The Workman's Way out of his Difficulties.

My Friends,—I never read the works of the world-renowned John Stuart Mill; but, since I last addressed you, accident has thrown in my way an extract from his writings; and I gladly avail myself of it as an introduction to my present Lecture.

He says—and I heartily agree with him—"If the bulk of the human race are always to remain, as at present, slaves to toil, in which they have no interest, and, therefore, feel no interest; drudging from early morning till late at night for bare necessaries, and with all the intellectual and moral deficiencies which that implies; I know not what there is which should make a person of any capacity of reason concern himself about the destinies of the human race."

I am reminded also of a sentence or two on the same subject by that strangely eloquent writer, Thomas Carlyle: "England is full of wealth; yet England is dying of inanition. In the midst of plethoric plenty the people perish. I will venture to believe, that in no time since the beginning of society was the lot of these dumb millions of toilers so entirely unbearable as in the days now passing over us. It is not to die, or even to die of hunger, that makes a man wretched: but it is to live miserable we know not why; to work sore and yet gain nothing; to be heart-worn, weary; yet isolated, unrelated, girt in with a cold universal let-things-alone indifference; it is to die slowly all our life long, imprisoned in a deaf, dead, Infinite Injustice."

I will also strengthen myself with a sentence from another writer—an American—as renowned as either of these,—Ralph Waldo Emerson. He says in one of his inimitable Essays—"There was never so great a thought labouring in page 20 the breasts of men as now. The revolutions which impend over society are not from ambition and rapacity, from impatience of one or another form of Government, but from new modes of thinking, which shall recompose society after a new order, which shall animate Labour with love and science, which shall destroy the value of many kinds of Property, and replace all Property within the dominion of reason and equity."

I find also a cutting in my Table-Book from the "Chronicle of the Age," dated June 16, 1848. "The improvement of the condition of the Labouring Classes is, indeed, the question of questions at the present time; concentrating in itself all subjects of social and political interest. It is the one great problem which all classes, and all persons possessed of any power in the state, of any influence over the destinies of their fellow men, are called upon to solve with all their mind, heart, soul, and strength: its solution will be the Nation's Salvation,—the failure to solve it the destruction of the nation."

These humane and prophetic sentences fall on the ear like the sybilline warnings and predictions of the Isaiahs, and Ezekiels, and Micans of old. They tell us that the oppressed and despised people have noble-souled friends, both among the living and the immortal dead, who sympathise with them in their afflictions, and are ready to help them when they are agreed to appeal from Man's unjust "Justice," to the equal Justice of Heaven, and, under its Divine Shield and Shadow, are determined, as one man, to help themselves. My friends, in my former Lecture I counselled Union: and in this I am to tell you why. Indeed, it is told already,—it is that we might go forward, as one man, determined to help ourselves. Your ready response to this, I know will be "Yes: but what are the means? " You may be doubtful whether I can tell you; but I think I can. Under any circumstances, I hope (to borrow a phrase of Emerson's) that "by lowly listening we shall hear the right word." In our former lecture we arrived at the following conclusions:—

1.	That our present social arrangements are artificial, and by no means just.page 21
2.	That class-distinctions form a prominent part of these unnatural arrangements.
3.	That one of the evils consequent on these class-distinctions is the bondage it imposes on the workman; a bondage which defrauds him as a Laborer, and degrades him as a Man.
4.	That this system of class-distinctions has everywhere an inherent tendency to keep the class of Laborers deplorably ignorant, and hopelessly poor.
5.	That combined resistance to this state of things by the Workman is an imperative,—a sacred, duty.
6.	That the means of resistance hitherto employed by the Workman, though perfectly justifiable, are inadequate; and for the following reasons, not likely to be successful:—

First— Because Trades' Unions can never destroy class-distinctions.

Secondly—Because (other things remaining as they are) a High Wages List is practically a delusion.

Thirdly—Because the restrictive Laws on which the Unionists seem chiefly to rely are as immoral in their tendency, and as unjust in their operation, as are the anti-social arrangements against which the Unionists' efforts are directed.

