of New Zealand.
Metal fishhooks have completely replaced the smaller hooks of shell and bone but, curiously enough, the wooden Ruvettus hook and to some extent the wooden shark hook are still used occasionally. The hand nets and seine nets are now made with trade twine, but the Aitutakians still use their own technique. Fish traps are disappearing, though the older people still know how to make them. The most important change of this period is the many pointed metal fish spear made by blacksmiths for trade but hafted by the fishermen themselves.
Because little game was available, there was small incentive to develop fowling material. The spring fowl trap (fig. 155) must have been introduced in the first period, for similar traps were used in
The use of irrigated terraces where streams and land contour permitted is old. The pointed digging stick is widespread and underwent no improvement except in New Zealand, where a step was added and carving introduced.
The agricultural implement in the shape of a club (fig. 181, a) was a local development in
Darts thrown by hand were used throughout Polynesia, except in
Throwing discs of polished stone were used in
The common form of dart throughout Polynesia was a straight piece of cane or wood from two to four feet long. In western Polynesia, a variation took place in the addition of a head of heavy wood to a long, light shaft. In the teka kiore (fig. 156, b) and the teka ta manu'iri (fig. 156, c).
Pitching discs (fig. 158) offer a problem, for in the lafonga and the discs are tupe, whereas in tupe. Though the Mangaian discs are carved from wood, the upper cone-shaped surface
Dart throwing, disc throwing, and disc pitching can still be demonstrated in the islands but they are gradually giving way to cricket, football, and tennis.
The distribution of shell trumpets throughout Polynesia, particularly in the marginal areas of
Shell trumpets underwent variations in the different island groups in that the hole was made on the side or at the end. A further variation occurred in the addition of a wooden mouthpiece which in the
Shark-skin drums do not occur in the marginal areas of nafa was present in nafa was applied in lali form, held to have been introduced from itulasi was formerly used in
New Zealanders danced to the time of the human voice and the beating of hands and feet. Their religious ritual was confined to the priest and perhaps a few companions at the small shrines. Massed meetings on a temple court were unknown. Thus, if the drum was known to them in the
The
The lower single slot fixation characteristic of
None of the islands which used the upper indirect fixation used the lower slot fixation. In
The early drum was a section of tree trunk hollowed out from either end and with a septum left intact between the two hollows nearer the lower end. A shark-skin cover was fitted over the upper opening and drawn taut by vertical lengths of braid which were fastened below. The
It is evident that, the early form of fixation was departed from in the other areas. In the upper fixation, olona cords instead of sennit to form a characteristic lozenge pattern. Thus, though the drum may have belonged to an early period, a good deal of variation in technique and ornamentation took place during the second period.
Slit gongs were present in the Cook, Society, and pu), shark-skin drum (pa'u), and slit gong (ka'ara) from the gods on a temple in '
An occasional shell trumpet is to be found in use by bakers to call their rounds. The shark-skin drums are no longer made but a substitute covered with cowhide and beaten with a stick after the manner of European drums is sometimes used to give time in native dances. The ka'ara type of wooden gong has completely disappeared but the pate type (fig. 162) is still made to mark time in dances and to call attention before making public announcements.
The weapons of Polynesia vary so much that in each group, they must have undergone considerable local change from common ancestral types. The weapons of each island in the Cook group are so diverse that it is possible that the first settlers on each island brought in different forms of clubs.
Spears under the widespread name of tao are extremely simple as compared with the many-pointed composite spears of
The diversity in clubs offers a greater problem as to prototypes. Unfortunately no old clubs were available from a-e) which developed a wider blade in the unique club from f). A wider and longer plain blade is also found in a
). The smooth-edged blade with a distal point might well have been the precursor of later types developed during occupation.
The sling was used throughout the volcanic islands of Polynesia except in
Later elaboration occurred with the spear points. The Rarotongan spear (fig. 187) with a series of four short barbs and the puapua inano point are examples of a development which reached a peak in the Samoan form known as le tala o le lo (the barb of the porcupine fish), in which the barbs point in three directions (73, fig. 316, c).
The narrow Rarotongan serrated club (fig. 174) resembles in general form the shape of the
The Mangaian local myth regarding the digging up and splitting of the first ironwood tree implies that the spade club is ancient, but as the form preserved in the f) illustrates a more primitive type. It is possible
A feature shared by Mangaian and Rarotongan clubs is the shoulder ornament, which follows the form of carving developed independently in each island. The clubs with lozenge-shaped blades characteristic of the Society and
A more significant feature, shared by taiaha or hani has a flat carved point bounded above by a projecting flange. Though the taiaha point resembles the Rarotongan point in shape, the resemblance is due to convergence. The taiaha point is derived from the New Zealand use of the human head as an art motif. The small head carving in the other two types of clubs has been carried down nearer the point, the rounded spear point flattened out into a human tongue
Discarding the minor accessory details, the functional butt point in four groups of islands that have had direct communication with each other, deserves attention. I was told in
Though organized warfare ceased after the general acceptance of the Christian faith, spears and clubs were made for use in dances at festivals. The Atiuans made good replicas of their old clubs (pl. 2, A), and the Rarotongans made cruder forms of their serrated clubs (pl. 1, A). The Mangaians, however, seem to have departed from old models for none of those made for dances (pl. 2, B) resemble the old clubs preserved in museums.
The distribution of images in
Non-human forms of religious symbol were made from stone, wood, shell, pandanus leaf, coconut leaf, coconut leaf stipule, coconut-husk fiber, bark, feathers, and human hair. Treated materials were sennit braid from coconut husk fiber, cords from oronga bark, and tapa cloth from paper mulberry bast. With such a range of material, simple and complex symbols were made of diverse forms in the different islands. As a general rule, the simpler objects represented minor gods reverenced by a family. The more complex objects that required expert skill in their construction represented the major gods worshipped by tribes or districts on temples with an organized ritual conducted by a hereditary priesthood.
Simple natural and manufactured objects were prominent in a), palm leaf (fig. 231, b), sennit, tapa cloth, and shell trumpet, were direct descendants of ancient forms. The piece of palm leaf ornamented with a sennit bow and cones of bark cloth blessed by the priest, sought good luck for the days fishing and had to be renewed on subsequent occasions. The piece of sennit representing Tane-kio and the sennit roll representing Mokoiro were ordinary material until priestly ritual converted specific pieces into religious symbols. Tane-kio was a major god and he was later represented by a carved wooden symbol in the national god house. The representation of the national god Rongo in
Composite symbols composed of more than one material were developed during the period of occupation and are discussed apart from carved wooden symbols and images. Specimens have been preserved from
Further variation in the ornamentation of the sennit bundle is the arrangement of the feathers in a bunch at one end and covering the outside of the bundle with a lozenge design in sennit (fig. 250). Another bundle was composed entirely of tapa, and human hair took the place of feathers (fig. 251). Though a padding of sennit was used in
The images made in a, b). The wooden images used by sorcerers in c) and the wooden gods of d) also share these four characteristics. It may be assumed that these features were derived from early forms in central Polynesia. The clasped hands, prominent abdomen, and flexed legs were carried northeast to the e) and southwest to New Zealand (fig. 274, f). In the other island group, the arms are freed from the body. g). The freed arms are pendent in h), i), and j).
In the various islands, however, the development of local art pursued individual lines and led to diversity in the treatment of anatomical details. In
Wooden objects carved with geometrical motifs and having a religious significance may be divided into three classes which are associated with particular islands. They are keyed as follows:
The simplest of such objects is the Aitutakian slab. As images were also made in unu) used in unu ornaments.
