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Tales of Banks Peninsula

Hoisting the Flag at Akaroa

page 335

Hoisting the Flag at Akaroa.

The Old Story Ratified.

Dating the publication of this last edition of the "Tales of Banks Peninsula," Mr F. A. Anson, whose name is associated with the account of Piraki written for the second edition, paid a visit to New Zealand to dispose of the Piraki property. It was little thought it would be his last visit; but only a few months ago news was received of his death. When Mr Anson was in Akaroa, the writer had a conversation with him regarding the contradiction of the old story about the importance of the ceremony of hoisting the flag at Green's Point, Akaroa, August 11. 1840 It will be remembered that on August 11th, 1890, there was a ceremony at the spot in commemoration of Captain Stanley's prompt action. In those days there was nothing to mark the place where the Union Jack was run up. Mr Anson bad always taken a keen interest in the early history of the Peninsula, and he suggested that the Peninsula people should put up a monument at Green's Point in 1897 to mark the place where the flag was hoisted, and, as all know, the monument was erected there. On his last visit, Mr Anson had the names inscribed on the monument of those instrumental in erecting it– a very fortunate thing as so many of the old people have passed away. Mr. Anson bad read all Messrs R. McNab's and Andersen's letters denying that the Akaroa ceremony of 1840 was of any importance, and he stated to the writer that he could not understand the attitude taken up by these gentlemen. He declared that up to 1897 no one ever doubted that Captain Stanley was taking possession of the South Island, and he had known many of the old hands intimately. Mr Anson is best known historically by his publication of "Hempleman's Log" in December, 1910, with an excellent glossary. He told the writer it was his intention to go into the matter of hoisting the flag, and in October,

page 336

1913, the following letter appeared in the Christchurch "Press," which is worthy of reproduction in this article, and helps to prove very conclusively that the story of the chase down the coast in August, 1840, told in the early pages of this work, is no myth:—

"Sir,—It is with feeling of rather varying interest that I read in London on August 11th (memorable date), the letter published on this subject signed Johannes C. Andersen, Christchurch, July 21st. With your permission, I would like to show him that the late Dean of Westminster was under no delusion when he had the brass tablet put up in our cathedral church to commemorate his brother's smart achievement as Commander of H. M. S. Britomart. Neither were the Akaroa County residents making any mistake at all, when, at my instigation, they subscribed in 1897 for the erection of an obelisk at Green Point, which should serve as a lasting memorial of the Queen Victoria Diamond Jubilee, and at the same time mark the spot where the Union Jack had been hoisted by Captain Stanley in 1840, and sovereignty over the 'Middle' Island thereby secured for Britain, instead of France. Mr Andersen tells us that there was 'no race at all,' 'no ceremony of taking possession,' and no 'mystery whatever.' But Hobson's letter of secret instruction to Stanley is dated July 22nd, the very day on which 'sail was loosed and cable shortened at eight o'clock in the morning' on the old Britomart, 'the anchor was hoisted and sail made at eleven,' while, according to Baron de Thierry, 'the French frigate (L'Aube) soon followed her.' This letter enjoins 'the most inviolab [gap — reason: illegible] secrecy on the subject of this commission,' and even goes so far as to suggest that 'the conveying of two magistrates to Port Nicholson' (Wellington) may be made 'the most ostensible purpose of your cruise," the 'real object' being to 'at once depart with the utmost expedition to Akaroa and Banks Peninsula,' so that on 'his (Captain Lavaud's) arrival at that port he may find you in occupation,' and unable 'to dislodge you without committing some direct act of hostility.' Can it be truly said that mystification was not intended here? page break
Monument At Akarora,Where the Union Jack was hoisted in 1840.