Lastly—Because Co-operative Associations, though directly antagonistic to class-laws and class-distinctions, and, though possibly not wanting in moral principle as moral principle is at present understood—yet fail in this;—They do not attack the enemy in his stronghold; they do not assail the spiritually-upheld system (as inculcated by so-called Christian ministers) in its most vulnerable part;—They do not sufficiently (if at all) address themselves to what is noblest, and divinest, and best, in the nature of humanity;—They do not seek to develope their fellow-men before they raise them: On the contrary, they rather appeal to the selfish principle in their brother-workmen, saying, "Join us and become masters;" instead of saying, "Let there be no masters, but let us all be men and brethren":—For these and similar reasons (not on that occasion fully explained to you) the conclusion we arrived at was, that Co-operative Associations, like Trades' Unions (without other aid and other aims) are page 22 impotent as a means for overcoming the difficulties of the Workman; much less for the re-organising of society, and banishing a multitude of miseries from a much-suffering world. My chief objection was their narrowness of purpose, and their practical, if not intentional Selfishness;—playing the game of their oppressors, and striving to become oppressors themselves. They look only to their own members. They could not get on without Society's Refuse-heap. Non-members, and the non-privileged go uncared for; or are cast awaylike weeds. They comb at wrong (and that hopelessly) by doing greater wrong; when they might, if influenced by higher aims, be doing a vast amount of good. Except so far as they tend to keep in check the tyranny of Employers—and, in thousands of cases (among the Mill-Owners of the North especially) this heartless tyranny greatly needs a check—except for this, we were constrained to pronounce these Co-operative Societies, like the Unions, useless at best, if not injurious;—for, at best this state of things is but a state of war—amongst the Unionists, especially, a very costly war—more prolific, among its promoters, in defeats, than victories,—of evil than of good.

But we learn by these continual conflicts two important facts; one, that the Workmen are in earnest; the other, that the weekly sixpences of the artizan, yes, even the weekly pennies, when they can be reckoned by millions, form no contemptible opponents to the Employer's Founds;—and hereon follows this "momentous question,"—Shall these united sixpences be used to perpetuate a bad system, by rendering it bearable; or be employed in a way that will slowly but surely accomplish its annihilation?

This is the alternative our present subject has always presented to me: and my answer has always been—"I am not for the sleeping-draughts and palliatives; but for the alteratives which contain within themselves the cure. What I think these alteratives are will be seen as we proceed.

Now, my friends, a Governing class which governs ill, and a Labouring class which is ill-governed, naturally stand opposed to each other as belligerents and enemies. Even when all seems peace between them, their aims and instincts are at war. The Haves and Have Nots are natural enemies. page 23 It follows thence, as a corollary in reason, that any advice given, or help proffered, by the Hairs to the Have nots, can seldom bode the latter any good. Their "gift-horses" must be looked in the mouth. When they tell us that a liberal education for our children or for ourselves, would be the ruin of us, we may be sure (were we without other means of knowing the fact) that this same education would be to us, or might be made to be to us, a permanent source of strength. When they tell us that we ought to devote our Sabbaths to reading their Tracts, joining their Prayer-meetings, pondering over their Salvation-schemes, and learning from their Preachers that the poor and miserable must bear their yoke without repining in this world, on pain of a far worse state of things in the next; we may be sure (even without other proof) that this threat of the Preacher, these Salvation-schemes he publishes, these Prayer-meetings he invites us to, these Tracts he distributes so liberally,—are nothing more than inventions purposely had recourse to by our enemy (who styles himself our brother); to render us subservient to his class-purposes and keep us in the condition (mentally and bodily) of slaves. We may be sure that the "God" he serves is a false "God;" that the "Religion" he professes is a false religion; and that our Sabbaths might be better employed in honouring the true God, our real Father, by turning this seventh day of bodily rest into a great weekly school-day for studying His Laws; raising our minds to a conception (however humble and imperfect) of His Power and Goodness; and making a sincere endeavour to grow more and more like Him, by learning how to enjoy wisely, all the blessings He has rendered possible to us, and how to distribute them impartially among all our brethren.

