Creating a National Spirit: Celebrating New Zealand's Centennial
4: Māori Buildings for the Centennial
4: Māori Buildings for the Centennial
Māori interest in the Dominion centennial celebrations had been clearly signalled well before 1940. Lord Bledisloe had gifted the land at Waitangi to the nation in 1932 and in the same year Sir Āpirana Ngata had urged Nga Puhi tribal leaders to have a whare whakairo (decorated meeting house) built on the Treaty site. Northern Māori dairy farmers who were receiving state assistance began contributing five shillings per annum from their cream cheques; these deductions were estimated at over £1000 in late 1938. Tau Hēnare MP and Ngāti Hine supplied the timber valued at £700 and Te Arawa and Tūwharetoa tribal leaders also supported the project financially.1 In 1934 craftsmen of the School of Maori Arts and Crafts under Pine Taiapa commenced work on the house, and its opening provided one of the focal points at the Waitangi Centennial Celebration held over 5 and 6 February 1940.
Further south in the Waikato, Te Puea Hērangi had begun an ambitious canoe-building project in 1936, the completion of which was intended to coincide with the centennial celebrations. Her plan was to launch seven large ceremonial canoes, representing the major founding canoes of the tribes, on the Waitemata Harbour for the centennial celebrations in Auckland. It also included rebuilding the historic Tainui canoe Te Winika from a surviving fragment.
The project failed to gain full government support and ran into funding difficulties. It was never completed and eventually Te Puea and Waikato withdrew from all participation over differences with the government.2 Nevertheless the project resulted in some notable achievements. Te Winika was completed in time for the opening of the house Tūrongo at Tūrangawaewae in 1938, when it was used to transport Lord Galway and the vice-regal party across the river from Ngaruawahia to Tūrangawaewae.
A year earlier, while fundraising with her concert party in the north, Te Puea had designated one of the canoes for Northland and sent a team of canoe builders under the old tohunga tārai waka (canoe builders) Ranui Maupakanga and Ropata Wirehana and the younger Piri Poutapu to supervise its construction. Supporting this project with men and materials were the five northern tribes of Nga Puhi, Te Rarawa, Te Aupōuri, Ngāti Whātua and Ngāti Kahu.3 This canoe became the famous Ngā-toki-matawhaorua, named after Kupe's great canoe and completed in time for page 66 the centennial celebrations at Waitangi. Sixty years on Ngā-toki-matawhaorua is still the ceremonial canoe of Waitangi.
Kupe, believed to be the founding Maori ancestor of Aotearoa, featured strongly in other historical representations of the Centennial. Not only was he represented as the tekoteko, or topmost figure on the Waitangi centennial whare rūnanga,4 but also as the subject of W. T. Trethewey's Maori sculptural group at the Centennial Exhibition in Wellington. This sculpture, recently cast in bronze, now stands on the Wellington waterfront.
In Wellington the Centennial Exhibition provided another venue for Maori participation in the national celebrations. The centrepiece of the Maori Court was a carved and decorated whare rūnanga, or council house, with adjacent stalls for the production, display and sale of handicrafts. Visiting tribal parties, but especially the local Ngāti Pōneke Young Māori Association, provided entertainment at various Exhibition venues. Elsewhere in the Exhibition the native schools and Maori women exhibited crafts as part of other displays, and borrowed carvings were used at the entrance to the Government Court.
Māori participation was organised by a National Maori Centennial Celebrations Committee chaired by the Acting Minister of Native Affairs, the Hon Frank Langstone. Membership was fairly evenly divided between Pākehā and Māori politicians, officials and community and tribal leaders. However Sir Āpirana Ngata, as the Representative of the Native Race on the National Centennial Council, was the most influential member and kept an oversight of all national Māori projects.