Though the flat slabs of
Even between two islands so close together as
The wooden stands of
The rounded shafts of the Mangaian gods were ornamented with fine braid in transverse turns or in the multiple lozenge pattern and with sennit wrapped with human hair. The
The early conversion of the islands to Christianity ended the manufacture of religious symbols, except the Mangaian ceremonial adz which lost its religious significance and became a purely art object.
It is fascinating to speculate on the reason why images were abandoned in favor of other symbols of the gods. This change which occurred in the
Throughout Polynesia, the ordinary medium of communicating or extending supernatural powers, was the red feather of a small bird found in many of the islands, and the beautiful long tail-feathers of the
tropic, or man-of-war bird. For these feathers the gods were supposed to have a strong predilection; they were the most valuable offerings that could be presented; to them the power or influence of the god was imparted, and through them transferred to the objects to which they might be attached.
Ellis goes on to tell that in the paeatua ceremony of the temple, people brought red feathers and received in exchange other red feathers that had been impregnated with the essence of the gods having been deposited with a properly constituted god in the temple. He says (25, vol. 2, p. 206):
The feathers, taken home, were deposited in small bamboo-canes, excepting when addressed in prayer. If prosperity attended their owner, it was attributed to their influence, and they were usually honored with a
tooor image, into which they were inwrought; and subsequently, perhaps, an altar and a rude temple were erected for them.
In ti'i (tiki), was abandoned in favor of a non-human form termed to'o (toko). The abandoned image technique was seized upon by sorcerers as the form of symbol for the familiar spirits (orometua) that assisted them in their evil craft. Hence craftsmen continued to carve images to supply a demand that survived the change. The to'o (toko) symbols that replaced the images as gods were composite objects made of wood, coir, and feathers. In New Zealand, the term toko was applied to a stick or staff that was set upright on a mound to represent the god to whom chants were addressed to promote crop fertility. It is probable that the Tahitian term to'o was applied originally to some simple form of wooden staff. The increased value of feathers led to their being honoured with a to'o staff "into which they were inwrought." The technique of "inwroughting" devised by the Tahitian craftsmen was a coir wrapping around the staff to serve as a medium to which feathers could be attached more easily than to the wooden staff itself. Tahitian craftsmen developed individual methods of making these composite symbols. In some, the wooden part remained predominant and in others, the coir wrapping completely obscured the wooden element. However, instead of abandoning the simpler techniques, the various forms continued to be manufactured and all received the original name of to'o. As the process of change in to'o is described here and figured in plate 16.
The first to'o (pl. 16, A) is a wooden object, 795 mm. long, with an expanded upper part 143 mm. wide, carved in open work with a median human figure at the top and with four lateral human figures facing outward. The lower shaft is round with cross diameters of 28 and 27 mm. in the middle and with the lower end, flared and pierced by two holes. The coir part is small and serves to lash two pointed sticks to the shaft. It is catalogued as the god Ta'aroa.
The second symbol (pl. 16, B) is the doubtful specimen attributed to
The third symbol (pl. 16, C) was one of the household gods of King Pomare of
In the next symbol (pl. 16, D), the wooden element is 615 mm. long but its width at the top is only 37 mm. The coir wrapping is formed of sennit but the technique is single-pair twining which is continuous and departs from the cuff technique of the two preceding specimens. Before the winding was commenced, coir fiber was wrapped around the wooden element as padding to increase the diameter of the wrapped part at the middle to 78 mm. Two long crossed cords were attached for feather fixation.
An increase in the coir work is present in another of King Pomare's family gods named Temeharo (pl. 16, E). The wooden element, 825 mm. long, has become a mere core for the covering of single-pair twining which covers all but the extreme ends of the wooden part. The coir work was made as a separate cuff and then wrapped around the wooden core with some coir padding. It was kept in position by transverse bands of sennit lashing. A number of sennit holders for feathers is still in position but the feathers have disappeared.
In the next specimen (pl. 16, F), the wooden core is completely covered by a sennit cuff of single-pair twining, the edges of which are sewn together with a single length of sennit. The interior was padded with coir particularly at the upper end thus causing the two edges of the cuff to gape. Transverse lashings of sennit were also used to keep the cuff in position. The length of to'o is 305 mm. and the! maximum diameter toward the upper end is 60 mm. A loop of sennit is attached to the upper end.
The commonest form of to'o (pl. 16, G) resembles the preceding in shape and in the use of single-pair twining to cover the wooden core. It differs in that the wooden core is made to the exact shape required and the single-pair twining is applied directly over it in a continuous technique like the making of fish traps. Thus neither padding nor transverse bands of lashing were required. In addition, seized loops of coir are attached to represent eyes, nose, and navel and other pieces are attached to represent arms and three-fingered hands. The length is 400 mm. and the maximum diameter, 91 mm. The coir holders for the attachment of feathers have disappeared.
The last example (pl. 16, H) is a well-preserved specimen of the preceding type, with the coir holders and feather decoration still in position. Its length is 418 mm. and its maximum diameter is 84 mm.
In the variety of to'o described, all, except perhaps the first, were used as stands for the attachment of the all important feathers impregnated with the essence of divinity. The loss of the feathers in museum specimens has robbed them of the divine element in the symbolism they were meant to convey in religious ritual.
The change in the form of religious symbols that took place in some of the B) and there is no doubt as to their great importance. Such a medium of display, however, probably required too many feathers to be accepted as a general pattern and a more economical form was also devised.
Influenced undoubtedly by the form of unu decorative slabs, the A). The arch with its cleats and lozenge-chevron motif was adopted in C, D), but the local craftsmen arranged them on a round column in radiating vertical rows. F-I).
The affinity between unu slab is probable. The Mangaian slabs, however, have so many differences that the F-H) in the to'o and the narrow panels with the K-motif so characteristic of Rori's art are entirely absent from Tahitian carving. Thus the diffusion of Rori's art from
In view of a certain similarity between Mangaian and f). This motif does not occur on the old carvings made by Rori and, as I have pointed out, it does not appear in
The change from images to other forms took place in the northeastern fringe of the
It must be stressed that in the importance paid to the display of feathers, the Tahitians and the Cook Islanders obtained their ends by totally different methods. Apart from the form of the objects used, the important principle involved was the preparation of the object for the attachment of the feathers. In the B to
The material culture of the
These ancestors had originally moved from the Asiatic mainland into Indonesia, where they adjusted their continental culture to volcanic islands. The volcanic islands provided basaltic stone for tools; and the fertile soil watered by streams produced abundant food, such as the coconut, breadfruit, banana, taro, yam, and arrowroot. The paper mulberry supplied raw material for clothing. Domesticated pigs, dogs, and fowls supplied ample flesh foods. The surrounding sea also commanded attention as a source of food supply, and local development took place in the making of lines, hooks, and nets for fishing and the building of canoes for water transport. A maritime culture developed.
When the Polynesians moved farther into the
The social and religious systems of a previous volcanic island home may be preserved on atolls, but the arts and crafts suffer drastic changes owing to the loss of food plants and of raw material both in wood and in stone. The people retrogressed from the stone age to what may be termed a shell age.
