Incorporation and Co-operation.

The abandonment of the principle of competition is not [unclear: likely] to constitute a popular plank. Labour for a time has fixed the [unclear: prie] of its remuneration, and if manufacturers, merchants, and [unclear: tradent] choose to enter into a mutual bond by which the prices of their [unclear: good] shall be fixed, labour, so far from inconsistently objecting, should [unclear: welcome] such action as tending to strengthen the position it has [unclear: itself] insisted upon. There can he no disguising the fact, however, [unclear: that] should the merchant, manufacturer, and trader fix arbitrary [unclear: prices for] their goods, such a course would seem to press very hardly upon [unclear: those] engaged in the producing industries whose profits or losses are [unclear: dependent] upon the rates ruling in markets beyond the confines of their [unclear: own] State. Whether reefs be rich or barren, whether harvests [unclear: pro] abundant or poor, whether sheep perish by drought or flood or [unclear: increase] and fatten on plethoric pastures, the miner, the farmer, and the [unclear: squatte]—the actual creators of [unclear: the] national wealth and the sustainers of [unclear: the] national credit—would have to pay the settled-as-just demands of the labourer on the one hand and the merchant, manufacturer, and [unclear: trade] upon the other, whilst it was not possible for him to put forwad effectually any demand at all. He is in the position of having to [unclear: take] just what he can get. Against this it can only be said that under [unclear: the] altered circumstance the producer would be very little, if any, [unclear: wor] off than he is now. It is impossible for him to escape having his [unclear: prices] for his products determined for him; the rates he pays for [unclear: labour are] already fixed, and will continue to be fixed; and the proposal to [unclear: for] the prices for what he uses and consumes is of a protective not [unclear: of a] vindictive nature. Anyway this is not a labour question. It is [unclear: a] matter wholly in the hands of those engaged in trade or [unclear: manufactures]. Whether they will follow the lead of labour and [unclear: combine] to save themselves, or continue to submit to reckless and [unclear: ruinous] competition from enterprising "free labourers," what is [unclear: asserted] here is that as unionism is to constitute the future basis of society, [unclear: the] probability is that they will unite in bonds of protection, and [unclear: should] they decide to do so the working classes cannot consistently object.

Verum putas haud [unclear: aegre], quod valde expectis. Of course men [unclear: as] led quite naturally to believe that what they earnestly desire [unclear: will] certainly come to pass, and very possibly such is the case with [unclear: this] writer. The object of these papers must to the reader have [unclear: become] abundantly manifest by this time. It is to assist to the realisation of [unclear: a] definite, well-defined policy in the minds of those who have the [unclear: power] to carry that policy into effect—a policy beyond that which will [unclear: of] necessity force itself upon and be adopted by themselves, such as [unclear: has] now been briefly sketched. The first plank of that policy has [unclear: relation] to education—education to which the people already owe so much- page 83 education which is the highest and noblest wealth which Any people can enjoy—education which leads to the realisation of all other wealth—education, fraught with the future of the human race in every quarter of the world, Surely the people of these colonies will keep watchful eyes upon their educational system, and see that all that is possible is obtained through wise, just, and liberal administration!

The second plank comprehends not only an abstention from further borrowing, but emancipation from the thraldom of debt. The getting out of debt should be held the first duty of any people, as it is held to be the first duty of every honest man. It is not to the interest of any people that men grow rich through interest—unless indeed the interest is paid by other than themselves. However necessary it may have been in the first instance for these colonies to go into debt for the carrying out of public works policies, the time has now arrived when, as soon as practicable, the public works carried out should cease to be mere interest-paying institutions for the benefit of people beyond the seas—they should be rendered reproductive in the fullest sense of the term.

The third plank is the Development of Resources, to which it can scarcely be necessary to add a word to what has already been put forward. Adding these planks to the two which it has been held here will naturally find acceptation, constitutes a programme which may be put shortly as Incorporation, Co-operation, Education, Debt-Abolition, and Development. That is to say:—The obviation of the dangers, waste, suffering attendant upon strikes; the granting to the people of a further means of taking care of themselves and seeking their advancement; the distribution of wealth amongst the many as against its accumulation by the few; the raising of the mass of the people intellectually; the saving of financial resources; the husbanding of the circulating medium; and the increase of national riches by a sensible attention to the sources from which all national riches flow. Surely this is a programme to which all but the desperately selfish can give an unqualified adhesion.