This unwieldy body was to advise the government through the National Centennial Council on suitable Māori projects and their cost to government. It was also to advise on a suitable national Maori centennial memorial. It met only once, in August 1938, when it made a number of crucial decisions not all of which were carried through. The Centennial Memorial to the Native Race for instance was to have been a conservatorium of music. The suggestion came from the composer Alfred Hill and had been taken up by the Rotorua Mayor, T. Jackson, who was also a member of the committee. Discussions were initiated with Professor James Shelley, Director of Broadcasting, but nothing came of the proposal, and eventually the Waitangi meeting house, or whare rūnanga, became the national Maori memorial with the government meeting the greater part of the cost.5
Other events of national importance were to be ceremonies at Waitangi and Akaroa, the latter to mark the exercise of British sovereignty in the South Island. In the event of a royal tour a national Māori welcome was planned for Rotorua. The war intervened to prevent such a tour but at Waitangi a staged re-enactment of the signing of the Treaty took place on 6 February, and on the same day the Whare Rūnanga was opened. The Akaroa ceremonies, which were the South Island's national centennial celebrations, took place over the weekend of 20-22 April. They included religious commemorations, and re-enactments of the arrival of the French colonists page 67 as well as of Captain Stanley raising the British flag in 1840. Maori entertainment on Monday 22 April concluded the festivities.6
The Māori centennial buildings were part of the architectural developments being promoted at the time by Sir Āpirana Ngata. Ngata was instrumental in having the government establish the School of Maori Arts and Crafts in Rotorua in 1927 which began a major cultural renaissance that extended into all aspects of community life. As Minister of Native Affairs between 1928 and 1934 he initiated the great land development schemes which underpinned the cultural and social revival then gathering momentum. The school in Rotorua spearheaded marae redevelopment throughout the North Island and the art and architectural revival became an integral part of his land development programme. By means of the school, which he closely supervised, a new era in meeting house construction was inaugurated, and a new generation of artist-craftsmen and women emerged whom he encouraged to look back to the old masters for their inspiration. The so-called 'Ngata revival' brought to an end the era of figurative painting in house decoration that had flourished in the fifty years from the 1870s.7
The common perception of Māori art and architecture by both Pākehā and many Māori was of a timeless unchanging tradition, popularised around the turn of the century by a group of Pākehā ethnologists, and espoused by Ngata himself.8 However, recent research by architectural historian Deidre Brown has shown the architecture developed in the school introduced extraordinary innovations into meeting houses built during the 1930s and 1940s. She concludes that under Ngata's leadership the school 'deliberately formulated new design philosophies and redeveloped old concepts to suit contemporary Maori needs .. .'9 In this period she argues the traditional meeting house was transformed from a vernacular building into a fully fledged architecture.
Many of these innovations were necessary to meet fire, health, building and earthquake regulations. Others were introduced to serve the buildings' new functions as community centres, especially in meeting the social needs of young people. Some features were adopted from the European community hall but adapted to suit a Māori context. The introduction of side windows, side entrances and stages, the removal of central columns (pou tokomanawa), the use of concrete foundations and new methods of construction transformed many buildings into something resembling the European community hall. In such cases the distinctive Māori character was achieved through the use of decorative detail derived from traditional sources, most notably from the nineteenth-century Gisborne house Te Hau ki Tūranga re-erected in 1935 under Ngata's supervision in the Dominion Museum. In particular the whakairo (carving), tukutuku panels, the painted kōwhaiwhai designs and the use of toetoe stalks (kakaho) for interior lining became the primary decorative media.
Ngata viewed a bicultural society as one in which Māori, as a people, were equal partners with Pākehā, as a people, in the Treaty. A fully carved house on the Treaty page 68 site alongside Busby's restored residence was conceived as an ideal embodiment of this vision. Such a building had been suggested as early as 1876 when Governor Normanby was visiting the North. In 1878 Hare Hongi Hika and other members of the Nga Puhi tribe petitioned the House of Representatives 'that a fine house should be erected on the spot where the treaty was signed, and the cost should be borne upon the Consolidated Fund, which has found an existence only by reason of the Treaty itself.10
The Bledisloe gift gave Ngata the perfect opportunity for creating a building that would be a symbol of and for the Māori people on the sacred site. Here all the tribes could be included in ancestral representations and regional carving styles in a Maori building that complemented the Busby House.
Bledisloe had held an unrealistic expectation of the building being completed before his term expired in 1934.11 There were technical reasons why that would be impossible12 but even so Ngata wasted no time making a start on the project. He was already planning the house by early 1934, basing it on the plans detailed for houses at Panguru and Waima.13 By April 1934 Eramiha Kapua, Pine and John Taiapa and two Rarotongan students, Iotua (Charlie) Tuarau and Willie Marama, began working on the panels at Motatau, where local Nga Puhi leaders were able to view the work in progress. Work continued until February 1936 when the carvers returned to Rotorua. The project was resumed in 1939 with a team of five carvers and three students under Pine Taiapa working at Waiomio, while tukutuku panels were completed by northern women working at Kaikohe. Construction on the house began about the same time.