Stone adzes were replaced by inferior tools of Tridacna shell, and even the basaltic stones used in the cooking ovens had to be replaced with shells and lumps of coral which lasted for only one cooking. The food plants were reduced to the coconut and the fruit of the pandanus, which, but little used hitherto, became an important addition to the diet. With the loss of the paper mulberry which would not grow on atolls, tapa cloth was no longer possible, and substitute garments were plaited from the leaves of the coconut and pandanus. Coconut-husk fiber was the only available material for making fishing lines, nets, and ropes. Timber was reduced in quantity, hence the available tree trunks were split into planks for building plank canoes in order to make the limited supply go as far as possible. Apparently, domestic animals did not survive on atoll islands, possibly because of the change in food.
The travelers moved steadily toward the rising sun—progressing through the atolls of eastern Micronesia, the
The
Immediate use could not be made of fertile soil and abundant streams, for cultivable food plants, except the coconut, had been lost. Thus, for a time,
Tahitian traditions term the earliest inhabitants of the tangata whenua (people of the land). Both groups of settlers took their women with them and had reached fairly large numbers when the later voyagers arrived. It is certain that both expeditions had ample food and water or they would never have reached such distant lands. According to the traditions of each area, these earliest settlers were without cultivable food plants or animals. Though neither expedition may have known what land they would reach, they were provisioned and intended to settle the land they found. Had there been cultivable food plants in the land they set out from, they would have taken some with them to plant in the new home.
The later period of cultural development in central Polynesia began with the regaining of the cultivable food plants, the paper mulberry, and the domestic animals which had been lost during the passage through atoll islands. Probably they were regained by Polynesian crews who took a more southerly course from eastern Micronesia and reached
Early communication was established between Polynesian
Some Samoan visitors to
Fiji wished to take pigs back with them to breed in their own homeland. The Fijians, however, objected to the transport of live pigs but allowed their visitors to provision their vessel with pork. The Samoans tricked their hosts by concealing a number of very young pigs in the abdominal cavity of a large dressed pig which they carried openly to their vessel without hindrance. And so, says the story, the first pigs came toSamoa .
The other animals and the plants probably entered
At some early period, a lone voyager traveling east must have found his way to the Peruvian coast of South America and returned with the sweet potato (15, pp. 313-316). At all events, the sweet potato reached the
Eventually, the introduced food plants cultivated in the
The advent of a richer supply of plant and animal foods stimulated the development and elaboration of Polynesian culture. The regaining of the paper mulberry restored bark cloth as clothing and gave back to the women a former craft. The food plants and animals not only affected material culture, but they influenced social and religious institutions. For example, the commoners fattened pigs for their chiefly landlords and large numbers were provided for feasts and social gatherings. The head of the pig went to the chief as the symbol of his rank. Pigs became appropriate offerings to the gods and special platforms were added to the temples to hold the offerings at religious ceremonies. Thus, in divers ways, cultural growth was stimulated by a richer food supply.
It is probable that the plants and animals from
The higher culture of
In the same period, the later Polynesian culture was carried to the tangata whenua. In the New Zealand climate, however, some of the food plants would not grow. The colder climate and different endemic flora necessitated greater changes in adjustment, and the material culture of New Zealand departed greatly from the later Polynesian pattern that had been brought from the
The early settlers of the
The Cook Islanders came in their own canoes and brought with them their tools and household goods preparatory to settling in a new home. They brought with them the food plants that flourished in
In umu) remained permanent. Iron pots and pans were impossible to a stone age people and earthenware pots were just as impossible, owing to the absence of clay in the Polynesian islands. Thus the liquid foods, such as arrowroot and coconut cream were heated by dropping hot stones into the liquid in a wooden bowl. An implement was necessary to pick up the hot stones from the fire and place them in the bowl, so the fire tongs, consisting of a doubled length of coconut midrib, continued to be used. Experience proved that an easy way to husk a coconut was by means of a pointed stick stuck in the ground, and as no other method proved as practicable, the husking stick came to stay. The grating of coconuts was necessary to obtain the creamy fluid contained in the flesh and a grater was made with a serrated piece of coconut shell attached to a wooden arm. The tripod form of coconut grater made the work easier, for the person could sit at his task. This form lasted until the later manufacture of four-legged stools led to a change in form. Fiber strainers were also necessary for wringing the coconut cream out of the grated nut and at the same time straining the fluid. The use of half coconut shells as cups was not dictated by necessity but was primarily due to their abundance. Coconut-shell and gourd water containers were so practical that they became permanent. Plaited food platters, baskets, and mats were all so useful that they practically figured as necessities, and coconut leaves provided suitable material which could be easily and quickly worked. Breadfruit grows on tall trees and those out of reach were more readily procured by a long pole with a forked end for twisting the stem of the fruit. In culinary operations, the cooked taro formed a better dish when pounded and so stone pounders became a necessary item in the kitchen equipment. As a means of carrying burdens, particularly food from the cultivations to the home, was required at some time in the past, the Polynesians adopted the carrying pole. The method was satisfactory and no circumstances arose to cause a change.
The factors that resulted in the continued use of the articles enumerated may be summed up as follows. First, the need for them continued throughout the period of occupation. Second, they were effective for the purposes for which they were designed. Third, they were so simple in form that there was no room for change except in the tripod grater, which, however, was retained in
An example of the stability of certain simple techniques is furnished by New Zealand (p. 481). Out of a food complex of 18 items, only the following four items remained stable: the fire plough, earth oven, gourd water container, and wooden bowl. The technique of the fire plough was as applicable to dry wood in New Zealand as elsewhere, and not only the method but the Polynesian names of the lower grooved piece of wood and the upper rubbing stick remained unchanged. The earth oven continued in use, with but minor changes in detail. The gourd water container persisted because the seeds of the plant (Laginaria vulgaris) were introduced and grew. Wooden bowls did not lack for material.
The manufacture of more complex objects and structures led to specialization and to the development of expert craftsmen. Complex objects, during the course of their evolution, were elaborated upon and improved until improvements were exhausted and they acquired a set traditional pattern. To gain stability, additional factors were involved which
The necessity to satisfy the needs and interests of life applied to other arts and crafts, as it did to food. The continuance of those needs and the supply
Of the traditional factors, education in the traditions and technique of a craft was important when the technique had reached a set pattern. The craftsmen took pride in reproducing the patterns they had been taught. Sometimes magico-religious beliefs and practices grew up around a craft, and departures from the recognized technique were liable to be regarded as ill omens presaging misfortune for the erring craftsman. If the craft developed some form of organization, such as that of the Samoan guild of carpenters, a set of rules was observed which insured adherence to the established pattern. The Samoan guild added to their social status by claiming divine descent from the god Tangaloa, and the various elements in the framework of the houses with rounded ends were named after mythical ancestors who assisted Tangaloa in the building of the first house, which formed the pattern for subsequent buildings. The guild, when building a house, brooked no interference from the house owner. Any criticism was regarded as an insult and, unless an abject apology was made, the carpenters abandoned the work.
Another important factor was the social significance of the products of expert skill for their possession and use formed material marks of distinction between the artistocracy and the lower orders. The aristocracy were the patrons of the arts and crafts, and the craftsmen were paid for their work in food, material goods, and sometimes in land. The expert craftsmen established a social position, and they disdained to engage in the simpler tasks, which they regarded as beneath their dignity. The Samoan carpenters will not thatch the roof of a house, for they regard thatching as unskilled labor to be left to the houseowner and his relatives. They will not make the ordinary dugout canoe (paopao) because it calls for no special skill. Thus the simpler techniques were left to the masses and practically every individual could build his own dwelling house and cooking house, make a dugout canoe, plait lines, ropes, and coconut-leaf baskets, tie knots and lashings, and provide the material needs of everyday life. Thus, the simpler crafts, which supplied the necessities of life, were more likely to maintain their stability than the specialized crafts, which were dependent on chiefly patronage and were liable to deteriorate and be abandoned if their material and functional values were not sustained.