. . . . . . Having reached this stage, a few words may be pardoned upon the duties incumbent upon all in relation to public affairs. The first is the devotion of thought to the consideration of political and social questions; the second, the determination of the general trend of the measures of legislation that should be adopted; as no man can accomplish much by himself, the third is that attachment be made to the cause of that party with which there is closest assimilation. It is upon a presumed attention to these duties that constitutional government is based. At an election the candidate voted for constitutionally counts for very little; it is the principles he practically embodies for which the votes are held to be really cast; and it is through this mediumship that the wishes of the people upon public affairs are supposed to he ascertained. page 84 As it rarely happens that there are more than two parties with distinct policies to claim attention, the duty of resolving which approximates most closely to his own views is not one which should afford an elector any very great difficulty. However opinions may vary, no one can take exception to these words. The advice ventured here is:—Having once, thought out for yourself the policy that should be adopted, and having identified yourself with the party with which you feel your allegiance ought to lie, stick to that party. It [unclear: is] not in the nature of things that a large body of representative men in any country will waver in adhesion to the principles they profess. Therefore—as their principles are yours—attach yourself firmly to them. They may perchance differ from you upon minor questions—they may perhaps do some things of which yon cannot wholly approve—but remember, when you fail in support to your party, you practically render support to the other party, with whose policy upon all great and vital questions you can have no sympathy, and are opposed. At election times there are always a host of false issues—minor questions—raised to confuse and seduce. Heed them not; but, keeping steadily in mind the great principles for the advancement of the country and the welfare of you and of your children now and in the future, do your duty as a faithful and consistent man. Beware of those who declare they are of no party, for such only confess their inability to arrive at conclusions—they thereby admit their inability to form a judgment Better an open enemy than a doubtful friend. They are the pests of public life.

Damned neuters, in their middle way of steering,
Are neither fish, nor flesh, nor good red herring,
Nor Whiga nor Tories they; nor this nor that;
Nor birds nor beasts; but just a kind of bat—
A twilight animal, true to neither cause,
With Tory wing, but Whiggish teeth and claws.

A great statesman, addressing the people of Liverpool, has eloquently declared:—"It is in the education of the human soul and spirit in [unclear: its] highest aspects that the true end of our being lies." It may be [unclear: so,] but it is suggested here that experience has shown it to be a vain thing to talk to people homeless, naked, and perishing from lack of food of the possibilities of their souls. When the stomach is filled, the [unclear: body] well clothed, a comfortable roof overhead, and a warm bed awaiting reception, then it may not be difficult to throw the mind into other spheres. In these papers religious subjects have been avoided, but it [unclear: is] asked now:—What is it constitutes a gentleman?" Give me the man whose life is pure, whose aims are high, and who adheres to truth always, and him will I hail as gentleman," declares Thackeray. Surely this is the definition of a standard not altogether unattainable by a people! Truly it may be averred that there is no land upon page 85 earth so productive in noble-minded gentlemen as that dear Mother-land of ours across the seas. To what circumstance do the gentlemen of England owe their pre-eminence? To the schools and university'? There are schools and universities in other lands. Is it not rather in their home life that the truta must be found? From their earliest infancy the children of the wealthy in England are removed from my necessity to practice deceit—they never have occasion to resort to paltry shifts, equivocations, untruth, anything that is ignoble or men. In a home life cultured, refined, elevated, pure, it is easy to understand how the higher qualities—love of country, devotion to duty, chivalous consideration for the weak, and underviating allegiance to truth—can be inculcated. If question is made why gentlemen, as defined, are few amongst the humble orders, the answer is that in their home life and in their business—especially the business of the trading class—the essential elements are wanting. In Australasia, where amongst those who have to labour for their bread is to be found the home life, elevated and refined, to attract the young—to save from wandering about the streets exposed to demoralising influences and immoal pestilences? May it not truly be said that we first leave our youth to their fate and afterwards punish for faults arising entirely from our own culpable neglect? If then, O reader, a generous aspiration should find place in your breast to seek to raise up in these beautiful lands of the Southern Cross a brave, chivalrous, and noble race, you must look to it that the tendency of the legislation of the future should be such that it is a race not only liberty-loving and truth-valuing, but great in science, art, and appreciation of the beautiful—you must look to it that the tendency of the legislation of the future shall be such that its benefical influences shall penetrate into every home. It is not enough that there shall be employment for all, infinitely as such a state of things is to be desired—it is not enough that there shall be afforded hours of intellectual recreation and refreshing enjoyment, largely as these have been already acquired—but that largely and broadly wealth shall [unclear: be] more evenly distributed in the future than unfortunately it has been [unclear: in] the past; that the great chasms which now divide society into the [unclear: rici] the well-to-do, the poor, and the utterly destitute shall bu filled up, and man brought nearer and be rendered dearer to his fellow man that union shall prevail instead of disintegration. Day by day the value of human life is rising; let effort be directed to still further exalt it. Let us seek to bring into the home life of the people confidence, comfort, knowledge, peace, and love, for without these it is vain o expect parity, noble aims, and the deep-seated reverence for truth which make men gentle. Let endeavour be concentrated in seeking the emancipation of the people from a condition of things under which man is constantly striving to trample upon his fellow man in older o his own aggrandisation; under which crime is encouraged, and a huge machinery employed for its repression and punishment. Then, [unclear: indeel], page 86 shall in the future success be attained. If instances of drunkenness and crime occasionally appear they will surely arise from domestic miseries beyond the power of any human legislation to reach; then indeed the consolation will be afforded that, so far as merely human power and provision will allow, all has been done that could be done to make man happier, wiser, nobler; then indeed it will no longer be open to be said with truth that, "Man's inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn!"