Without denouncing any of them as Hypocrites, or supposing that nineteen twentieths of them, really know that they are compassing an evil end by false and unholy means, we may take it for granted that the instincts of the dominant classes must impel them, and their paid apologists, in all things, jealously to conserve the privileges and immunities they ought not to possess, and thus (if possible) to Perpetuate and render eternal the injustice which presses so heavily on us all. Far be it from me to say that, among the "upper page 24 ten thousand" there are not many, very many, right-noble, and true-hearted friends of the laboring classes who would promote their welfare and relieve their pressing miseries at almost any personal cost; but in all cases (whether they know it or not) their proffers of help are made—and must always be made—with a tremendous reservation: For this is what they would say (the very kindliest of them) if they knew their whole thought, and spoke their whole thought boldly out,—"Grant me that the fundamental basis on which all our Social arrangements rest shall, in all we do, be held inviolate, be deemed too sacred to be touched, and then I will help you with all my heart and soul." Some there are who are ever happiest when rendering such help. All honor to them for their good intentions! But the best they can offer is Charity, which degrades the receiver; an Education which still leaves us ignorant; and the comforts of a Religion which (if it does not make canting hypocrites of us—Atheists in fact) obliges us to attribute all our miseries to our Creator; and perhaps to feel grateful in the hope that, if borne contentedly they will cease with this life. But, never let us forget that the System thus so jealously conserved is our real enemy, not the men, and that could we change places with our Rulers to-morrow, this System—this principle of "everyone for himself and perdition take the hindmost"—would leave us no option but to be as selfishly conservative as they. As things are then, if the Laborers of England would renounce their reason and forswear their manhood, they might, just at this time, get plenty of help, such as it is; for certainly "the Saints" were never more prayerful, or more piously-inclined;—the Bishops were never busier;—the Philanthropists never more numerous or more active, than now—and all their assistance—if we would, we might have for nothing. But, if after a full and fair consideration of the subject, we should ultimately determine to buy Education and Religion with our Sixpences (and these are what I think we ought to purchase with them), it is clear we must go to a better market than this, and obtain a better article.

Let us see then (if such a commodity is to be had for money) whether an Education that admits of the highest form of Religion and morality is, or is not, the commodity we really want

Take the problem, for the especial consideration of which we are now here—namely, the best way if there be a way, by which, not the Trades' Unionists only, but the Laboring and Serving Classes generally, might emerge out of their difficulties, and obtain their true position in the world as men and women.

Now, whatever it might prove in Practice: in Theory, the solution of the problem is easy enough. Do the right thing and the right thing will come of it; do the wrong thing, and wrong will come. To find the right thing let us Assume nothing: but, try all we can to gather the Right thing out of Facts that are clear to us all.

Taking the laboring and serving classes to outnumber the governing class by, say Fifty to One; how comes it that the former should, century after century, submit to be governed on principles which are confessedly partial and manifestly unjust? There must be a great excess of controlling power in the smaller body over that possessed by the larger body, or this result could not happen. Let us briefly take note of the points of difference between the combatants, and see wherein consists the superiority of the Dwarf over the Giant,—the Few over the Manx. I think it will turn out to be not in Money merely, but in generalship—in Wit This giant (let us call him Briäreus, with his hundred hands and fifty heads), this giant—this Briäreus has the bone and sinew, but the Dwarf has the knowledge. In the former, Muscle has been developed: in the latter, Mind. The Dwarf knows all about the Giant, inside and outside; knows what he can do and what he cannot do; what he will bear tamely, and what he will resent; but the Giant knows next to nothing about the Dwarf. So completely is this the case that Briäreus (with his hundred hands and fifty ill-furnished heads,) is a mere helpless mass of body, a circumstance of which the cunning dwarf takes full advantage, and becomes this body's animating and directing mind: does all the thinking for it; manages it; uses it; and is, in fact, so much the soul that moves it that, if suddenly left to its own resources, the huge thing, without aim, without knowledge, without check or guide, would become furious in its freedom, wild in its bewilderment, and employ its brute strength to tear and devour page 26 itself. The Dwarf has a plan—a definite end in view, and he sticks to it "through thick and thin." Briäreus has no plan to stick to, but goes where he is led. Our many-headed man has just knowledge enough to know that he has the heart-ache and is very miserable; and our dwarf has adroitness enough to persuade the over-grown creature that patience is the only balm for heart-aches; that head-aches are made worse by study, and that the foolishest thing he can do is to think. It is thus seen that Intellectual development is our giant's greatest want; that gullibility is (perhaps) his greatest failing, and that his saved-up Sixpences and united Pennies must be laid out on some Plan that will secure to him real enlightenment and a liberal education before he will be able to "hold his own," and cope on equal terms with his opponent.