When the emigrants from the
The only actual loss of the Cook Islanders appears to have been the bonito hook. This loss may be attributed to the fact that the usual range of the bonito
New Zealand, on the other hand, lost many foods. When
Of the 14 losses sustained by New Zealand, eight were associated with the loss of the coconut palm. Not only did the Maoris lose the coconut as a food, they lost useful articles, such as the coconut-shell cup, the coconut-shell water container, and the platters, baskets, and mats made from the leaves. The cup was no real loss, and the water container was not missed because the gourd container sufficed. The platters, baskets, and mats were replaced by similar
Though the fire tongs were made from coconut-leaf midrib, they could have been reproduced in other local material, but they lost their function with the loss of arrowroot and coconut cream. Though taro survived in New Zealand, it was limited to the warmer areas and its supply was restricted to one crop a year through climatic conditions. It was more of a luxury than a staple article of diet and evidently there was never enough to warrant the extra luxury of pounded puddings. With the abandonment of pounding, the stone food pounders ceased to be made. It was not convenient to make the leaf oven covers of Polynesia, so plaited covers were substituted. Plaited carrying straps were found to be more suitable than carrying poles.
No culture can remain static. As may be seen from the account of the various objects attributed to the second period in the
Substitution means the satisfying of an old need with an article of different material or technique from that previously in use. It usually occurs in the early period of settlement when people are adjusting themselves to the local supplies and the conditions in a new home, or it may be delayed until the conditions arise that necessitate the change.
There are two main forms of substitution. In one, a somewhat similar article is made with a different material, which usually requires some changes in technical details. In the other, a totally different form is made to serve the same function, because similar material is not available or because local conditions render the old form inconvenient.
In the Turbo shell in the making of fishhooks.
In New Zealand, conditions were entirely different. Of the 14 items; (table 5) which had to be abandoned, five were important enough to stimulate the production of substitutes. Plaited platters, baskets, and mats were too useful to be abandoned, and, as the Maoris were well acquainted with the plaiting technique, all they had to do was to find some local substitute for coconut leaves. The substitute material was found in the native flax ( Phormium tenax) which grew abundantly everywhere, but technical adjustments had to be made. In the coconut leaf, the leaflets which formed natural wefts were attached to the leaf midrib and a commencement fixation was provided by nature. The flax grew in large bunches with wide leaves springing directly from the roots. Thus individual leaves had to be split by hand to form the wefts, and as each weft was separate, a technique had to be devised to fix them in a commencement edge. The flax basket was commenced at the bottom and finished at the rim, whereas the opposite sequence was used in the coconut-leaf basket. Flax platters and mats also underwent technical change as a result of different material.
Though flax baskets became the established form, the early settlers must have been struck by the similarity of the leaves of the native nikau palm ( Rhopalostylis sapida) to those of the coconut palm. Maoris at Koroniti on the Wanganui River informed me that baskets were sometimes made from
The substitution of plaited oven covers for leaf covers naturally followed the development of plaiting with flax. In Polynesia, the oven covers were formed of the large leaves of the wild hibiscus, breadfruit, banana, and ti. The function of the leaf covers was to prevent the earth sealing from coming into contact with the food. However, large-leaved plants were not so accessible to the cooking houses in New Zealand, hence the Maoris substituted mat covers of plaited flax that were easy to make and much more durable. It is interesting to note that in atolls where large-leaved plants are scarce, the oven covers are made of mats plaited from coconut leaves.
The substitution of plaited carrying straps for the widely spread Polynesian carrying pole was due to peculiar conditions that arose in New Zealand. With the increase in population and the development of intertribal warfare, the people built fortified villages on the tops of hills and ridges that offered natural facilities for defense. The hillsides were terraced in tiers to accommodate the dwelling houses, and the slopes between the tiers were cut to form steep Walls that were protected by high wooden palisades. The tiers were interrupted with narrow, fenced communication passages to further obstruct enemy attacks. It is obvious that transporting food from, the cultivations up the steep hillsides and through narrow passages with a carrying pole would be difficult, as the efficiency of the carrying pole depends on maintaining the balance between the two ends. The Maoris found it more convenient to carry burdens on their backs, so plaited carrying bands (kawe) like knapsack straps were invented to support the burden. They came into general use and the carrying pole was abandoned. However, heavy weights beyond the strength of one person were slung to the middle of a stout pole with the ends supported on the shoulders of two men walking in file. This form of carrying retained the Polynesian term (amo) which is applied to the carrying pole.
The term diffusion is applied to the introduction of a cultural element from outside the group after the local culture has been established by the process of fission. If the introduction proved useful or attractive and similar raw material was available, it was incorporated into the local culture. In the process of reproduction, it was liable to undergo changes similar to those which would occur in substitution. If an introduction was not accepted by the culture, it remained an importation which disappeared when it was worn out.
The first step toward diffusion is connected with ocean transport and the causes that led to continuance of voyages between island groups. One should imagine that after the various island groups had been settled by emigrants from the
Internal wars in the
tiputa).
e) and d). Animal-like carving: h-l). Coiled coir cap: all
All the items listed under the
The spread of the game of disc pitching from
The elements which spread by diffusion to the
Table 6 shows some direct communication between the Cook and
The presence of the four-legged grater in the b) and the o'ini basket (fig. 21, c) were introduced during the third period from
It is significant that the pitching discs from
If the Y-shaped stanchion of the
From
Folded tapa was also substituted for the wooden framework and leaflet midrib bundles for supports for the ends of the horizontal clamps. Additions were made by lining the cap with tapa and using side pendants of pieces of pearl shell (pl. 15, C). The coiled cap with the lazy squaw technique (pl. 15, A) and the tapa lining spread to B) and D), but each island developed independent forms of feather ornamentation. This attempt at reconstruction is the best I can offer, but it may be only partly correct.
A survey of the material objects attributed to the second period shows that a good deal of local development or independent evolution occurred and added many new things to the original patterns. It appears likely that at the time of separation from the
In the art of tattooing, the technique was identical in each island. All used the tattooing comb and the light mallet for tapping the comb after the teeth had been dipped in a black pigment mixed from soot obtained by burning the oily kernels of candlenuts. The motifs used and the exact parts of the body treated differed in each island. An island developed its own tattooing patterns, which were respected by others as much as if they were protected by patent rights. One of the old Rarotongans, on the back of whose neck I saw the rauteve motif (fig. 72, a), told me that he was tattooed with a group of other young men who planned a visit to rauteve to show that they were Rarotongans.
