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The Pamphlet Collection of Sir Robert Stout: Volume 68

Introductory

Introductory.

It is now more than seven and a-half years since I placed my scheme for reforming the administration of our railways before the public.

My main propositions were: 1. Mileage rating must be abolished and a stage system of rating substituted. 2. Differential rating must also be abolished, and fixed and equitable rates substituted. 3. That railways must be worked by the Government in the interest of the whole people, and that they must no longer be regarded as tax-gathering machines.

Many will remember the derision with which the railway department and their friends met me; but events move on, and the legislative action of the greatest nations of the world has shown that I was right. England and America, by the most stringent laws, have abolished differential rating, and Hungary, Austria, Spain, and Hesse have abolished mileage rating. The other nations must follow.

Why did we not lead in this great forward movement, which commenced here? Simply because it did not suit Messrs. Maxwell, Hannay, Richardson, and Mitchelson. The colony will have something to say about this before long.

In the following papers I have dealt mainly with the financial portion of the question, indeed in all my writings, so far, have touched very lightly on the vast social interests involved. If I appear to have neglected this part of the subject, it is not because I have not appreciated its vast importance, but because in the present position of the colony I have felt that it was useless to advocate any reform in railway administration that would not show immediately good financial results.

As a matter of fact it is the social aspect of the question that has mainly occupied my mind, that caused me to take up the work, and has induced me to persevere in it.

I believe there are none of us, who can for see the vast social revolution that will be brought about—I say will be, for it is only a question of a very short time—by the abolition of mileage and differential rating, and the substitution of stage rating, with fixed, equitable, and cheap fares, rates, and charges.

This chancre must take place, the world over, in the next few years; it has become a necessity of the age.

The motives that have actuated me in carrying on this contest have been greatly misrepresented, and it is perhaps right that I should say something on the subject.

Some, chiefly paid officers of labour associations, have thought proper to persistently state that I am the agent of certain land owners, and have worked in their interests and theirs only. The fact is these individuals dread the effect of my work, they are probably acute enough to know that if I succeed in my effort their occupation is gone. They know that there would speedily arise such a natural and continuous demand for labour that the grievances between the classes would quickly disappear.

Of all men, I despise most those who make their living out of the real or supposed wrongs of their fellow creatures. As a rule they never have made, and are incapable of making, the least self-sacrifice, and are ever ready to impugn the motives of those who disinterestedly work-for the public-good. They cannot comprehend such characters.

An incident in my early life gave me a lasting interest in the poorer classes of society, and when in the early part of 1862 I returned to London, I naturally took to spending a portion of my time in working among the very poor of that vast overgrown city. Whilst page 2 so engaged I was very deeply impressed with the fearful evils produced by the overcrowding of great cities. Having personally investigated the homes of the very poor, and the haunts of sin and misery, I know, from actual observation, what crowding a vast number of human beings into a small space means, and I say that the man who has this knowledge, and at the same time believes he has found a remedy for the evil, would be worse than a fiend if he allowed himself to rest till he had seen that remedy tried. I devoted a good deal of earnest thought to the subject while in England, but failed to get even a glimmering of an idea of how to deal with this tremendous evil.

In 1869 I returned to Auckland, and the subject passed out of my mind till the lecture given in this city in 1882 by the Rev. Joseph Cook of Boston revived it. Towards the end of that year circumstances led me to study the railway transit system of the colony.

I had not been long engaged in this investigation before I saw how intimately the railway transit system and the overcrowding of cities was connected. The first thing that attracted my attention was the fact that differential rates are always given in favour of the great cities and great producers, but never in favour of poor districts and small producers. It was longer before I saw the still greater evils of the mileage system.

It is interesting to me to note, that both England and America as nations, have now realised the evils of differential rating, but neither nation as yet appears to have the least idea of the greater evil of mileage rating; nor, indeed, do those nations who have adopted the "Zone" system.

I found it much easier to detect faults than to propound a remedy for them, but when I did find it, I resolved not to let the matter drop. Greatly mistrusting my own ability to deal with so vast a subject, I sought the assistance of some of our leading men, but as no one would join me, I resolved to enter on the contest alone. Its history is public property.

