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Letter VII.

Within a few days after the receipt of the friendly warnings cited in the last letter theWaikato tribes came down in force to attack our outposts, a portion of their force having already been sent round to effect a flank movement, by which they expected to, and did, in fact, turn General Cameron's rear, and got within twenty-five miles of the town of Auckland, where, taking up a position in the wooded ranges, they harrassed our escorts, attacked redoubts, cut off stragglers, murdefed unarmed settlers, and ravaged the homesteads over twenty miles square of settled country. Such were the events which brought us into conflict with the tribes of Waikato, and forced us into a war of self-defence.

I have passed over many incidents and collateral events, the merits of which have given rise to much discussion, and some of which, no doubt, had the effect of precipitating the struggle, and strengthening the resolve of the insurgents. Many of the acts of Sir George Grey, during the period referred to, cannot be regarded without feelings of regret, nor without admitting that they reflect great discredit on the Government of which he was the representative. The sudden changes of policy and constant vacillation which have marked his whole administration—the great error committed in the occupation of Tataraimaka before he surrendered Waitara—the still greater error of surrendering Waitara after the Oakura-murders—the deceptions practised at Aumutu and Kokekohe, where, under the pretence of founding schools, he made preparations for the erection of ball-proof barracks, and the establishment of political agencies, events which led to the only two exhibitions of physical, force by the Waikato tribes before the general rising,—these, and other acts of a similar character, had no doubt the effect of precipitating the page 34 revolt. But they afforded no justification for it. The Governor had a right, if he chose, to occupy Tataraimaka, whether he surrendered Waitara or not.; he had a right to surrender Waitara, though it might be liable to be interpreted as an act of weakness, and an invitation to further aggression; the ruses at Aumutu and Kokekohe might be things to be deplored; but none of these events justified the Natives in taking up arms, invading the homesteads of peaceable settlers, and threatening even the capital of the colony with destruction, "not even sparing unarmed people."

I think I can now confidently appeal to the candour of those who may have read my statement, whether this war is a colonists' war, got up by sordid men as a pretext for seizing the lands of the Natives, or whether it was not forced upon the colony under circumstances which leave the aggressors absolutely without justification or excuse. I will now say a few words on the means by which it has been proposed to take security for the future and indemnity for the past; I mean, the confiscation of a portion of the native territory, and its settlement by European colonists, which Governor Grey, in his despatch to the Duke of Newcastle, of August 29th, 1863, declared to be the only plan he could devise for effecting the permanent security of the country, inflicting a punishment upon the aggressors, and deterring other tribes from similar attempts for the future. It was the proposal by Governor Grey to carry out this plan which has afforded a handle for the unjust accusations made against the colony, that it was engaged in a war to wrest land from the Natives. It is a very different thing to propose, as Governor Grey proposed, to take territory from rebels, as a punishment and a guarantee for the future, from waging "a reckless and unrighteous war against a defenceless people, for the purpose of wresting from them their land."

To go at length into the question would occupy much more space than I can afford. I will therefore merely summarize the argument, leaving you to draw your own inferences, and to fill in as your common sense may direct.

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1. The Natives were the unprovoked aggressors.

2. On our side a war of defence, of life and death, and for the very existence of colonization in the North island.

3. Unless such events are to be chronic, substantial punishment must he inflicted, and material guarantees taken.

4. The Natives do not care for mere loss of life or destruction of crops. Till thirty years ago their whole existence was spent in hostilities among each other, renewed year by year.

5. They do care for loss of territory.

6. It is consistent with their own customs.

7. They never consider a belligerent defeated till his territory is taken.

8. This revolt will not cost the colony less than at least two millions sterling, probably much more.

9. There is nothing contrary to natural equity, moral law, or Christianity, in requiring those who have inflicted so ruinous an injury upon us to make restitution.

10. Land is the only source from which the Maories can make restitution.

11. The colony has reached a condition of almost absolute bankruptcy in consequence of this revolt.

12. It can be relieved from it by the sale of confiscated territory of the rebels, and in no other way.

13. No real injury will be inflicted on the Natives by taking large territories from them. The tribes whom we hold responsible for this war amount to ten or twelve thousand souls. They own eight or ten million acres: they do not cultivate or use one hundred thousand. If we took half, or a third of their waste lands, I do not think it would be more than a just punishment, and would not do much more after all expenses of survey and settlement, than repay the loss and cost the Natives have inflicted upon us.

14. Great Britain made China pay seven million sterling as the cost of the opium war. Japan, I believe, has been made to pay for the hostilities consequent on Mr. Richardson's page 36 murder. Why should not the Maori pay for the ruinous injury inflicted on this colony by his unprovoked act?

15. In expressing my own opinion as to extent, I should state that the Government never proposed to take so large a quantity. 1,600,000 acres was the amount suggested by the late Ministry to the Governor, to be appropriated to military settlement—general colonization—and sale to such an extent as would relieve us of a moderate part of the burden inflicted upon us. My own opinion is that the Natives ought to pay the whole cost of suppressing this rebellion, both Imperial and Colonial. And except as far as their pride would suffer, it could be done without inflicting any actual loss upon them. They do not use the land, and they won't sell it. Except as a matter of national pride and aggrandizement, it has no real value to them beyond the few acres which they actually cultivate. The possession of these large unoccupied territories lies at the foundation of their uncivilized condition, and is one of the greatest barriers existing to their elevation and progress, either individually or as a people.

In conclusion, I must mention one fact which has greatly surprised and grieved the colonists of New Zealand. We have seen exhibited in Parliament, and in the press in England, the utmost sympathy for the Natives who have involved us in this war—the utmost anxiety to reduce to the smallest possible amount the punishment to be inflicted upon them. But we have looked in vain for any expression of sympathy with ourselves. A whole settlement has been blotted out of the map of New Zealand; another district of twenty miles square has been ravaged, and its inhabitants stripped of all they possessed; women and helpless children have been massacred in cold blood; absolute ruin has been inflicted on hundreds of unoffending families; but those who have raised their voices so loud in behalf of the aggressor have nothing to say in behalf of the victim. On the contrary we are denounced "as sordid men, waging, with cruelty and injustice, a reckless and unrighteous war." This is not what we had a right to expect from this "great heart" of the page 37 British Nation, We have not deserved it. The colonists of New Zealand are entirely free from the imputations which have been so unjustly cast upon them; and we cannot doubt that, when the facts are better known, the good feeling and good sense of our fellow-countrymen will render us the justice that is our due.