Monument At Akarora,
Where the Union Jack was hoisted in 1840.

page 337or that there was 'no race,' when in obedience to those urgent instructions Captain Stanley's prompt action enabled him to have the British flag flying on Green Point (though his boats had not returned from 'proclaiming' at Piraki and Price's Fishery) before the arrival of the Aube on August 15. As regards Mr. Andersen's contention that Stanley 'did not come to Akaroa to take possession, but merely to hold courts for magisterial purposes,' I need only say here that, if 'the flag was hoisted' (an integral part of the taking possession ceremony) 'and courts held at five places… Piraki Bay being one of the four' (sic), there is no mention of a 'court' having been held on August 15 in the Piraki log, but only the arrival of a man of war's boat 'to issue our proclamations respecting the land of New Zealand.' Certainly, it is stated in Hobson's letter that 'the magistrates will be instructed to hold a court on their arrival at each port, and to have a record of their proceedings registered and transmitted to' him, but until these records are forthcoming it is open to question if the courts were ever held But, suerly, before we begin to 'surmise' on incomplete evidence about details in connection with the events of long ago, it would be advisable to review the Native position of affairs in the North and Middle Islands at that time; consider carefully the scope of French and British aspirations in regard to them, and piece together every scrap of reliable information obtainable Then only we can start making deductions from authenticated facts as to what must have been running in Lieutenant-Governor Hobson's mind when he penned this letter of secret instruction to Captain Stanley on July 22, 1840 To take the Native position first:—During the thirties of last century, not only the North Island itself, but also that part of the 'Middle Island'—now known as Marlborbugh Province—was owned and ruled over by a number of independent North Island chiefs; while the Ngaitahu warriors, a tribe quite distinct and speaking in another dialect, held sway over ail the rest of the country, Stewart's Island included. Cloudy Bay, therefore—where Major Bunbury proclaimed British sovereignty by right of Native cession on June 17, 1840—page 338was North Island property; Stewart's Island, where 'he did not meet with the Natives,' and therefore (June 5) proclaimed by right of discovery' only, was merely an outlying portion of Ngaitahu territory, which extended northward to the Kaikoura range In the South Island (with which we are concerned) during this decade, the chief Ariki, of the Ngaitahu, had been taken prisoner and brutally murdered by the northern chief, Te Rauparaha. The tribe had been decimated and driven to take refuge like a scattered flock of sheep in the extreme south, but in the latter thirties they were recovering their spirit under two new chiefs, and bad made more than one successful attack upon their northern enemy in Cloudy Bay In 1837, they sold a block of land, some fifteen miles square, on Banks Peninsula to a French whaler named L'Anglois and the same block of land a second time, in 1839, to George Hempleman, the Prussian owner of a shore whaling station in Piraki Cove. In both islands missionary effort was making progress, but mostly in the north, where white men were coming to trade, or live, with the Maoris in greater numbers every year. The French whaler, L'Anglois, went back to France after purchasing the Akaroa block of land, and before very long had succeeded so well in stirring up an interest in the colonisation of New Zealand that by the end of the year 1839 the newly formed Nanto Bordelaise Company had appointed him to command the Comte de Paris, which was only waiting for intending emigrants to come on board before sailing for New Zealand to settle them on the already purchased Akaroa land The French Government, too, had taken the matter up, and had ordered the frigate L'Aube (Captain Lavaud), to the Antipodes for the protection as well of the emigrants on arrival as of the new French possessions in the South Island afterwards England had gone to work in a different way. The New Zealand Company, of 1825, which sent out emigrants to Hokianga in the Rosanna, under aptain Herd, had been a failure—as much as anything from want of the 'charter' promised to it, but never granted. The 'Association' of 1837 was practically stillborn; but the pro-page 339moters persevered, and the Land Company of 1839 was formed under much the same directorate, Edward Gibbon Waksfield being