A similar process of island development took place in wood carving. Each island developed its own individuality in art, as regards form and the details of carving motifs applied for aesthetic enhancement. In no way can this individual development be better illustrated than by religious symbols. It is apparent that
Another example of island diversity occurred in the forms of weapons. While spears and slings probably underwent little change from early forms, each island developed different forms in their clubs. However, the special feature of a flanged butt point spread within the group. It must be
Some minor differences may be overlooked because they are overshadowed by major similarities. In the complex pearl-shell breast ornaments the main elements consist of one valve of a pearl oyster shell and a suspensory coil of many strands of human hair braid. Minor differences are the amount of the hinge border of the shell that is removed to form the top edge, a straight or curved top border, the retention or lack of a strip of the outer rim surface, the technique of attaching the shell to the braid coil, and the treatment of the ends of the coil for fastening around the neck. In A, C), and it is certain that the other islands had also developed differences that lack of old specimens have prevented me from ascertaining. All that was necessary to perpetuate the pearl-shell ornament was for early settlers to carry with them the memory of a pearl-shell ornament attached to human hair braid. In the subsequent reproduction of the ornament, the craftsmen of each island fastened the essential parts together according to their own ideas. It might almost be stated as a technical axiom that craftsmen on different islands cannot reproduce the same idea in exactly the same way.
The frame dye stamp of
An example of the interisland spread of a new local technique is the decorative colored borders of pandanus sleeping mats. The unique method of attaching new wefts to the side borders and dealing with the corners (fig. 263) shows that the technique is a distinct invention in plaiting, and its confinement to the
Elements which entered the group by diffusion from without must have spread in a manner similar to the interisland spread of local developments and local inventions. Some elements such as pitching discs, the medium form of food pounder, the specialized thick tapa and the animal-like form of art motif reached the island of
Importation applies to the introduction of material objects from without which are not incorporated in the native culture. Early European voyagers bartered hoop iron, nails, hatchets, and other foreign goods for pigs, fowls, fruits, and vegetables. Though some of the foreign goods were adjusted to native use, it may be said of imported goods that they were used as long as they lasted, but objects made of iron and glass and linen or cotton thread could not be reproduced by native technique. The natwes were quick to realize the superiority of iron over stone, and hoop iron and nails formed a lucrative means of exchange for the early explorers. In New Zealand, a large tract of land was sold for pieces of hoop iron, and later generations often refer somewhat sadly to what they have termed te hoko paraharaha (the hoop iron sale).
Importations increased with the coming of the missionaries, for they brought extra supplies of goods for gifts and for exchange. The influence of the missionaries affected the native material culture, particularly clothing. The wives of the missionaries taught the women to sew and to make garments to cover their bodies from neck to heel. The supply of trousers and shirts was not sufficient to meet the demand, so the men had to be content with pieces of cloth which were used as kilts. There was one item in the missionary dress, however, that the natives were able to copy from local material and this was the hat with a projecting brim. Great ingenuity was displayed in making native hats out of pandanus leaf and the leaf midribs of the birds'-nest fern (Asplenium nidus), and hat making became a new industry for women. The missionaries also imported the tie beam and king post type of architecture for the support of the ridges of churches, schools, and their own dwellings. Though it never supplanted the direct ridge post in native dwellings, it was used by native carpenters in building some communal houses.
Native pastors from the
Adaptation in material culture means the modification of an object to a new use. This usually entails a change of form or of structure. Though the
Trade hatchets made for cutting wood were adapted by the Maoris into fighting weapons of two types. In one type, a short bone handle with a carved butt and a wrist thong attached through a hole in the butt was substituted for the original wooden haft, and the weapon was used for infighting. In the other type, a long wooden handle with a pointed butt was substituted for the original short handle and used as an addition to the native types of weapon with a long striking blade and a stabbing butt point. These long-handled hatchets (toki kakau roa) were also carved on the shaft at the junction of the middle and lower thirds with a human head of the same pattern as that on the native weapons. In some islands, the hatchet handle was removed and the hatchet head lashed transversely to a short native handle for use as an adz. The lashing turns of sennit passed through the hole originally occupied by the wooden haft.
Loom woven cloth originally intended for dresses of European pattern was used for kilts or skirts by wrapping the upper edge around the waist and tucking the ends over the overlapping folds just as the tapa kilts (pareu) were worn. As concealment of the upper body was not considered necessary, two yards of cloth provided a complete dress or suit of clothes. It is probable that the circular neck opening and side fringes of the later types of poncho were due to the acquisition of scissors.
Some proud possessors of sewingmachines have signalized their advance in a foreign technique by running the double lower edge of a plaited pandanus basket through the machine and closing the bottom with a continuous cotton stitch instead of using the orthodox native technique of closing with a three-ply braid.
With the increase of foreign trade through the establishment of trading stations throughout the
Steel tools completely replaced the old tools made of stone, iron spear heads with many barbed prongs succeeded the single-pointed wooden fish spears, and trade fishhooks with barbs displaced the early adaptations made from nails.
Native weapons ceased to be made when the people accepted Christianity and the old specimens were given away or sold. Some were subsequently made for show in pageants at festivals, but, lacking old models, they were poor reproductions except those of
The missionaries introduced the process of burning coral to make lime with which to plaster the walls of churches, schools, and their own dwelling houses. The method was adopted to a certain extent in making houses for chiefs, but later, houses of sawn timber were preferred. With the increase of white settlers, more sawn timber and corrugated roofing iron were imported from New Zealand and the native thatched houses were rapidly displaced. Iron cooking vessels, table utensils, crockery, and modern furniture have gradually found their way into the homes of the wealthier people.
Clothing followed more and more the European patterns as dress textiles and men's suits became cheaper and more plentiful. Every household has a sewing machine, and practically every household has wooden blocks upon which to shape straw hats. The manufacture of tapa to wear at festivals gradually ceased, and the craft has practically died out. Though many people go barefooted about their work, changing social values demand that people wear shoes at least to church. Native ornaments have been completely replaced by trade jewelry.
The native games of disc throwing, disc pitching, and dart throwing are almost extinct, because their place has been usurped by the popular English games of cricket, football, and, to a lesser extent, tennis. Cups for interisland championships create keen competition and interisland matches in Rugby football take place when transport can be arranged. When the interisland monthly steamer service is used, the visiting teams are the guests of the home island until the next arrival of the steamer. A native touch is given to a foreign institution by the native pastor conducting a short service on the field before the match during which each of the opposing teams sings a hymn of its own selection. In mtervillage matches, a further native character is given by the home village providing a midday meal not only for the visiting team but also for the supporters who accompany it. Cooked fish, crayfish, fowls, sometimes pork, vegetables, and pounded taro puddings are brought to the playing ground in coconut-leaf baskets by the local families and after the religious service, the pile of food is formally given to the visitors in a speech of welcome by the village speaker. After acknowledgment by a visiting speaker, the visitors divide the food among themselves. Thus, though the native games have died out, their social setting has persisted.
The greatest inroad on the food complex is probably the introduction of flour and the subsequent appetite for hard biscuits (crackers) and white bread. Native bakers have entered business and the baker's cart makes regular rounds through the villages with a shell trumpet announcing its passage. The shell trumpet which formerly called warriors to battle and the faithful to temple ritual now summons the peaceful inhabitants to buy their daily bread. Of other European foods, the most popular are canned beef and canned salmon, probably because it is no trouble to prepare them for the table. Coffee has been added to the old time beverages of plain water and coconut fluid. Kava is but rarely prepared and then more as an item of interest from the past than as a practical beverage of today. The coffee beans do not cost anything and as coconut cream goes well with coffee, the only expense is sugar. The people patronize coffee rooms connected with the local bakeries and, for a small sum, obtain a mug of sweetened coffee and a hot roll with New Zealand butter. Though imported liquors are prohibited to the natives, the European taste for alcohol has been acquired, as well as the European proclivity for evading the law. They secretly brew beer from oranges and bananas.