Ngata planned every detail of the Waitangi Whare Rūnanga. His correspondence with Richard Wills, his builder, and Harold Hamilton, the director of the Rotorua School, shows him deciding on the dimensions of the building, the width of the tukutuku panels and windows, and the width of the rafters, and setting the wall height and the pitch of the gable. He instructed Wills not to include side porches or recesses,14 and Hamilton not to include a stage.15 Side porches, recesses and stages were included in houses then being built by the school, such as the Tokomaru Bay house Te Hono ki Rarotonga which opened in January 1934.
Ngata distinguished between superior houses, which were the fully decorated whare whakairo, and community halls modelled after the Lady Arihia Memorial Hall built on his own marae at Waiomatatini and opened in 1930. Community halls, often referred to as dining halls, were intended to meet the needs of local communities for places of entertainment and hospitality for which the formality of superior houses was unsuitable. However, the distinction was frequently blurred in practice, especially where stages were introduced in superior houses.
While in the early planning stages he thought of the Waitangi House as a museum and picture gallery for the display of Māori materials16 he nevertheless intended it to be a superior house, as his instructions to Wills and Hamilton indicate. By 1940 it page 69 had become the Waitangi Whare Rūnanga, the name by which it is known today.
Inside the house tukutuku panels of traditional patterns are rendered exclusively in the traditional materials of pīngao and kiekie set on frames of vertical toetoe stalks (kakaho) and horizontal laths (kaho). These were devised by Ngata who prided himself on his expertise in tukutuku work, and the panels represented his notion of 'tradition' in both pattern and materials.
The ceiling is lined with toetoe stalks, an innovation of the Rotorua school, while rafters and ridgepole carry painted kōwhaiwhai patterns. These were arranged by Ringatū Poi, the school's kōwhaiwhai expert, and based on the patterns illustrated in Hamilton's Maori Art.17
Planning the Waitangi house led to a significant development in the education of the carvers at the school. Before proceeding to Motatau the carving team were required to spend several weeks at the Auckland Museum studying and copying characteristic examples of Northern carvings, and classifying the work of all the old regional schools following the system established by the museum's ethnologist, Gilbert Archey. Ngata 'considered that the time has arrived for students to get above the technique and with the experience of the last few years to be able to interpret and appreciate the ideas of the old carvers as expressed in the many models collected in the Museums'.18 Understanding and interpreting the ideas of the old masters would, he believed, free his students to develop their own ideas. He foresaw a time when the master carvers would be attached to museums and the Rotorua school would no longer be needed. In fact the school did become defunct after Hamilton's death in 1937, and the carving masters became dependent on commissions from community and government agencies.
The Waitangi Whare Rūnanga was a high point in the architectural and artistic renaissance promoted through the school. It is a fully decorated house (whare whakairo) incorporating carvings representative of all the regional tribal styles as well as advances in the presentation of tukutuku panels, kōwhaiwhai designs and use of kakaho lining. The carvings display the impressive technical virtuosity acquired by the craftsmen in the school and in their museum research. It was a carefully planned house of great dignity and worthy to stand as a National Māori Memorial.
By contrast the whare rūnanga erected in the Māori Court at the Centennial Exhibition in Wellington was a rushed affair. Waitangi had been the focus of Māori centennial activity and there were no plans for a special Māori exhibit at the Centennial Exhibition. Judge Harvey of the Native Land Court had circulated a paper at the August 1938 meeting suggesting a Māori village at the Exhibition with marae and carved meeting house. He thought visiting tribal groups offering entertainment could be rotated on a weekly basis. Invoking the rhetoric of the time he also thought that visiting tribes could benefit from demonstrations of 'modern conveniences of life that go to the making of a healthier and happier nation; sending them back as it were adherents of a higher culture'.19 It was an ambitious plan that page 70 followed earlier exhibitions, especially the Māori village erected for the 1906-7 International Exhibition in Christchurch. The paper was never formally considered by the committee, and the idea appeared to lapse.20
The decision to feature a Māori Court as an exhibit was made in late September 1939 when last-minute decisions had to be made to use space that would not be taken up by commercial exhibitors. Some of this space was quickly taken up by the Native Department. Special funding of £11,040 was voted by cabinet and Ngata's regular builder Richard Wills began drawing up the plans.21
The Court eventually opened on 14 December, some weeks after the official Exhibition opening, and with every sign of haste. The centrepiece whare rūnanga was still incomplete. The threshold (paepae) and door lintels (kōrupe) had still to be added, and some of its other carved features had been borrowed from the museum. The carvers remained on site throughout the Exhibition demonstrating their art while completing the panels.22 It was unsuitable for accommodating visitors and alternative arrangements were made to accommodate visiting parties at the Tatau o Te Pō marae in Petone and elsewhere.