Continuing our allegory for the convenience of its form, I now pass on to the main subject. Grant me for the purposes of this lecture, that our Dwarf is, not only an Educated man, but a Gentleman; and that our hard-handed Briäreus is, through lack of culture, neither. Grant me also that the term "Gentleman" always includes what its form implies namely, a gentle-natured, gentle-mannered man; it follows in reason, therefore, that if what I have been endeavouring to make clear to you should ever result on your part, in any plan of action, there is no rational plan open to you but this, to Educate the Giant, to make a Gentleman of him, in knowledge, in temperate habits, in self-respect, in self-control, to make a gentleman of him by softening down the ruggedness of his original barbarism, and by developing all the gentler and nobler qualities of the civilised man; but, above all, by the development of his latent Humanity, which means this, and only this, that he should regard with tender solicitude, not only the feelings, but the failings of others; making their natural Rights and privileges the guide and measure for the habitual limitation of his own. For then our Briäreus would be a far superior Gentleman to the Dwarf, and for this reason,—Our polished little gentleman, indoctrinated as he has been from childhood in false principles of morality, is never really generous, because he never can be just. His Humanity, his love of his neighbour is restricted to sentiment. His Religion, page 27 false to its name, permits, nay, obliges him to prefer the man-made laws of society to the natural, as well as to the written Laws ok God. He can thrill us, when it pleases him, with a dazzling eloquence which, couched in empty generalities, means nothing. He can be wonderfully beneficent in words, but all really beneficent action is denied him. He cannot, if he would, be just.

In all this our Briäreus, when educated, must excel the dwarf, and soar above him. He must be as knowing and as well-mannered as his crafty opponent. He must be endued with purer morals, and be influenced by far nobler, by far holier aims.

Shall I be told that all this is impossible? That the price of our redemption is more than we can pay? That my hope is the hope of a diseased imagination—the unsubstantial mind-painting of a poet's dream? If so, then I answer, the Workman's case is a hopeless one. His confession of intellectual and moral insufficiency puts him out of Court. He has no case, no claim. If he has no capacity for governing he must submit to be governed, and if he cannot adopt an unbending Equity as the law of his life and conduct, he has no claim to the Justice which is now denied him. If we cannot mend the world's morality, my friends, we must be contented with its present fruits. But I think we can mend it; and if you can bring yourselves to think so too, Brothers, we will! Without any flattery, I can say I know that, when I am speaking of the Workmen of the United Kingdom, I am speaking of a body of men whose more or less uncultivated Intelligence; whose Morality, straightforward honesty, and natural nobleness of nature—unchronicled though their virtues are—will (as a class,) bear comparison with the proudest: And what is better still, (because I also know I am speaking of men, the most benevolent on the face of the earth;—men who do more good in the unostentatious privacy of their simple lives.) they perform more acts of real Benevolence (for in numberless instances they are acts of real sacrifice, gifts bestowed which have to be pinched for out of the next week's earnings, and this without the stimulus of advertised publicity, and out of pure sympathy with the afflicted of his class.) than can be claimed for any body of page 28 men anywhere, of any rank or station. These virtues are not confined to the well-to-do among them, but are practised, to the extent of their means, even by the poorest. The poor are everywhere the benefactors of the poor.

Therefore it is. I think, we can mend the world's moral code (which is ever tainted with its underlying selfishness.) and ultimately establish a purer moral code, the animating principle of which is Equity, and its sum and substance, Love. Love of even-handed Justice; love of one another. A mode of Selk-Love never yet established as a social basis in the world.