Invasion reached a peak after the islands were ceded to
Though the invasion of western culture has wrought many changes, the native culture of the
The entire population belongs to some sect of the Christian religion, most of them to the Protestant faith established by the
Since assuming authority, the Government has interfered as little as possible with the social organization of the people. The status of the ariki and mataiapo chiefs is fully recognized, and succession is according to native law. A few cases of succession have been referred to the High Court by the natives themselves because the families of opposing claimants could not arrive at a mutual agreement. The arikis and leading chiefs represent their people on the Island Councils established by the Government, and no ordinance is passed without a majority approval. Land tenure follows the native rules of inheritance, and ownership is decided by the Land Court on the native historical and genealogical evidence. The chiefs still let land to the commoners for cultivation, and the tenants pay their rent (atinga) with part of the produce of the land. Apart from small areas acquired for Government buildings and schools, native land is inalienable though parts may be leased with Government consent. The procedure with regard to births, marriages, and deaths conform to the church pattern, but birth celebrations, marriage gifts and feasts, and wailing over the dead retain a native atmosphere. The squatting position in childbirth and the cutting of the navel cord after the placenta has been expelled are survivals of custom. The custom of placing the head of the pig before the high , C) was placed on his head with an ancient invocation by the direct descendant of a line of high priests. I witnessed the installation of a female successor to the
In material culture, the elements which have survived are somewhat scattered. The native types of houses are becoming scarce, but they survive on the cultivations or in some of the cooking houses. Enough are made to keep alive the technique of the framework and the thatch sheets both in coconut and pandanus leaf. Sennit is usually used for lashings, but the occasional use of nails creates a discordant note. The cooking house remains separate from the dwelling house, a practice that suits a tropical climate and that many European settlers have copied. The introduction of European furniture has not interfered with the use of pandanus floor mats. The sleeping mats with decorated borders are still made and are valued as gifts.
The continued use of the kilt or skirt (pareu) of one piece of cloth may be regarded as the survival of an adaptation. It is a convenient form of dress when working or fishing, and it is so well established that traders have had special flowered patterns in various colors made in England especially for the trade. Many Europeans wear the pareu out of business hours because it is comfortable and cool; and white women, attracted by the patterns, use the material for making beach costumes. Sandals made of wild hibiscus bast are still made to protect the feet from the sharp coral points of the reef. They cost nothing but a little labor and are better for the purpose than anything the traders sell. Though the old elaborate ornaments are no longer made, both sexes delight in wearing garlands and wreaths of flowers, berries, and scented leaves. The nightshade (poro'iti) is grown near the dwelling houses to provide the red berries that are deftly cut to a variety of shapes to form pendants to the flower wreaths. Necklaces of shells and seeds are made for wear but more often for sale.
The vessel used for fishing is still the outrigger canoe made with a dug out hull which may be joined in two or three pieces. Certain changes such as the shape of the bow and stern have already been described. Some nails, screws, and bolts replace sennit lashings, and staples are often used in place of boring holes in the outrigger float for the suspensory cords that help to keep the float attached to the branched booms. In spite of these minor changes, however, the outrigger canoe is a notable survival and it is likely to remain stable, for a
The greatest number of survivals are connected with the food complex. In spite of their liking for bread and cabin biscuits, the people live mostly on the produce of the land. Every family has its cultivation with coconut trees, breadfruit trees, and bananas. Plantains are usually obtained from the upper valleys where they grow wild. All the elements connected with procuring and preparing coconuts for food—climbing bandages, husking sticks, coconut graters, and fiber strainers—are still in everyday use. Coconut cream is used in cooking as extensively as of old, and the cream mixed with salt and water is the favorite sauce into which food is dipped at meals. Recent additions to the sauce are the juice of a fresh lime and pieces of sliced onion. Platters and baskets are made from coconut leaves for every day use. The forked breadfruit picker is as useful as of yore.
Of the root plants, the taro and sweet potato are grown extensively, the yam to a lesser extent, and arrowroot has been replaced by the introduced manioc, which gives a greater yield. The taro continues to be grown in the terraced patches irrigated by side channels from an upland stream. In planting dry land taro, the old form of planting stick is still in use. Sweet potatoes are planted in mounds (a'u) as of old.
The favorite means of cooking continues to be the earth oven with its leaf covers. Trade matches have superseded the fire plough, but the people still know the technique and probably use it in the cultivations when the match supply runs out. They conserve matches by lighting a large piece of dry coconut husk which burns slowly. The favorite pudding is still made of pounded taro with coconut cream; thus, each family keeps its stone pounders as a necessary part of the kitchen equipment, as wooden bowls are kept. The fire tongs of coconut-leaf midrib are still used.
The feasts, usually given by chiefs to mark some social event, are occasions for the most lavish display of native foods. All the tenants, according to their status and holdings, contribute food ranging through all the root crops and fruits to pigs fattened for the occasion. The pigs are cooked whole in the earth ovens with the belly downward, the opposite to the Samoan method. The cooked food is carried in coconut-leaf baskets slung from carrying poles to the assembly place before the chief's house. There it is laid out on banana and
Some crafts deteriorated in form and technique during a period of transition to the present form or before final abandonment. I know of no instances of deterioration before the native crafts came under European influence. Deterioration in technique may be attributed primarily to the fact that changes in fashions and in values led to a decrease in demand for particular objects. As a result, the skilled craftsmen gradually ceased to apply their skill to such objects and saw no necessity of imparting their knowledge to younger craftsmen. In the course of time, such techniques fell into disuse; and, even if attempts were made at a later period to revive the craft, there were no experts left to reproduce the former high standard of work. Another obstacle to reproduction was the fact that old specimens were given away or sold, hence there were no originals to copy.