the moving spirit from its foundation for the next seven years. Finding the Government of the day directly opposed to any colonisation scheme not initiated by themselves, the Troy was despatched by the Company in May, 1839, to take over the lands at Hokianga and any acquired elsewhere since 1825, and to prepare the way by further purchases from the Natives for the advent into New Zealand—early in the year 1840—of four or five shiploads of emigrants to the number of about fifteen hundred. This determined action of Wakefield forced the hand of the Home Government. In June an order was gazetted for the extension of the boundaries of New South Wales, so as to include any territory which is or may be acquired in sovereignly by her Majesty in New Zealand, and in July, Captain Hobson was appointed Lieut. Governor over these same not yet acquired Maori lands. It was a unique as well as difficult position that he left England in August to take up, viz, first, to persuade Native chiefs to cede their rights of sovereignty to England's Queen; and second, 'to exercise in a lawful manner those functions of government' which the New Zealand Land Company would otherwise find it necessary to ursurp. Arriving at the Bay of Islands in H.M.S. Herald on January 29th, 1840—from Sydney, where he received his credentials from Governor General Sir G. Gipps—Captain [unclear: Hobson] lost no time in calling a meeting of the Native chiefs at Waitangi for February 5th, at which the treaty proposals for the ceding to her Majesty of all their individual rights of sovereignty were to be discussed. How Governor Hobson succeeded in overcoming the reluctance of many chiefs to sign the 'Treaty,' and the steps he took for obtaining signatures in all parts of the islands, hardly concerns us. Sufficient to say, that although signatures were still being obtained up to the latter part of June, British sovereignty was proclaimed by him on May 31st, over the North Island 'by virtue of the treaty' and over the two southern islands' by virtue of the right of discovery.' Now, Major Bunbury's report concerning his doings in the page 340south islands could hardly have reached the Lieutenant-Governor in the Bay of Islands before July 1st; while the French frigate L'Aube arrived there on July 11th. Captain Lavaud was friendliness personified, and loquacious, in his desire for information about recent happenings. Conversation with him must have raised doubts in Captain Hobson's mind. The North Island was unquestionably safe under British sovereignity, and that part of the Middle Island to the north of the Kaikouras, by virtue of signature to the Treaty of Waitangi by the individual owning chiefs, and the proclamation ceremony at Cloudy Bay; but was the rest of that island equally secured by the one proclamation at Stewart's Island and 'right of discovery' alone? And would this claim of established British sovereignty hold good against French occupation' by a previous purchaser (L'Anglois), or against the title deeds of the other foreigner (Hempleman), already residing on the spot? To gain actual possession of the lands before the arrival of intending settlers, and to make another formal 'proclamation' there of sovereign right over the entire island 'by virtue of' that possession, were obviously the wisest, if not the only, steps to take. So Hobson sent Stanley down to Akaroa in urgent haste in the faint but fervent hope that he might get there before the French. In that case all would be well But the L'Aube was a faster ship than the Britomart, so the L'Aube must be delayed; and any suspicion, aroused by the sailing of the Britomart, set at rest by the yarn about 'just a couple of magistrates being taken round to Port Nicholson.' 'Captain Lavaud may, however, anticipate you in Akaroa,' Hobson goes on, and in that case Stanley is instructed to 'protest in the most decided manner, and impress upon him that such interference must be considered as an act of decided hostile invasion,' 'he was to produce Major Bunbury's declaration,' and 'my proclamation of the 31st May, etc, etc.' But I will not quote further from these 'instructions' from Hobson to Stanley, which are open for anyone to read, It is the letter of a wise administrator, but of a very anxious man, who need not have felt anxious, had he page 341been able to see the masterly manner in which Captain Stanley would carry through the important commission [unclear: entrusted] to him, and by the (justly commemorated) smartness of his action, secure sovereignty over the 'Middle' Island of New Zealand for the British Crown.—Yours, etc,