The official opening of the Māori Court. Archives New Zealand/Te Rua Mahara o te Kāwatanatanga, W. Nash PM, Series 3102, Item 0221.
The Maori Court souvenir booklet states that the house was designed, carved and decorated under Ngata's close supervision.23 The master carver was Pine Taiapa assisted by his brother Hone, Iotua (Charlie) Tuarau and Hōhaia (Joe) Mōkaraka, the latter from North Auckland. The tukutuku work was carried out under the supervision of Roa Tuhou and Pirihira Heketa24 while Ringatū Poi was responsible for the kōwhaiwhai patterns.25 It was a large structure given variously as ninety-two feet by thirty feet in the Māori Court souvenir booklet,26 and seventy-seven feet by thirty-four feet in the official guide to the Government Court,27 and intended to serve as a community centre after the Exhibition.
The government used the Exhibition to present its own image of a happy, healthy and egalitarian nation, particularly in the Government Court exhibits. Māori policy was directed towards assimilation and racial equality through Maori land development, as well as housing, health, education and social welfare programmes.28 The land development programmes had been initiated by Ngata when he was in government then carried on and expanded under the Labour government of Savage from 1935.
At first Ngata had been optimistic that the new Labour government would benefit the Māori people. In the aftermath of the 1935 election, which his party lost, he wrote to Buck: 'With regard to the social legislation ... I have every confidence that Savage, Peter Fraser and Co will do better than our old friends Forbes and Coates. We shall share in the good things Labour has promised to the poor and needy ... I have told our people there will be no direct attack on the Maori interest . . ,'29 He was also pleased Savage had agreed to become the Minister of Native Affairs since, as he confided to Buck, he was confident ' .. no violent change [in policy] would occur'.30
However, by 1940 he had become bitterly disillusioned with Labour's welfare programmes and electoral reforms, which he saw as undermining tribal ties and communal values, and leading to individualism. The Labour emphasis on economic solutions to Māori social problems ignored his drive to retain a separate and distinctive racial identity, or 'individuality' as he was fond of calling it. That year he wrote in a major essay, Tn the tribal organization as it still persists we clearly have evidence of a desire among the Maori people to resist absorption into western civilization and to preserve some degree of Maori individuality.'31 Assimilationist policies also negated his own political principle of adaptation by which he meant taking what was useful from Western culture and adapting it to meet Maori needs without sacrificing Māori identity.
There was another reason too for Ngata's despondency. From 1937 Savage left most of the responsibility for his Native Affairs portfolio to his acting minister, Frank Langstone. Langstone was a dogmatic socialist and less sympathetic to Māori cultural aspirations than Savage. He had little appreciation of Ngata's marae-building programme, preferring to see the money go directly into land development.32 It was Langstone that Ngata had to deal with in setting up the Māori Court for the Exhibition.page 72
The Māori Court souvenir booklet that accompanied the exhibit presents their opposing viewpoints. Although the text is anonymous it bears the unmistakable imprint of Ngata and he begins by debating alternative representations. An assimilationist representation that would show only 'those things which the Maori had acquired and adopted from the pakeka, thus implying that the standard of progress must be judged wholly against a background of western culture'33 would be 'misleading'. To the contrary, he argued that an authentic representation 'must be something signifying the blended cultural life of the present-day Maori, with Maori and pakeha elements combined in it; and it must be something that indicated the persisting individuality of the Maori people.'34 The whare rūnanga in its modern form was the 'happy choice', and to drive the point home he added: 'It would be greatly mistaken to imagine that this wave of building activity is only a sentimental revival and a clinging to relics. These buildings and the maraes on which they stand are a necessity in the present-day social life of the Maori people, and a sign of their continuing individuality.'35
The whare rūnanga built for the Māori Court was a community hall rather than a superior house and it incorporated many of the architectural innovations introduced by the Rotorua school. It retained the facade of a traditional meeting house with amo, maihi, kōruru and tekoteko, all borrowed from the Dominion Museum. It also kept a front porch but the upper part was closed over and covered with tussock grass (wl) held in place with manuka battens, and it had a side entrance. The interior construction made use of crossbeams and tie-rods that eliminated the need for central columns, and it had a stage. The proscenium for the stage replicated the facade of a meeting house, deliberately suggesting a house within a house, or a marae and house.36
As an architectural form the whare rūnanga displayed at the Centennial Exhibition had very little that could be described as distinctively Māori. Only the porch and facade appear recognisably Maori in a traditional sense, notwithstanding the introduction of two front doors and a ticket box between them! This impression is confirmed in the Maori Court souvenir booklet that commented on modern adaptations in Māori architecture. 'The present type of house represents a blending of the features of its ancient proto-type with those of the assembly hall of the pakeha.'37 Its distinctive Māori character is not in the architecture so much as in the decorative overlay of predominantly traditionalist motifs rendered in carving, tukutuku, and kōwhaiwhai, or in materials such as kakaho, wi and ponga.