As to working in the interests of the large landed proprietors, such a thought has never crossed my mind; on the contrary, I know—I do not say I think,—I know that the introduction of my system will do more to break up the large estates than anything else that has yet been done. The present system, as also the "zone" systems of Hungary and Austria mean concentration, my system means distribution, and distribution means subdivision of land as well as of everything else.

Many a time have I been tempted to give up the contest, but the knowledge that carrying it to a successful issue will bring immense relief to the struggling masses of mankind that are pent up in the great cities of the world, has been the thought that has kept me at my task. My great idea has been to bring about such a state of things, that the toilers of the world need not drag out a miserable, unhealthy existence in garrets and cellars, but may live on hind in health and happiness. This is, I think, an idea worth fighting for.

No one can be more conscious than I am of many failings and shortcomings in dealing with this great question. I am aware that I have not always exercised the patience and discretion that I ought to have done, and know that many of my fellow colonists do not approve of my method and manner, and the fierceness of my attack; still I have honestly striven to do my best.

The fact that the value is fast going out of real estate, and more particularly of country lands, all the world over, gives cause for serious alarm. It is a wonder that more attention has not been drawn to the subject.

Land is not only the source of all wealth, but it is also the basis of all security for the possession of a competency. Many of us have invested not only in mortgages but also large sums in life insurance policies. Does not the value of these policies rest on the value of securities held over real estate by the various companies? If the present movement goes on much longer, no life policy will be worth the paper it is written on, nor will the savings bank or Public Trust securities be of any value.

What is wanted is not to tax the value out of land, but to make the lands of the world so accessible, that all who want land can obtain it at a fair not an inflated value, and thus enable land to bear its fair share of the burden of taxation, page 3 which it is fast losing its ability to do, and as a natural consequence an ever increasing burden is being thrown on the industries of the world. This can only he done by an equalisation of transit charges, and that again by a stage system of railway administration. After that must come an equalisation of ship transit charges. In short, the world must be drawn more closely together.

Coincident with the decreasing value of land comes this other startling fact, that the value is also leaving the next largest investment in the world—the railways of the world. Is there no connection between the two things?

If we are true men we shall rouse ourselves and pay strict attention to this matter. Our very existencedepends upon it, and I say that the first step towards setting things right in this colony, is to get rid of the incubus of Messrs. Maxwell and Hannay.

All thoughtful men must have noticed the social and political unrest that pervades the world. What has been the chief cause of this? Is not the main cause poverty, or what is often worse, the dread of poverty among great masses of the people?

Is it not want, misery, social degradation, that has led to the creation of the various societies of Anarchists, Dynamiters, Nihilists, Clan-na-Gaels, Socialists, Fenians, etc., etc.; and where is the birthplace, the home of these societies? Is it in the villages and broad fields of the country, or is it not rather in the slums of our overgrown cities?

The true work of the statesman then is to devise means by which the masses may live in greater freedom and comfort in suburban and country districts.

When we reflect that four thousand three hundred millions of pounds (£4,300,000,000) have been spent in constructing the railways of the world, and that this vast sum, this tremendous engine is at work not for the public good, but for the mere purpose of putting money in the pockets of a few capitalists, I say, when we remember this tremendous fact, is it any wonder that we have social misery, political I unrest?

As a matter of fact the great highways of the world have been handed bodily over to certain capitalists to deal with as they please, and we need not wonder that they have availed themselves of their opportunities, and imposed the most crushing disabilities on every kind of industry. No thought of the people, no thought of the future ever comes in. The sole consideration is how much money can be squeezed out of the users of these highways.

It may be said that my remarks do not apply to our railways, that they be-long to the people. It is quite true that the people have paid—paid very dearly for them; but how can they be said to belong to the people when they have never been used as though they were public property, and we have now given them away in fee simple to three men who are not only responsible to nobody, but who had previously proved themselves incapable of decently managing them. Was there ever such an act of folly committed by any people?

Here we have all the disadvantage of Government ownership combined with the very worst form of private ownership.

When railways belong to private companies their directors are responsible to the shareholders, but our directors are not responsible to anybody, and they have already given us convincing proof that all they care for is their own salaries and positions.