Salient. Official Newspaper of Victoria University of Wellington Students Association. Vol 40 No. 26. October 3 1977
Editorial Comment
Editorial Comment
In introducing this supplement, we must warn you that if you are not into hard line editorials or that you think the SIS Amendment Bill is a terrific thing then don't read on.
Salient feels that, when judging the contents of this evil smelling occurence, that we have to look at the other Bills of the past two or three years. This is because the present Bill is the "icing on the cake" for the others—it is a necessary rejoinder to enforce the other restrictive measures.
If you've got state interventionist legislation like the Commerce Bill, the Industrial Relations Bill, the Hospitals Bill, the Energy Act and the (proposed) Judicature Act (makes it legal for any citizen to issue an injunction against any decision made by any organisation if it can be proved that that decision affects them detrimentally—think about that) obviously you have got to have (if you are in the ruling class) a service to keep up with enforcing them. It is understandable in this context that with this increase in repressive legislation, the service has to be built up. It came as no surprise, then, at Budget time that while Departmental expenditure was pruned, that the SIS recieved a 23% increase in its spending.
Not being satisfied with giving the SIS a financial shot in the arm to increase their powers of infiltration and surveillance, the right-wing elements in the National Party have decided to give the SIS extensive and almost limitless powers. If the Bill is passed, the SIS will rank along Internal Security forces such as Boss (South Africa), the KGB (US'S'R) and DINA (Chile) because these are among the few internal security forces that have the power of complete concealment. Even the CIA (USA) and ASIO (Australia) do not have such legal cover to work under. As multiple scandles have shown in the States recently, these democratic rights of citizens to investigate agents and activities have led to the uncovering of wide scale corruption and conspiracy.
The Death Fight to get Rid of this Legislation
Although resistance to previous measures by this Government have been strong on a New Zealand scale, they have proved ineffective against the grim determination of the desperate elements of the National Party—desperate because of their correct assumption that decaying capitalism requires these draconian measures to lower wages, boost profits and keep political stability at the same time.
Merely mouthing press statements or producing a couple of leaflets will be insufficient to persuade these monsters to retract the Bill. If we are committed to forcing the Government to drop it, then we must plan action on a level that will match the political clout of the Government.
It is so much of a death struggle for basic freedom that if we do not stop the Bill, then we will not be able to stop any similar legislation in the future. Such is the awesome power of this Bill. Remember—it both extends the powers of the SIS to an enormous degree and gives the SIS cover to do it all in complete secrecy. It gives the SIS the freedom to do almost anything because there is not a damn thing we can do to reveal their operations—legal or illegal.
Three Common Myths About the Bill
1. The Bill will be alright if it is amended.
People tend to say this sort of thing when they are overawed by something—they tend to do anything but face the facts. 'Amending' the Bill is facile talk because the parts of the Bill that will get through regardless are the smoke screen provisions that will render any attempts to view the rest of the SIS activities as impossible. It is highly probable that the Government is planning one or two small amendments to give a veneer of compromise on the issue anyway.
2. The Bill must be right if it is from the Powles Report.
The Government have used the name of Sir Guy Powles to log roll this Bill through quite dishonestly. The main recommendation in the report i.e., that SIS work concentrate on espionage rather than subversion, was ignored and as a result our SIS will be trying to track down potential 'subverters' in the universities and unions instead of concentrating on espionage currently being conducted by overseas countries.
3. The Bill won't be used against me.
a) | the lawful authority of the state in New Zealand; or |
b) | the community throughout New Zealand or in any area in New Zealand for the purpose of furthering any political end". |
That definition could apply to anyone or anything under given conditions. Take the semi-hypothetical case of Muldoon abolishing parliament and setting up a brutal dictatorship. To attempt to do the right thing and work for the overthrow of his regime, one would be immediately under the scrutiny of the SIS. This would mean that they could intercept any communication of yours and possibly blackmail or torture you for information. And yet you could not reveal any of these things to anyone.
We print the entire Bill for you to read carefully.
We urge you to do so to gain a deep knowledge of exactly what it is and how it might work. When I first read it, it horrified me. We should be horrified, and then turn this into positive action to tell the Government where to stick their fascist legislation.
Throw Out the Bill!
Protect Democracy in New Zealand!