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Salient. Victoria University Student Newspaper. Volume 36, Number 21. 5th September 1973

Maori Language & Culture

page 11

Maori Language & Culture

Page header drawing

Further to my letter of last week in Salient I now wish to speak of how my language, Maori, functions today in a rural setting. A group of Anthropology students from Victoria University did a field trip to my sub-tribal area in Northern Hawkes Bay on August 11 and my particular area of study was "Rasponeas of the Maori Language to Social Changa in a subtribal area." The aim was to collect data on differences between Classical and Colloquial Maori; specifically to compara tha number of loan words in the two varieties, and to collect some information on Bilingualism.

I want to say here that I belonged to the sub-tribal area chosen and so spoke the same Maori language as the people there. I tape recorded the young chief's speech to us at the marae of the meeting-house after our group had been to visit some children. While at the school I tape recorded the children's answers to my questions.

High or Classical Maori

At the Hawkes Bay marae, a young chief made a fiery speech to us in which he clearly used High or Classical Maori: "Anei nga metua kei konei a tiraha ana. Mauris mai kia tangihia ratau kua mene ki te po. " (Here lie our elders. Let us bring them [their memory) together so that their departure to darkness may again be lamented.) During this speech as well as the speeches that we, the visitors, made later, we felt that the spirits of our dead were with us. "Anei etabi kei roto i te where nei e tutu haere ana. Anei etahi e tutu haere nei kua mene ki te po." Still addressing the departed ones in accordance with Maori custom. (Here in this meeting house we see some of them [in the form of cerved figures] standing right round. All have gone into darkness [meaning that they are not any longer physically visible] .) "Na reira no te ra nei kua tae mai, kua tu te manuhiri tuarangi. Kua tangihia atu ano, kua mihia atu ano e tatau. No reira, hara mai, ta tatau manuhtri tuarangi haere mai ki mua i te poho o te where nei anei e tu nei, e tu nei. A K., te poho o K,. Hara mail kua putal kua putal kua puta! Ko nga taiapa o te motu kua horo." (And so today, illustrious visitors arrive and stand before us. Together, we lament for the departed ones, we pay homage to them. Welcome our illustrious visitors. Come and stand before the bosom of this house which stands here, which stands here. K. (the marae), the bosom of K.. Welcome, you have appeared, you have have appeared, you have appeared. The fences of our land have been removed (i.e. the wall of separation is no more.)

In this speech the young chief repeated himself quite often but this did not in anyway minimise the effectiveness of the occasion or of his speech. Rather it enhanced it. By repetition strong emphasis was laid on the situation and enabled the speaker to bring out the great importance of the occasion, e.g. "Kua putal Kua putal Kua putal na reira, hara mai koutou, hara mai, hara mail Kua ngarongaro atu ratau." "Kua putal Kua putal Kua putal" can also mean that the illustrious visitors have appeared.

Their appearance is emphasised as if dramatic and unexpected at in the Maori expression "Kotu ku rerenga tahi" — the few and unexpected appearances of the white heron. The words "hara mai" have occurred several times. According to colloquial Maori grammars "haere mail haere mail" it the usual form. This therefore is a phonological change by the elimination of the sound 'e' giving the form 'hara' used by good orators. Then to finish his classical speech he expounded the genealogy from Rangi and Papa, Tanenuiarangi, Hinemenuhiri, Hinerauwharangi and so right down to hit grand father, 46 generations.

The same topic in colloquial language

This could not be done as I had envisaged with tapu subjects such as tangihanga, mate and atua. I tried taping it with my first cousin but we always ended up in sadness and speaking High Maori. So I dropped it. This illustrated. I think, that such subjects as the above could not be readily discussed in colloquial Maori because of its implications. The Maori language takes less traditional, and revered, and more every- day occurrences for expressions in the colloquial language, and it it in this area that it can expand its usefulness and popularity.

It has been suggested that because of its restriction to ceremonial occasions, the classical or high language might die out eventually in the same way as has happened to Latin. But I feel that as long as there is the marae, the meeting house (or an equivalent), the dining hall, the tangihanga, the hui and so on, the classical or the High Maori must still continue. The late Sir Apirana Ngata was the founder of all this, and we sec his work, his mind in all these places and houses to perpetuate Maontanga.