F. A. Anson.

London, 21st August, 1913."

Regarding this same matter of hoisting the flag, the letter of secret instructions from Governor Hobson, quoted by Mr Anson, has been given in full on page 101 as an addition to the article in the first edition, entitled "French Settlement of Akaroa." This letter was unearthed by Mr. Guy Schofieid, to whose researches we are also indebted for the report of Captain Stanley to Governor Hobson, written at sea on September 17, 1840 If anyone had a lingering doubt as to whether Captain Stanley was sent to forestall the French, that doubt must be dissipated by the report.

Captain Stanley's Report.

Another important chain in the link of evidence regarding the ceremony of taking possession at Akaroa has been discovered in the report sent by Captain Stanley to Governor Hobson. This report settles the matter finally, as it shows how careful Stanley was to hoist the flag and then hold the court to make the annexation of the Southern Island an unquestionable fact. He took care also to proclaim the sovereignty at every inhabited port, and his dealings with Captain Lavaud show how closely he watched the French, and how clearly he gave them to understand that they were on British land. The following is the report, which like most official communications, is brief and lacking in all details:—

"Sir,—I have the honour to inform your Excellency that I proceeded in her Majesty's sloop under my command to the port of Akaroa, in Banks Peninsula, where I arrived on August 10th, after a very stormy passage, during which the stern boat was washed away and one of the page 342quarter boats stove. The French frigate L'Aube had not arrived when I anchored, nor had any French emigrants been landed. August 11th I landed, accompanied by Messrs Murphy and Robinson, police magistrates, and visited the only two parts of the bay where there were houses; at both places the flag was hoisted, and a court, of which notice had been given the day before, held by the Magistrates Having received information that there were three whaling stations on the southern side of the Peninsula, the exposed positions of which afforded no anchorage for the Britomart, I sent Messrs Murphy and Robinson to visit them in a whaleboat. At each station the flag was hoisted and a court held. On August 15th the French frigate L'Aube arrived, having been four days off the point. On August 16th, the French whaler Comte de Paris, having on board 57 emigrants, arrived. With the exception of M. Belligni, from the Jardin des Plantes, who is sent to look after the emigrants, and who is a good botanist and mineralogist, the emigrants are all of the lower order, and include carpenters, gardeners, stone-masons, labourers, a baker, a miner, in all twenty men, eleven women and the rest children. Captain Lavaud, on arrival of the French emigrants, assured me on his word of honour that he would observe neutrality between English residents and the emigrants, and should any difference arise he would settle matters impartially. Captain Lavaud also informed me that, as the Comte de Paris has to proceed to sea whaling, he would cause the emigrants to be landed on some unoccupied part of the bay, where he pledged himself that they would do nothing which would be considered hostile to the Government, and that until fresh instructions were received from our respective Governments the emigrants would merely build themselves bouses or shelter and clear away what little land they might require for gardens. Upon visiting the Comte de Paris I found she had on board, besides agricultural tools for the settlers, six long 24 pounders mounted on field-carriages. I immediately called on Captain Lavaud to protest against the guns being landed. Captain Lavaud page 343assured me that he had been much surprised at finding guns had been sent out in the Comte de Paris, but that he had already given the most positive orders that they must not be landed. On the 19th August, the French emigrant, having landed in a sheltered, well chosen part of the bay where they could not interfere with anyone, I handed over to Messrs Murphy and Robinson the instructions entrusted to me by Your Excellency to meet such a contingency. Mr. Robinson, finding that he could engage three or four Englishmen as constables, and having been enabled through the kindness of Captain Lavaud to purchase a boat from the French whaler, decided upon remaining. Captain Lavaud expressed much satisfaction when I informed him Mr. Robinson was to remain, and immediately offered him the use of his cabin and table so long as the L'Aube remained in Akaroa Mr Robinson accepted Captain Lavaud's offer until he could establish himself on shore, On the 29th August I sailed from Akaroa for Pigeon Bay, where, finding no inhabitants, I merely remained long enough to survey the harbour, which, though narrow and exposed to the westward, is well sheltered from every other wind, and is much frequented by whalers, who procure a great number of pigeons. From Pigeon Bay I went to Port Cooper (Lyttelton), where Mr. Murphy held a court. Several chiefs were present and seemed to understand and appreciate Mr. Murphy's proceedings in one or two cases that came before him. Between Port Cooper and Cloudy Bay I could hear of no anchorage whatever from the whalers who frequent the coast. I arrived at Port Nicholson (Wellington) on 2nd September, embarked Messrs Shortland and Smart, and sailed for the Bay of Islands on the 16th September. I have the honour to enclose herewith such information as 1 was enabled to procure during my stay at Banks Peninsula, and also plans of the harbours.—I have the honour to be,

William Stanley, R.N."

page 344

"Bully" Hayes.