Looking to the rear of the Centennial Exhibtion Whare Rūnanga. The Ngāi Tahu panels are on the rear and side walls. Museum of New Zealand, Te Papa Tongarewa, Neg no A.626.
Ironically, it never made it to the South Island. With the close of the Exhibition the dismantled house went into storage in Wellington as the property of the Department of Native Affairs to await the war's end. However, after seventeen years in storage, and with the approval of Sir Eruera Tirikātene the art works were given to Ihaia Puketapu to be used in the decoration of his meeting house, Arohanui ki te Tangata, then being built at Waiwhetu.44 About the same time some of the carvings and tukutuku panels not required for the Waiwhetu house were passed on to the Otaki Maori Racing Club, where they remain to the present day.45
In discussing Ngata's revival of the arts and crafts Brown follows Neich in arguing page 74 that only a traditionalist form of art and architecture was acceptable to Pākehā who 'equated traditionalism with static, ordered and loyal societies'.46 The innovative art and architecture that grew out of the religio-political movements such as figurative painting in meeting houses and the temples of Rua Kēnana and Wiremu Rātana, were not considered authentic by Pākehā and were deliberately eschewed by Ngata. Brown even claims that Ngata manipulated Western notions of 'tradition' in order to secure funding for his land development programme and architectural renaissance. The architectural renaissance in turn was intended to subvert the government's assimilationist policies. The school was, she says, an instrument in Ngata's 'wider counter-colonial programme'.47
Neich48 adds the further point that by developing standardised traditional forms in carving, tukutuku and kōwhaiwhai Ngata was able to provide Māori communities with a visual reference to a national Māori identity. The art work displayed in the Exhibition house was almost entirely of forms standardised in the Rotorua school to visually represent Māori identity. Some panels departed from this rubric to make specific reference to South Island images which allowed a local Ngāi Tahu tribal identity to be subsumed under a more generalised Māori identity.
A Ngāti Porou concert party performing in one of the soundshells. front row: Miriama Heketa, Lucy Gunson, Rangi Ruru, Ruby Mason, Riria Walker, Lorna Metekingi, Piki Wickham, Meri Black, Eileen Scott, Uri Turoa, Polly Larkins. Back row: Ema Drummond, Raiha Wickham, ——, Joy Tarrant, ——, Kitty Bradshaw, Moana Morris, Isabel Winiata. Side-on between rows: Pirihira Heketa. The man in the background is probably is Henare Ngata. Riria Utiku Collection.
1 Balneavis to Langstone, 9 December 1938. Internal Affairs IA 1, 62/25/1, National Archives (NA).
2 Michael King, Te Puea: A Biography (Auckland: Hodder and Stoughton, 1977), pp.204-5. For general discussion of Te Puea's canoe-building programme see pp.188-92.
3 Waikato Times, 23 September 1937.
4 Hohepa Heperi and three others to Savage, 11 March 1940. IA 1, 62/41 Part 1. 'War Canoes-Princess Te Puea\ NA.
5 Cabinet Paper signed by C. A. Jeffery, 2 August 1939.1A 1, 62/50/3. NA.
6 The Press, 22 and 23 April 1940.
7 Roger Neich, Painted Histories: Early Maori Figurative Painting (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1993), pp.24(M.