A good example of deterioration is provided by the Mangaian ceremonial adzes. After the conversion to Christianity, the ceremonial adzes ceased to function as religious symbols, but their unique form and neat carving and lashing made them interesting art objects to the settlers and visitors of another race. They acquired a new value as objects of trade and the large number to be found in various museums is due to their later manufacture as trade objects. The changes that occurred during a period of over 100 years (p. 448) may be summed up as follows. The increase in the size of the shaft and the pedestal, the introduction of rectangular perforations, and the use of additional carving motifs may be regarded as new developments stimulated by the desire to provide variety and more ornate specimens for trade purposes. In spite of the mechanical advantage of steel tools, however, deterioration took place in the neatness of the carving and in the increased use of easier motifs, such as small
Read (56, pp. 145-147) applied the term degradation to Mangaian geometrical motifs because he held that they were all that was left of human figures originally used as art motifs in
The study of archaeology in Polynesia usually has been confined to surface objects such as stone temples, stone tombs, and stone artifacts. Excavations have been avoided for fear of offending the natives by interfering with their sacred places. Some organized digging has been done in New Zealand, largely in field work conducted by the students of
Though archaeological support is lacking, several writers have classified elements of Polynesian culture, social, religious, and material, into two distinct groups or strata. This "two strata" theory, as
A study of the cultural processes which have functioned in Polynesia leads me to agree with
The supposition of an extinct civilization in Polynesia has formed an intriguing theme for literary writers with little or no scientific inhibitions. The stone images of
Another example of wishful misinterpretation is the statement from another source that the slabs erected on some of the open temples were made of concrete and that, as the Polynesians did not know how to make concrete, the slabs must have been made by some previous more advanced civilization. However, the alleged concrete slabs were formed of coral limestone quarried from the natural coral limestone strata that exists in a natural state on the seaward and lagoon sides of all coral islets and on the seaward side of volcanic islands which are bounded by coral reefs. An example of trying to create a mystery out of what should have been obvious is provided by Lamont's description of the small islet of Te Kasi in the
An instance of cumulative error arose from Lamont's description of an open temple in
As shown by the examples cited, the theory of a pre-Polynesian civilization has been based upon unverified statements, misinterpretations, and exaggerations to make certain things appear as if they were beyond the powers of the Polynesians to accomplish. The most astounding flight of imagination is that wherein, without geological confirmation, large areas of inhabited land have been submerged to bolster up a theory by destroying the evidence. A certain amount of emergence and submergence has perhaps occurred and may account for certain problems in the distribution of plants, insects, and landshells; but, if so, they occurred in the dim past before the coming of man. The volcanic islands of the western Pacific were peopled at an early period and the Melanesians spread as far as
Having cleared the way, the two strata theory may now be considered. If, as the names imply, the so called archaic, pre-Tangaloan, Indo-Tangaloa, or palae-Polynesian culture formed the earlier stratum, it may be identified with the original culture brought in by the first Polynesian settlers. The date when the Polynesians entered Polynesia is, at best, uncertain. Attempts have been made to fix the date by genealogies. However, genealogies transmitted by memory alone are subject to the vicissitudes of their human carriers and to the influences that effected change in other elements of human culture. They provide a sequence of historical events associated with some of the ancestors on the particular lineage, but beyond a period of five or six centuries, they are unreliable as a means of fixing dates. In spite of their unreliability, it has been passively accepted from the writings of
The former existence of a second distinct culture in Polynesia is based on the assumption that some of the elements in Polynesian culture are so highly developed or so different that they must have been introduced by another group of people. If the assumption is correct, when did they enter Polynesia and from where did they come?
If a second culture did enter Polynesia, it must have been after the fifth century and before the spread of the later Polynesian culture (p. 475). This later spread commenced approximately in the twelfth or thirteenth century, to
Information as to where a second culture could have come from is equally vague. It would have had to come fully developed from Indonesia or to have been developed on the way to Polynesia. In either case, it would have had to enter Polynesia by way of
There are two elements in the local culture of the ka'ioi, and the karioi houses of kariei houses of
The mourner's headdress of the B) and the curious gourd masks drawn by
The objection to the Micronesian route is the difficulty of a highly organized culture maintaining its high standard after infiltrating through the chain of atolls at the eastern end of
Having dealt with the possibility of diffusion of a second culture by the two available routes, I find no tangible evidence in favor of it. It must be remembered that the second culture is purely a hypothesis created to account for the cultural variations of the different Polynesian groups of islands. The more developed cultural complexes that were assigned to the later intrusive culture were found in the various islands by the first European visitors, at the
Internal development with local differences has been described for the individual
In social organization we see such marked variations as the customs surrounding the sacred person of the Tui-tonga of
Polynesian religion is based on the deification of ancestors with the development of family gods. The family gods rose in power with the increased status of their followers from families to tribes and from tribes to tribal confederations. Offerings of food and material objects also rose with the economic condition of their worshipers from a piece of coconut husk, a pebble, a fish, or a piece of turtle on an atoll to large quantities of food, whole pigs, and even human sacrifice on the richer volcanic islands. The simpler' less developed form of religion was retained in
It is sometimes dangerous to use social and religious complexes for comparative purposes, because some of the elements which compose them may have been added by native informants after the culture underwent change in post-European times. This is particularly true of religious complexes. Again, students of another race may attach undue importance to the elements they select for their particular project. Too much depends upon how a subject has been recorded and upon individual enthusiasms and idiosyncracies in interpreting behavior and emotion. In material culture, however, the artifacts themselves speak even though the nimble fingers that made them have long been still. But the artifacts must be gathered together from all parts of the world before they can tell the consecutive tale of their origin and development. Let us consider the story of the beautiful feather cloaks of
The flaxen garments from New Zealand (69) tell a similar tale of local development from rough rain capes to dress cloaks of great variety. The capes and cloaks were a substitution for tapa cloth because, though the paper
Each island group developed special skill in certain techniques and the attainment of high standards resulted in the many variations in the arts and crafts of the Polynesian area. The Samoans specialized in the plaiting of fine mats in check with a lower border trimming of red feathers which were worn as skirts to mark social distinction. The Tongans were expert in making baskets in four different techniques: plaiting, coiling, netting, and twining. The twined baskets were unique in the use of geometrical patterns with coir fiber in the natural color and dyed black, and they were also ornamented with white and black beads of native manufacture. The Cook Islanders excelled in plaiting sleeping mats with colored borders worked in geometrical patterns by a twilled technique. The Society Islanders created a tall cylindrical headdress, closed at the top, by using vines with a single-pair twine and attaching a large curved frontispiece covered with tapa to form a foundation for feather decoration. The Marquesans excelled in making coir head bands ornamented with pearl shell, turtle shell, feathers, and tufts of hair from old men's beards. The Easter Islanders were skillful in making circular feather headdresses in which long feathers were attached to foundation coils in such a manner that they projected horizontally instead of vertically.
The objects enumerated illustrate the diversity in specialization that occurred in the Polynesian area and even in those of a similar class, there is no affinity in the techniques selected to produce somewhat similar effects. There is no affinity in the techniques adopted in
Diversity is also illustrated by the weapons of Polynesia. Though the spears and slings show little variation from some early pattern, the clubs present a problem. Some of the Tongan and Samoan clubs are similar, and the Society and
A reason advanced for the presence of certain highly developed complexes in some islands and their absence in others is that they are survivals of a higher culture which has undergone degeneration. In religion, the sporadic occurrence of a supreme creator has been regarded as evidence that a monotheistic religion formed the high level of a theology once held by the Polynesians. In social matters, reference has been made to Rivers' theory that the 'Arioi society was a survival of secret societies created by the Polynesians. The assumption of such survivals implies that peaks of development indicate the high-water mark once attained and that the cultural tide has receded to a lower level. However, there is no evidence of any such recession, and the so-called survivals may be regarded rightly as special developments that have risen independently above the general culture level.
According to two independent sources (40, p. 6), chiefly courts (marae arii) which derived their origin from Opoa, were established in
A difficulty in the use of genealogies for dating historical events, apart from their accuracy in the first place, is the uncertainty as to the number of years to be given to a generation.
Through analysis and comparison, it is possible to arrive at an approximate definition of the culture of these early Tahitians. Certain traits characteristic of the mass of the people are like those typical of the Maoris in New Zealand. Since the Maoris are unquestionably "old Polynesians" I infer that these traits are "Old Tahitian," and attribute them to the ancestors of the
manahune. On the other hand, other elements of culture, which contrast with the above, are clearly attributable to descendants of Taaroa whom traditions reveal as invaders.