Much romance centres round the name of "Bully" Hayes, one of the most thorough paced scoundrels in the rough days from 1850 to 1860 He was an American by birth, standing six feet, and having an erect carriage. He was a fine looking man, and was always well dressed, wearing check clothes, and in speech and manner had the bearing of a gentleman. Mr. James Hay, of Pigeon Bay, saw him in Lyttelton somewhere about 1860. "Bully" Hayes owned a trading vessel and plied to the diggings at Dunedin and the West Coast. He sold powder to the Maoris north of Taranaki, and showed great skill in evading discovery. One of his lawless acts was to abduct a barmaid from the Mitre Hotel at Lyttelton. The girl was never seen again. Another exploit of his was long remembered on Banks Peninsula. Being out of beef, he sailed round to Little Akaloa, and, landing, bargained with Toby Green, an early settler, whose name is mentioned in several places in this book, and persuaded Toby to sell him some bullocks. In those days bullocks were of great value, but as "Bully" Hayes produced an order on Mr. Hargreaves in Lyttelton, Toby Green had no suspicions. The bullocks were only just taken aboard, when the brig Planet appeared on the scene to arrest "Bully" Hayes for debt, but that astute gentleman had everything ready and got right away from his pursuers. He was last seen waving his hat in derision, Toby Green was a heavy loser by the transaction. Hayes' brutality to his men earned him the sobriquet "Bully," He was a first class pugilist, and, having abnormal long arms, his reach was surprising. His exploits in Australia and the Islands have made him the subject of a book by Rolf Boldrewood. The story of his end is another case of "hoist by his own petard" He stole a yacht from San Francisco, and took as his mate a great big fellow. They sailed for the South Sea Islands; but Hayes found his match in the mate. After a violent quarrel "Bully" went down to the cabin. The mate knew he had gone for his pistol, and he waited above the page 345ladder with a huge bludgeon, When Hayes came up the mate knocked his brains out. He then took the vessel back to San Francisco, returning it to the owner. These few notes about "Bully" Hayes are included, as he was a well known figure in New Zealand, and was known by many of the early Peninsula settlers. There seems to be no truth in the story of his being in Akaroa Harbour, and by displaying pistols forcing the genial Captain Bruce to give him of his best, both in food and drink. He was best known on the Dunedin and West Coast diggings, and he was one of that unscrupulous class of men who sold firearms to the Maoris during the Maori War.

page 346

Cocksfoot On The Peninsula.

Farm life on the Peninsula is intimately connected with the cocksfoot, or orchard grass, and a history of the introduction of the seed will come in well here. There is no doubt that Mr. E. Hay, senr, of Pigeon Bay, introduced the seed in 1853, buying it from Mr. W. Wilson, seed merchant, of Christchurch. Mr. Farr's statement that the whalers, or early settiers introduced it into French Farm previously is not upheld, and it is allowed the first crops were grown in Pigeon Bay and Port Levy in the year 1853. We give below a report of the cocksfoot industry given by Mr James Hay, son of Mr Ebenezer Hay, who himself worked at the cocksfoot harvest as early as 1855. The early settlers prized the cocksfoot very much and many of them would pay big prices for a small bag of seed gathered from crops round other settlers homes. Mr. George Armstrong remembers his father having a small plot of cocksfoot about the Mt. Vernon homestead, and seeing some of the farmers round about bringing up small bags to carry away the seed. They rubbed the seed out with their hands, and were quite prepared to pay a big price for a small amount. There is no doubt that the Peninsula soil is especially suited for the production of good cocksfoot seed, and that the grass does exceedingly well here. The following is Mr. Hay's account of cocksfoot in Pigeon Bay —an account that applies equally well to the other bays of the Peninsula: —