8 Roger Neich, 'The Veil of Orthodoxy: Rotorua Ngati Tarawhai Woodcarving in a Changing Context', in S. M. Mead and B. Kernot eds, Art and Artists of Oceania (Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, 1983). For discussion of Maori and Pākehā attitudes to Maori architecture in the early twentieth century see B. Kernot 'Maoriland Metaphors and the Model Pa', in John Mansfield Thomson ed, Farewell Colonialism (Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, 1998), passim.
9 Deidre Brown, The Architecture of the Maori School of Arts and Crafts', Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol.108, no.3, 1999, p.242.
10 Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives 1878,1-3, no. 139. For further discussion see Claudia Orange, The Treaty ofWaitangi (Wellington: Allen and Unwin/ Port Nicholson Press, 1987), pp, 197-8 passim.
11 Letter, Bledisloe to Ngata, 16 July 1932, MA 51/16/148, NA.
12 Letter, Ngata to Bledisloe, 2 August 1932, MA 51/16/148, NA.
13 Letters Ngata to Hamilton, 23 February 1934; and Ngata to Wills, 26 February 1934, MA 51/16/148, NA.
14 Ngata to Wills, 26 February 1934, MA 51/16/148, NA.
15 Ngata to Hamilton, 23 February 1934, MA 51/16/148, NA.
16 Ngata to Bledisloe, 13 July 1932; Ngata to Wills, 26 February 1934, MA 51/16/148, NA.
17 Brown, 'The Architecture of the Maori School of Arts and Crafts', p.249.
19 Unsigned and undated document IA 1, 62/50/4. 'Maori Centennial Celebrations Committee-meeting and minutes of', NA.
20 Minutes, National Maori Centennial Celebrations Committee, 16 August 1938, IA 1, 62/50/4, NA.
21 Memo Mulligan to Heenan, 29 September 1939, IA 1, 62/50/4; letter Avery to Seff, 20 April 1940, Wellington City Council Archive series 00023, box no.4, item 142 Maori Concerts.
22 New Zealand Centennial Exhibition: The Maori Court Souvenir (Wellington: Native Department, 1940), pp.12-14.
23 Ibid., p.14.
24 I am indebted to Mrs Riria Utiku and Mr Jock McEwen for this information.
25 Brown, 'The Architecture of the Maori School of Arts and Crafts', p.249.
26 Maori Court Souvenir', p. 12.
27 Official Guide to the Government Court: New Zealand Centennial Exhibition 1939— 1940 (Wellington: Government Printer, 1939), p.33.
29 Sorrenson, Na To Hoa Aroha, vol.3, p.206.
31 Āpirana T. Ngata 'Tribal Organisation', in I. L. G. Sutherland ed, The Maori People Today (Wellington: New Zealand Institute of International Affairs and New Zealand Council for Educational Research, 1940), p. 170.
32 Brown, 'The Architecture of the Maori School of Arts and Crafts', p.252. See also Butterworth, pp.79-83 in Butterworth and Young.
33 Maori Court Souvenir, p.3.
34 Ibid., p.4.
35 Ibid., p.5.
36 Ibid., p.ll.
37 Ibid., p.9.
39 Brown, 'The Architecture of the Maori School of Arts and Crafts', p.248.
40 Ibid., p.249.
41 The Press, 3 July 1939.
42 Letter Campbell to Heenan, 9 May 1940, IA 1,62/4/44 'Maori Meeting House, Disposal of, NA.
43 Maori Court Souvenir, pp.13-14,
44 The Story of 'Arohanui Ki Te Tangata' the Meeting-House of 'Goodwill To All Men' (Lower Hutt: Hutt Valley Tribal Committee, n.d.), p.17. I am indebted to Mr Teri Puketapu for pointing out to me the 1940 panels incorporated into Arohanui ki te Tangata and for his explanations.
45 I am indebted to Mrs Nellie Carkeek for permission to view and photograph these panels.
46 Brown, 'The Architecture of the Maori School of Arts and Crafts', p.254.
47 Ibid., p.266.
49 Mr Jock McEwen thought the house did have a name, though he was unable to remember it (interview, 4 September 2000).
50 Maori Court Souvenir, p. 12.