Summary

of the points and arguments I have chiefly dwelt upon, and the conclusions to which they lead.

We commenced by noticing the notorious fact that men and women are divided into classes.

We saw reasons for concluding that this division is not a natural division; but arbitrary and artificial, and hence alterable.

Without taking sub-divisions into our account, we viewed the whole as two classes—Laborers and the Employers of Labor.

We noticed that the Rights of men and women in their character of Laborers are necessarily very limited:

That when laborers are much in excess, or employment scarce, these Rights of theirs have, practically no existence; and that the value of the Laborer's labor, under such circumstances, is not determined by the sanctions of Justice but by the unbending decrees of a semi-natural Law.

We perceived that this Law is generally the laborer's enemy, and very rarely his friend.

We saw that, in consequence of this, methods are constantly had recourse to by the workman to relieve himself from this oppression; and that these methods generally take the form of antagonism, as between workman and employer, page 18 the former practically ignoring the existence of the Law, and viewing the hardness of its decrees as an exhibition of selfishness in his Employer.

We saw reasons for believing that this view is erroneous:

That the Law is a stern reality; and that it will continue to govern the workman's wages by its decrees so long as class-distinctions are upheld amongst us:

That, consequently, the practical value of Trades' Unions (as organisers of Strikes) is, at best, doubtful; first, because, were they ever to be triumphant in fixing a High-wages List. Trade would be crippled, and the supposed advantage nothing; and secondly, because, previously to this triumph, any advantage accruing from the exclusive Laws and regulations of these Unions would most likely be obtained at the cost or ruin of many whom the unions ought not to oppress, but to defend.

We have further seen (if our views and reasonings are reliable) that the destruction of the Class-system is the thing to aim at; and

That Co-operative Partnerships have a direct tendency to their destruction. But we have seen reasons to doubt the possibility (without other aid) of these Co-operative Partnerships ever becoming universal: and that the consideration of the feasibility of this other aid must form the subject of another Lecture. Another sentence or two, ray friends, and I have done.

Do not believe what I have told you. Think of it: scan it closely; and judge for yourselves. Stand firmly by your Unions. Relax no effort to add to your numbers: for union, on just principles, among great numbers, is strength,—and rely on it, if this union of the muscle, sinews, and life-blood of the workmen of Old England, with the intellectual and moral element it contains, will be satisfied with nothing less than to obtain for its members all the qualifications necessary to a reasonable share of equality as citizens, and their full rights as men, the commencement will have been inaugurated of a Civilization for all men such as has never yet obtained any recognised existence in the world.