"In 1849 or 1850 my father let a contrast to Jim Robinson and Joseph Rix to clear and stump a piece of bush land of about three acres close to the old Annandale home stead. The price for this work was at the rate of £40 per acre. It was trenched about one foot deep to get all the roots out below the plough depth. There was no heavy timber, it being nearly all moko. It was so expensive that my father did not get any more done. After the contract was finished, part was planted with potatoes, part in pumpkins, and the balance in wheat. These crops were enormous, especially the pumpkins. The wheat was cut page 347with the old reaphook, and threshed with the flail. In the autumn of 1852 this land was ploughed, this being the second piece of land ploughed in Pigeon Bay. It was all sown in wheat, and after it was harrowed two ridges were sown in cocksfoot and the balance in ryegrass. Then it got one stroke of the harrows to cover it. The cocksfoot to sow these two ridges was bought from Mr William Wilson, seed merchant and gardener, of Christchurch, in the autumn of 1852. Mr R. Fleming got some at the same time. Mr Wilson sold it to my father as orchard grass at 2s 6d per lh. He said it was the very grass for the rough bills of the Peninsula, which has been well proved. The wheat was reaped on this land in January, 1853 In a few weeks all the stubble was hidden with the cocksfoot and ryegrass. It made wonderful progress, and although Mr Wilson had imported this cocksfoot from England it all seemed to grow. This thoroughly established the cocksfoot in Pigeon Bay. In December, 1854, and January, 1855, these patches of cocksfoot were reaped with the hook, and it was like a crop of wheat. It was all tied in sheaves and stacked in small stacks in the old Scotch fashion. In 1854 my father imported a two horse power threshing mill from Scotland. In the winter of 1855 this mill was all ready for work. It threshed the wheat, oats, barley and ryegrass splendidly, but when the cocksfoot was tried it did not take out more than half of the seed. My father put the most of it through twice, but the result was not a success, and we were compelled to go back to the flail. I assisted in the cutting of cocksfoot and ryegrass. It was my first attempt at using the hook, and if my fingers could speak they would remember too. It was all tied in sheaves. There was enough cocksfoot got out of this lot to mix with other grasses to sow over thirty acres. At this stage—that is 1855—the most of the settlers in Pigeon Bay commenced to get a few heads, and many of them saved it in their gardens, and that is how it spread. In the early sixties we commenced to sell in very small lots, and in 1865 and 1866 large orders were coming in Up till this time it was all tied in sheaves and stacked in page 348the same way as grain; but in 1867 and 1868 we let a piece to the late Mr. Edward Goodwin and his two eldest sons, of Pigeon Bay. The seed was very ripe, and they cut it short and laid it on the stubble. It was fine weather, and it threshed out so well that the next season this method became universal, and this is how the present system of harvesting the cocksfoot was established and is continued all over the Peninsula and other parts of Canterbury to-day, where it is reaped with the hook. After this mode of harvesting was established; we went into cocksfoot growing properly. A man could nearly cut the double, and it was after this that the men made such good wages. We let a piece to four Russian Fins at 2½d per lb. It was the last piece we had, and it was a hard job to get them to take it. The seed was short, and we had just taken the cattle out a few days before it was ready to cut. These four men were just one month, and their cheques came to £56 each man clear of food for the month, and they each made good cheques helping others. We were cutting cocksfoot six or eight years before the other settlers in Pigeon Bay commenced to cut for sale. Cocksfoot seed is a very hardy seed, but it takes longer to grow than ryegrass. We had some Maoris cutting for us one year, and they cut 600 sacks We had it all stacked on a small wharf in one of the small bays waiting shipment It came on a gale of wind, and three sacks were blown off into the sea. They remained three days and three nights on the beach, soaked by every tide, We would have left them there, but the Maoris did not understand general average, so we had to take all the three sacks home and dry it so as to weigh with the other. We dried it on sheets, some blew