From the facts we have been reviewing, it seems impossible to escape this conclusion,—namely. That the only way for the Laboring Classes out of their difficulties must be by means of United Action having the utmost universality of Purpose; a Moral Code in harmony with this Purpose; and an Intellectual Culture in unison with this Moral Code: In other words, they must aim to inaugurate a new social system based on Love and Equity; and thus work out their own Emancipation for themselves. Every reform that is to be permanent must be worked out by the right persons; must be commenced at the right time; must be begun, continued, and ended, by the right means. The right means are always progressive, natural, peaceful, and rationally fit. The right time is always when the majority are prepared enough by suffering to be ripe and ready for the change. The right persons to do the work are always those who are most interested therein; who hold the means in their own hands, and see clearly the natural relationship of these means to the end to be accomplished.

I need not tell you who these persons are. I need not say that here, in perhaps the best-Governed, and, not worst-Parsoned, country in the world—here in England, their name is Legion; they are reckoned up by millions, and form the bulk of the population,—the bone and sinew of the body-politic—The Laboring-Classes, at once our country's glory and its shame; these are they who are most interested in this reformation of society, and who really hold the means in their own hands of its accomplishment.

Many great things have been done in the world, and the strong-souled sons of hard-handed workmen have usually page 29 done them; but the greatest work of all awaits the Doers; the grandest, the holiest, has yet to be done. Preaching is as easy as lying (and generally too much like it); but, to raise the teeming millions of this much preached-at world from servitude and serfdom to the condition and rank of men; to uproot crime and enthrone Justice (I don't mean man-made Law, but natural Justice); to pluck up the weeds and poison-plants which deform the world's garden,—to make it everywhere prolific in wholesome fruit, and fragrant with delicious flowers,—this is not the Preacher's work, nor the Politician's work, nor the Legislator's work, nor any Lord's or Lady's work, nor the Merchant's or the Trader's work—but, Laborers of the world! this sacred work is yours!—and yours, Laborers of England! my Workman Brothers! yours (if you will it so) the privilege and the honor to begin it!

To this end, it appeared a necessary preparation, to make those whom I hope to see in the van of this movement, as fully aware as possible of the want that has to be supplied,—the method which has to be pursued,—the nature and quality of the means which must be employed,—and the end which must be aimed at, before any successful beginning can be made in this Gigantic Labor. 1 thought this necessary to do; and it has taken me long to do it; because I have desired you should see the truth for yourselves, and not accept my dictum, or my opinion. If I have succeeded in this, it will be of less consequence that I terminate this Lecture with a very crude suggestion in reference to the Machinery by which it appears to me the Workman's labor of self-regeneration is capable of being accomplished.

The work that has to be inaugurated—the thing that has to be done, I have pretty fully shewn you: but I have not vet, except by inference, given it a name. It is not Socialism, nor Chartism, nor Secularism, nor any of the isms that propose to do without a God. The thing to be done, then, is the establishment of an Educational Brotherhood, based upon, and cemented by, a real, instead of a sham Religion. We might call it by any other name, but this it must be in reality and in essence. All men without page 30 exception, must have a place within its pale, and every man must, in very deed, be regarded and cared for as a brother. We must not have any National Dust-holes or Refuse-heaps among us in which to cast away men and women, as we do now, by the million—to become foetid heaps of crime and misery;—but not unpitied by the All-Seeing One, my friends,—for all that! Our system must leave no room for these social mal-practices—wrecks made of our Sisters and Brothers by the cruel operation of man-made Law. We must not make work for the Philanthropists; we must all be Philanthropists; nor must the cold smile of the from-house-to-house-Visitors dispense their cold words of comfort, or their colder Charity, in any of our Workmen's homes. Call our Religion by what name we will it must be essentially and in practice a Religion in which right-doing must be substituted for wrong-praying; preaching God's truth as Science reveals it, as all Nature reveals it, as the Human Intellect reveals it,—in brief, as it is written in everlasting characters, readable by all, within and around us,—instead of preaching the falsehoods which contradict these verities, until many of us (and no wonder) belie their nature, and deny the very existence of a God. This is the work to be done,—the Religion (under some name or other) to be inaugurated;—and now my promised suggestion in reference to the Machinery I just now alluded to, and my work for the present is done.