The statement that the Maoris are unquestionably "old Polynesians" with a culture similar to that of the ancestors of the manahune is open to question. It would have been applicable to the tangata whenua first settlers of New Zealand but it must be remembered that the later Polynesian culture developed in the
The other elements of culture which contrast with the simpler elements regarded as old Tahitian are attributed by
The houses of the old Tahitians are given as rectangular and those of the Arii as having rounded or apsidal ends appended to a rectangular frame. These apsidal houses are peculiar to the
House furniture such as stools, headrests, and bowls are attributed by
Wooden headrests occur also in kali for the headrest was used in both kali) and 'ali). The
Bowls with legs are characteristic of the Society and
In articles of dress, a cultural distinction is made by maro loin cloth that passed between the legs and the pareu skirt. It must be remembered, however, that women always wore the short skirt and never the loin cloth. The cultural distinction made is therefore in the use of the two forms of garment by men. The loin cloth is undoubtedly old, but it formed an element in the later Polynesian culture. In Hawaii, it continued in use as the male garb of chief and commoner alike. In New Zealand, influenced perhaps by the abandonment of bark cloth with its resultant change in clothing technique, the usual raiment for the lower part of the body was a kilt or skirt. In the pareu was worn. The loin cloth was thus a working garb and the skirt, a garment of relaxation. It is natural that the chiefs, who did no manual labor, should have worn the skirt as their titi) made of ti leaves. In the evening after bathing, the ti leaf kilt was laid aside for a tapa skirt. Plaited kilts and skirts were also made for wear on festive occasions. In the ra'atira) wore plaited skirts (vane) made of hibiscus bast. tiputa) type of garment, the presence of which in the
A cultural distinction is made in boats, a va'a canoe with a dugout hull, bow and stern pieces, gunwales, and outrigger float with two booms being the older Tahitian form and the built up pahi with a keel being attributed to the Arii. Though the difference in construction is marked, it must be taken into consideration that both types of vessels existed in the one culture at the same time for different purposes. The dugout canoe was a fisherman's craft, managed usually by one man and it formed part of the necessary equipment of practically every family which obtained an important part of its subsistence from the sea and lagoon. They could be made by any average man handy with tools; and, because they were of every day practical use to the mass of the people, their manufacture continued from the earliest times with some variations in details. The pahi on the other hand was a sailing vessel used by chiefs and their retinues in traveling by sea between coastal villages, between islands, and on long sea voyages. Because of the size needed for the greater number of crews and passengers, they were built up from a lower middle element or keel. It took time and labor to assemble material, split and shape planks, and fit and lash the parts together. Their construction required the employment of skilled labor. Experts and material could be commanded only by chiefs, who could call upon their people to assemble material, provide food during construction, and goods for the payment of the experts on completion of the work. The circumstances were similar to those surrounding the building of the chief's houses with apsidal ends.
The master builders were usually expert in building both houses and canoes. Thus, though it is true that the Arii were responsible for the building of the superior pahi, it could be attributed to them as a result of their authority and pahi form of vessel is attributed to Hiro, an early Arii of the leeward islands. It must be admitted that Hiro in his position as a high chief gave orders for the building of a voyaging craft, but the design and construction were carried out by skilled artisans, whose names are mentioned in the story. Skilled experts follow a course of local development conterminous with their crafts. Furthermore, Hiro was an ancestor shared by the people of New Zealand and the
Another cultural distinction is made by tangata whenua of New Zealand, both of whom belonged to the same culture as the Manahune of
I cannot accept the different cultural origin, stressed by ohana family group, occupying a strip of land extending from the sea coast to an inland range, divided themselves into an inland group and a shore group. The inland group cultivated the valleys for taro or the uplands for sweet potato and they supplied the timber and olona fiber needed by their shore cousins for canoes, lines, and nets wherewith to catch fish. The shore group supplied their inland cousins with fish and shellfish in return for taro and sweet potato. Thus in a well-balanced community there was a division in occupation which necessitated a difference in habitat, but it occurred as an economic arrangement between the people of the same ancestry and did not necessarily date back to different cultural origins.
The term ari'i is the
Space does not permit of a further detailed analysis of the elements of the two cultures postulated by
After peace was made, however, the Arii chiefs and their priests evidently assumed a diplomatic course with regard to religion. Just as temporal power was shared among the chiefs, so divine power was shared among the major gods of the various islands in the group. Thus Ta'aroa was given authority over the sea and its contents, Tane over the forests and all therein, Tu over war, and Ro'o (Rongo) over peace and agriculture. The major gods thus became departmental gods and they were united in one family under the common parentage of the Sky-father (Atea or Rangi) and the Earth-mother (Papa). It was at this stage of religious reconstruction that the later Polynesian culture spread to the islands to the north, east, and south and carried with it the religious pattern then in operation in the
This digression into religion has been made for the purpose of showing that change and development occurred in religion as well as in material culture. The same processes would be revealed by an analysis of the complexes in social organization. Thus the whole culture underwent change and development during the long period of movement and settlement within Polynesia. Though the dates of changes cannot be accurately determined, some idea of the sequence of their occurrence may be deduced from the traditions of movement and settlement and from the distribution of culture elements in the various island groups.
The existence of an archaic, pre-Polynesian civilization has been based on imagination and upon an exaggerated interpretation of the origin of certain material objects which, upon scientific investigation, prove to be Polynesian. There is no authentic proof that such a civilization existed in Polynesia before the advent of the ancestors of the people we now term Polynesians.
A theory that Melanesians occupied
The date of entry of the Polynesians into the western fringe of Polynesia cannot be determined with any degree of accuracy, but it has been suggested arbitrarily as about the fifth century. It is extremely improbable that they came as a migration in mass, but rather as an infiltration of individual ships which continued for some time.
The general route to Polynesia from the west was through
The Polynesians during their occupation of the atolls of eastern Micronesia, lost the food plants, domestic animals, stone tools, and much of the material culture that had been previously developed on the volcanic islands of their ancient home. Thus, they entered Polynesia with a simple atoll culture which was improved by the acquisition of basaltic stone and a richer flora in the volcanic islands. The adjustment to a volcanic island habitat resulted in the early stage of Polynesian culture already referred to as being without cultivable food plants, the paper mulberry, gourd and domestic animals.
During this early period, there were two main groups from which distribution took place,
The restoration of food plants, paper mulberry, gourd, and domestic animals occurred first in
It is certain that the Raiatean culture, in addition to its developments, retained useful elements from the early Polynesian culture, the fire plough, earth oven, rectangular house, outrigger canoe with dugout hull, for instance. Apart from developments directly connected with the enriched food supplies, the material developments in
The later conquest of the large, fertile island of
The later Polynesian culture was carried from the
Where islands were already occupied by earlier settlers, the earlier Polynesian culture became fused with the later. The earlier settlers had already discovered what endemic plants could be used as food, the best methods of catching fish and birds, and the most suitable wood, leaves, fiber, and stone to be used in the crafts. The later settlers may have introduced improved techniques, and they certainly established their authority over the earlier settlers and with it their later developments in social organization and religion.
After the later emigrants had settled their differences with the earlier settlers, fusion of people as well as fusion of culture took place. Some island groups, such as the Cook, Austral, and western Tuamotu, had occasional contacts with the
In conclusion, I may sum up the evidence provided by later, more extensive studies by stating that in my opinion the cultural variations and differences attributed to diffusion from without Polynesia and grouped into strata to represent distinct cultures have in reality been developed at different stages in the history of one original culture. A classification of the different culture stages and their spread within Polynesia is shown in Table 7.
Table 7 indicates that the Polynesians started off in the
The spread of plants and animals from
Each island group continued to develop its own individuality until the advent of western civilization ended the long era of progressive development within a purely Polynesian culture. In spite of the western invasion, the processes of adjustment and adaptation are still functioning. Happily the two cultures understand one another better now than during the troublesome period following early contact. The processes now operating may be regarded as due