Scotsman.

"Meetings like that held last night, in support of the principle of the Federation of the Empire, widen the horizon and purify the atmosphere of British politics. The smoke and dust in which our party struggles are carried on seem to be lifted for the moment, and men are enabled to see clearly, not on what points they differ, but those matters in which, as citizens of a great country, their desires and objects are the same. Attempts are indeed made from time to time to represent patriotism as the perquisite of one party in the State, and to attribute to the other designs for the degradation and dismemberment of the Empire. Such charges or insinuations are, as a rule, brought only by politicians of the baser sort; they are shabby and shallow as well as untrue; and they do harm only to the side that makes use of them. Whig and Tory agree heartily in their pride in the splendid fabric of Colonial Empire bequeathed by their fathers, though they may disagree as to the extent to which particular principles and actions may have contributed to building it up. They are at one, also, in their fixed and ardent resolve to hand it on intact to their sons, however they page 91 may dispute regarding the best method of preserving and improving their inheritance. If ever there was a time when it could be said of any influential party or section in British politics that it favoured the idea of getting rid of the undoubted burdens and responsibilities attached to the possessions of a Colonial Empire by getting rid of the Colonies themselves, that time is long past. The current of public opinion, on which such an idea never could have a real hold, has been setting strongly the other way. The changed conditions of commercial intercourse and of political thought have modified the whole aspect of the question of union between the mother-country and its family of Colonies. The facilities, and with these the desire for holding them closely bound to us by ties of sympathy and interest, have vastly increased. The Colonies themselves have grown enormously; they have become a possession such as no other nation in the history of the world could boast of; but with their growth in wealth and population there has been no corresponding development of impatience at the continuance of the Imperial connection, and of a longing for independent existence, as many had looked to see. On the contrary, the spirit of loyalty to the Crown and the desire to remain part and parcel of the British Empire were probably never stronger throughout the Colonies than at the present moment.

"The solidarity of feeling and warmth of interest excited by the question of preserving the unity of the Empire were well reflected at the Federation Conference held last evening, under the presidency of Mr. Forster. They were manifested in the speakers and in the speeches. The former embraced men representative, in the best sense, of both the great parties in the State, of both Houses of Parliament, of the mother-country and her principal Colonies. The addresses, also, were worthy of an occasion which not improbably may become historic. They were the utterances of ardent patriots who were at the same time practical statesmen. Paradoxical as it may seem, their practicality was shown not least in declining to propose or to suggest any definite plan of Federation as a means of knitting into closer and more durable unity the several parts of the Empire. In this the cautious and conservative qualities of the national character were exemplified. At a conference of page 92 Frenchmen held for such a purpose, the chances are that a score of cut-and-dry schemes of Federal union would have been propounded. But it was felt by those who took part in yesterday's meeting that it was wholly premature to bring forward any proposals of the kind; that, as Mr. Forster expressed it, he would be no friend or helper of union who would seek to press the merits of particular plans regarding which there has been neither experience nor sufficient inquiry to guide them to any useful conclusion. The real object was to cultivate and ripen the Federal idea; to prepare the public mind for dealing with a great subject, that promises at no very distant day to become, as Lord Rosebery said, the dominant question before British statesmen, but which as yet has not emerged into the field of practical politics. Advocated in this spirit, no possible objection can be taken to the holding of conferences, the establishment of societies, and the adoption of other means for awakening interest in the question of Colonial Federation. Rather these promise to be of the greatest possible service in preparing public opinion to give a wise decision when the time shall call for dealing with the subject. Lord Rosebery had valuable suggestions to make that were not included in the programme of the Conference, but that show the care and thoroughness with which his Lordship has studied this subject. He proposes that the Government should appoint a Committee or Royal Commission to pursue inquiry into the feasibility of a scheme of Colonial Federation. He also throws out the idea that a 'tentative effort' in the desired direction might he made by admitting delegates from the Colonies to a seat in the House of Lords. To the request for full and authoritative investigation such as would be obtained by a commission or committee constituted as Lord Rosebery desires, it is probable that no serious obstacle would be raised. What the present Government, or any future Government, would ask for would be proof that such an inquiry would be welcome and useful to public opinion at home and in the Colonies; and such proof is likely to be forthcoming. The task of recommending his 'experiment' to the approval of the House of Peers will test all Lord Rosebery's powers of persuasion. The Second Chamber is not fond of experiments, especially experiments on itself. It has page 93 already emphatically refused the appeal made by Lord Rosebery to institute an inquiry whether its constitution as a legislative and representative body does not stand in some need of revision after the wear and tear of seven hundred years. It may think that it has already enough on its hands without opening the door for the admission of delegates from the Colonies, and also for questions as to whether, in other respects, its machinery might not be capable, of remodelling and improvement. It must be feared that the prospects of Colonial Federation being substantially forwarded in the way of experimental trial in the House of Lords are not very promising; and this is a great pity, for in theory and in accordance with the practice of other States, a Second Chamber is naturally the place where Imperial questions would be best discussed and settled.

"It may be assumed that the organisers of the Conference are perfectly well aware of the difficulties that must be over-come before their hopes can take tangible shape, and are pre-pared to possess their souls in patience. These difficulties are very formidable; they may prove insuperable. At all events, no scheme has yet been broached that could be accepted as a practical solution of the problem of safe-guarding and reconciling the various rights and interests that must be considered in framing a fabric of Federal Government. It might be con-tended that the Conference has been hasty in declaring that there is no ultimate alternative between federation and disintegration. As an abstract political dogma it may be true. But the British Empire has flourished in the teeth of abstract rules; it is one great political anomaly, which has grown up and been pieced together as the practical necessities of the day have required. Such as it is, its organisation, or want of organisation, has, at least, not prevented our Colonial Empire from growing great, or the colonists from remaining loyal. We might thus find an argument from experience that the Empire will continue to hold together without the assistance of federal bonds; and that at least there is no immediate danger of disintegration, so long as the Colonies where British blood and British institutions prevail, are left free in the exercise of their self-governing functions, and as the mother-country is strong page 94 enough to protect them against outward aggression. Anomalous or not, such an arrangement as now exists has been and may continue to be for the mutual advantage of the Great Britain and "Greater Britain." But undoubtedly new questions are arising as these young nations advance rapidly towards manhood, which the existing arrangements do not in all respects cope with satisfactorily. At all costs, the risk of estrangement, perhaps of armed collision with the Colonies, such as once before befel in history, must be obviated. If it can be avoided by federation, to federation we must strive to find a way. The meeting of the Conference will at least draw greater attention to the vast importance of our Colonial Empire, and to the problems in connection with it which are approaching for solution."