I am told that Trade's Unions are benefit Societies and dispense a large portion of their funds in Benevolences to sick, and disabled, and otherwise necessitous Members—a holy work! but that yet a considerable sum is employed, and (as we proved in our former Lecture) uselessly employed in the organization of Strikes—to keep up wages, which, after all are not kept up,—I venture to ask (and this is my suggestion) whether it would not be cheaper and far wiser to moderate, and gradually give up this war; and, retaining the other character of these unions, convert them into a great National Organization of which something like this might be its descriptive designation? "The Workmen's Institute for the promotion of Education and social reform among the Laboring Classes."

How much, too, is there not to be done (even apart from the more extended aims of which such an Institute might be the Machinery) how much is there not to be done in the promotion of Temperance, Cleanliness, Home-reforms, and Self-respect under all its aspects!—how much is there not to be done for the dissipated and sour-tempered and cross-grained workmen!—some perhaps in every workshop!—and for the children who are being tormented into promising Candidates for similar distinctions—in many and many a home!

Not for this alone, but for the much more extended and important application of the power of your Trades' Unions as the ready-at-hand Machinery for work that necessarily includes all this, have I suggested their conversion into a Brotherhood with its own Freemasonry, into an Institute of Working Brothers.—to carry out the views and aims it has been the object of this Lecture to describe and lay bare before you. An Institute to Educate in God's Truth, and to cheer, and raise, and redeem from disabilities, and slavery and degradation all men; this is the work it has been the wish of my life to see inaugurated;—this is the work which I have faith that the Workmen of England, aided by such an Institute, can do. I do not know what is the total number of your Trades' Union Members, but I am told the "Foresters" are 150,000, and the "Odd-Fellows" 300,000, with a saved-up capital of between 2 and 3 millions of pounds sterling; and I hope the Unionists (who I trust are all Good Fellows,) are not inferior in numbers to either of these societies, though I expect the cost of their wars with the masters have kept them very far inferior in that universal necessity—wealth. Could my thought of an Universal Brotherhood of Workmen be realised, and be seen working out its mission of love and mercy, not as now, scarcely heard of beyond the narrow precincts of its weekly club, but in Halls where the heart is gladdened by music, where Truth has an utterance, and where sympathy for all that is true, and beautiful, and good unifies all and blesses all, and where all is done before the world, then, I think, your institute should draw every class of workmen to your Society, until all other societies of Working men would form a part of it. It may be a dream of mine; but as it is page 32 not impossible, I have made myself happy by telling may dream to you. Let no one say it is impossible. It has been dreamt of in all ages. Many on whose every word admiring thousands hang a hope are dreaming something like it now,—Emerson, Mill, Carlyle; and the last, on this very subject of a remedy for workman's wrongs, exclaims, "Impossible. Brothers. I answer, if for you it be impossible, What is to Become of You? It is impossible for us to belive it to he impossible." And because I am of Carlyle's mind in this matter, I will imagine the work begun, and conclude my (I fear tedious Lecture,) with a Prophecy.

Your attempt (jf you make it,) shall be condemned by many and criticised by all. The "powers that be" shall jealously watch your doings, but shall not hinder you. Your great union of moral power and growing knowledge shall be feared, but not prevented.

You shall be anathematised by that body in whose privilege to curse lies half its strength, but multitudes whom you have raised and rendered happy shall follow you with blessings.

Your work shall go on after you have quitted the scene of your earthly labors,—shall go on with increasing strength, "conquering and to conquer;" and the time shall come, foreseen of old when "every man shall sit, each under his own vine and his own fig tree, and none shall make them afraid, for the mouth of the Eternal One hath spoken it."

Ail who see the Truth expressed in these Lectures, and who desire to assist in the Social regeneration, so much needed, may communicate with A. C. Swintox, 5 Cambridge Road, The Fuuction, Kilbum, London, N.W.