The dream of an able speculative politician is about to be realized. The ties which bind England to her Colonies, and specially to New Zealand, are to be no longer those of dependence—" the mere political link of Sovereignty is alone to remain." We are now to behold "England as retaining the seat of the chief executive authority, the prescriptive reverence of her station, the superiority belonging to her vast accumulated wealth, and as the Commercial Metropolis of the World; and united, By these Ties Only with a hundred nations,"—no longer colonies.^*

Whatever may be the case with the other 99 colonies, it seems clear that the declared policy of the Colonial Office in regard to New Zealand, and the consequent proceedings of the responsible government of that colony must lead to the establishment of some such state of things.

On the 26th of January, 1865, Mr. Cardwell, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, having to define clearly the relations between the . Imperial and Colonial Governments in regard to the control of questions affecting peace and war, thus deliberately communicates his views:—

"On my own part I have always declared my determination not to interfere with the principle of social self-government, as regards the affairs either of the colonists or of the natives. But self-government means the control by

^* Merivale on Colonization, Vol, II., pages 291 and 293.

page 4 any people of their own forces, their own finances, and their own relations of peace and war. It does not mean that the right of establishing a policy shall belong to one body, and the duty of providing the means of carrying that policy into effect shall be laid upon another."^*

On the receipt of this despatch the ministry of New Zealand, anxious to grasp unlimited authority, at once accepted the distinction pointed out—determined to send away the British troops, and to wage war with their own forces and their own finances, taking care to avail themselves of the troops whilst they were allowed to remain (but without payment), merely by way of "moral force," and making use of the Governor's name as a becoming form—a mere political link of sovereignty! Hence we find that, on the 2nd September last, the Responsible Ministry proclaimed peace throughout the whole of New Zealand, and on the 4th day of the same month proclaimed martial law at Opotiki and Whakatane, the most densely peopled native districts of the northern island;^† and in order that there may be no mistake about these steps and the consquences, in the minds of the British public (creditors of the colony?), Mr. John Morrison, the agent of the New Zealand Government, is instructed to write to the leading London journals,^‡ and to call their specal attention to the fact that these proclamations are not only signed by the Governor, "G. Grey," but also countersigned in each case by a responsible minister, "Fred A. Weld," or "J. C. Richmond." God save the Queen!

That the tribes of New Zealand are independent communities, and not British subjects, was long since insisted upon by Mr. Cardwell^§ as being the sole legal warrant for confiscating their lands after defeat.

^* Despatch to Sir George Grey. New Zealand Papers, 9th Feb., 1865; page 20

^† New Zealand Gazette, No. 35; 5th September, 1865.

^‡ See Letter, 15th November, 1865.

^§ Despatch to Sir George Grey, 26th April, 1864.

page 5 The colonial scheme of confiscation has been carried out on this footing, and at the date of the above proclamations two measures were pending before the General Assembly of the colony for the express purpose of conferring on the natives the status and privileges of British subjects.

It cannot well be disputed, therefore, that the prerogative of declaring war and concluding peace has, in a limited form, been conceded to the responsible Government of the colony; and as any laws now passed by the General Assembly of any colony are valid, although opposed to the instructions of the Governor, so long as they do not offend against any act of the Imperial Parliament extending to the colony, or any order or regulation made there under,^† it appears that the Governor and his ministry, with a majority of the assembly, are left perfectly unfettered, and are armed with powers of the most unlimited character. This state of things may be the legitimate result of "the mere political link of sovereignty!" principle, and many other consequences, probably not quite expected, but which will be alluded to in the sequel, may unavoidably flow from it. One thing, however, is oertain, that those who are best acquainted with the financial and social position of New Zealand have a strong conviction that the proceedings now being taken in the colony will inaugurate quite a new regime, which may seriously affect the position of the creditors of New Zealand. The British taxpayer is no longer to be called upon to support a war in New Zealand, but English capitalists may voluntarily lend their money to the New Zealand Government for the purpose.

The sovereignty of the islands thus far, at all events, would seem to be henceforth practically transferred to Lombard Street. Whatever evils result, cannot raise a question of law—honour—or humanity, but simply one of £. s. d. Redress cannot, therefore, be fairly looked for in Downing Street, much less from Her Majesty in Council.

As the war must be carried on by loans, and not out of current

^† See 28 & 29 Vict, cap. 63.

page 6 revenue, the finance companies and capitalists of England are alone vested with the constitutional check of refusing supplies.

In the interest then of the monied classes, as well as of those to whom these pages are addressed, it is desired to point out, before any further loans are contracted, that the first conditions of any power to make war are absolutely wanting in the present position of the islands of New Zealand, viz., Unity of Resoubces and Unity of Policy,