Colloquial or conversational Maori and Borrowings from English

On the Sunday after the buffet meal in K Church of England hall, we all moved into the hall itself, the dining hall joining on to it. While we were waiting for the competition group to begin their practice and to welcome us as well, I taperecorded ordinary conversations I had with my relatives, e.g. Hemi: "Ko wai to koutou kapene o te tuma hooki?" (Who is your captain of the hockey team?" Granny "Ko Peti (Betty) Jones. " As I have previouslv staled I belong to the local hapu, and so my Maori language is the same as iheir's. I used the word "kapene" for captain, and so I borrowed from the English language, a necessary borrowing. Maori words used could have been "rangatira" or "kai-whakahaere" but they do not exactly fulfil the requirements, as hockey is a Pakeha game. Similarly the words "tilma (team) and "hooki" (hockey). Three borrowed words in my sentence. Hemi: "Ko wai te kai-tataki o te haka?" (Who is the leader of the haka?) Tangiaahua "No O. He tamaiti na Keita (Kate) raua ko Niri Kua mate hoki a Keita ma." (He is from O. One of Kate and Niri's (Kate) raua ko Niri. Kua mate hoki a Keita ma." (He is from O. One of Kate and Niri's children. They have both died.) Hemi "He nanakia ia." (He is doing well.) Granny "He is called after (his uncle) Paraire (Friday borrowed). Note Granny speaks here in English These latter words are examples of codeswhiching and Paraire is the Maoi name for Friday, borrowing from English. Even the name Granny is English for grandmother or grand-aunt. This is a nickname given to her. Her married name is Mrs R. Hemi: (diversion of the conversation)" "Granny, i pewhea to koutou tiima hooki?" (Granny, how did your hockey team get on (in the competitions) "Nga kapu". (Your cups — you won) "Kapu" is a Maori word borrowed from the English word "cup" meaning "trophy". R. J. Ryan in Orbis says "kapu" means "cup" (a trophy) and "kapu" also means "cup" as in the expression "a cup of tea".

On the Sunday alternoon when we were ready to visit the local Latter Day Saints Chapel and the Presbyterian Maori Synod Church, my brother-in-iaw said to me: "E Hemi. he mea atu tenei ki a koutou kua tae ki te wa hei haere mo koutou kia kite i te wharekarakia Momona . . . Mea atu ki a Heni (Jane) kia purei i te okena". (Hemi it is now time for you to visit the Mormon chape! . . . Ask Jane to play the organ.) Note the borrowings "purei" (play) and "okena" (organ).

On the group's last night my sister spoke in excellent Maori for the main part when she thanked her people for their wonderful help. She also expressed great pleasure in having Joan Metge, Barnie Kernot and the group. My Sister: "Na reira. Jim (Hemi — borrowed), Kia ora koutou." An action song was immediately sung, and in it, it had these words "E nine, o taera (your styles — borrowed). My Sister: "Haere mai ki te kapu (cup) ti (tea)". Even in colloquial Arabic "Eddini shyee min fudluck" (give me some tea please) "shyee" is borrowed from the English "tea". In French "une tasse de the" — "a cup of tea". Both are borrowed from Chinese.

A young Maori man in his speech about farming on the last night used the words "rui maniua" (manure — borrowed). He used "taima" for "time". The personal pronoun "awau" is usually known as "ahau" or "au".

As I said in the second paragraph of my letter I taperecorded questions that I asked the children in the K. hall on the Sunday, and the local school children the next day, and their answers. Altogether 18 children were taperecorded, So far as I was able to ascertain I think fairly accurately, all the parents of the Maori children could speak Maori, but in the home they spoke mostly in English except sometimes when they get angry with their children they spoke in Maori "te kore take nei" — "the useless child." Most of the children I interviewed could not speak Maori or spoke very little Maori. Four definitely spoke Maori. With the exception of two — on religious grounds — all including the four Pakeha children wanted to learn Maori at school.

A Primary School, other than the local school where over 80% of the children are Maori

I taped several of the children, out of about 106 — when we mixed with them after their wonderful performance in action songs, poi, patere and haka to us One conclusion I have come to is this. I think the majority of these Maori children could not under stand or speak Maori although their Maori cultural performance was really good, Like the local school, [unclear: then.]

The local Maori people are bilingual

This is principally in the colloquial Maori e.g. buying their stores, groceries from Pakeha storekeepers. Everything Pakeha such as bread — paraoa, shoe — hu, boot — putu, lolly — rare, and so on. Store — toa. hotel — hotera, beer —pia, whiskey — weheke or wihiki, wine — waina, and so on. They could alto hold their own in discussions as in Community 73 on Sunday night with the Pakehas. My sister was Chairman.

On Sunday the young local chief took six of us from the group to the monuments near the road just outside the local hall and explained each one of them to us. One of them belonged to a high local chief who died In 1875. And then I asked in Maori "Ko wai nga uri a te rangatira nei kei te ora tonu inaianei?" (Who are the descendants of the chief living here locally today?) Reply "Ko nga uri ko Namana (Norman), ko Hirini (Sidney) me Paraire (Friday). me te Wano ma." (The descendants are Norman, Sidney, Friday. Wano and others.) Hemi; "Ka pewhea a Ahenata?" (What about Ahenata?) Reply. "Me Ahenata. kei konei a Ahenata" (She's here, direct descent [code switch]). Ko E. W. koianei te "Eldest" (code switch again) I. W. married (code switch) T. "another wife" (code switch) koiraka "the Son" (code switch) ko I, M " Some of this 'codeswitching' was in an attempt to be polite to the pakehas who were listening.

Conclusion

I think I have demonstrated here that there are linguistic and sociolinguistic differences between classical and colloquial Maori. I have illustrated some of the borrowings from English which occur in colloquial (but never in classical) Maori. And I have given examples of the way bilingual Maoris codeswitch between English and Maori. Finally. I have discussed the prospects for Maori English bilingualism which look sad at the moment. It our children are not learning Maori from their parents, it would seem a good idea for the schools to teach them our language since the majority of children indicated that [unclear: they would take to learn Maori.]

Photo of Hemi Potatau

The Reverend Hemi Potatau, author of this article

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