away. Rain came on, and in a short time the seed began to sprout. We tried it in damp flannel; it all sprouted. We kept the three sacks, sowed it on a piece of new ground, and it grew as well as seed that had never been near salt water. If not not all the bays on the north side of the Peninsula, the most of them got the seed from Pigeon Bay. Mr. Alexander McIntosh and Mr. James Boleyn got seed from page 349from Pigeon Bay. In the early days of cocksfoot we found that anything over 4d per lb. was a very profitable crop In the early stages when men were good and did not mind working over eight hours they made from 10s, 15s, 20s to 25s per day We always found the Russian Fins splendid men with the hook, as that time in Finland all grains were cut with the [unclear: hook]. In the eighties we sent two tons to Glasgow, but it was not a profitable "spec," and we did not send any more, always sold in New Zealand. We used to allow the settlers to cut it wherever they liked among the cattle for their own use in the middle of the fifties. My father used to let anyone take it away in their pockets who liked it as a new grass. I remember the Frenchman Mr. Armstrong speaks about. I bought his seed one year at 6d per lb. to make up an order. It was delivered at Duvauchelle's Bay, and I had to take it over to Pigeon Bay in a bullock waggon. This was the first time a waggon was taken to Duvauchelle and back to Pigeon Bay. The crop was a very good one and extra clean. Ten acres was the size of the block. Port Levy in the fifties was not so well adapted for the spread of cocksfoot as Pigeon Bay, owing to so much fern, and the bush had not been felled for many years after, so it was a long time before the cocksfoot got a good hold in Port Levy. Now it produces a very large quantity. I have heard that Messrs Rhodes, of Purau, were the first to introduce cocksfoot on to the Peninsula, but I never had any dates given me. Most likely they could get it from Mr. Wilson at the same time as my father and Mr. Fleming, Mr. Wilson was a keen business man, and pushed the seed in a businesslike manner. He was the first peraons to introduce cocksfoot into Canterbury that I am aware of As I cannot give the dates when cocksfoot was introduced into other districts of the Peninsula, I will leave it for someone else to deal with—that is beyond the places I have mentioned. Mr. S. C. Farr told me that when he landed in Akaroa in 1850 cocksfoot was growing in Akaroa at that time and in orchards and on the road sides and in French Farm. As to this I can give an page 350opinion, but will not contradict. All I can say is that I never noticed it, either in Akaroa or French Farm. If it was there the people did not seem to know anything about its value, nor did they cultivate is for farther use. I will no attempt to contradict Mr. C. S. Farr's statement in any way. No doubt some of the old settlers in Akaroa would be able to throw more light on the Akaroa cocksfoot than I am able to do, and I would be very pleased if they would do so and could state how and where it came from. It would be most interesting to know if the French brought it, or the old whalers or some of the old settlers who came to Akaroa from Wellington in the forties. In 1874 we grew the largest crop we ever cut. We only shut up two paddocks. The rest we cut amongst the stock, shifting them while the seed was being harvested. We cut over seven thousand bushels, allowing 20lb. to the bushel. We had no rain, and got all the seed in bright. After it was harvested we could not sell a bushel, not even at 4d per lb. It was a very bad, dry autumn, and no sale, but it came an early spring and we were the only people that had cocksfoot in bulk in October. We commenced to sell at 6d per lb., and we quitted the last at 10d per lb. I think it averaged about 8d per lb., and it was all away before we were ready for shearing. Another year after this we could have sold up to eight thousand bushels if we could have harvested it. It was the year that Mr. Thomas McIntosh leased Miss Marshall's place in Pigeon Bay. He entered into partnership with us, and he supplied 4000 bushels and we did 4000 bushels, I consider this was our best season We had no rain, and we shipped the last of this seed on the 28th February, and on the 9th March we had all the money. It was weighed to the men and shipped. The following season we sold 4000 bushels. It was a fine season, no rain. It was weighed to the men and shipped. We got 6d. a lb, for these two season's seed. After that year seed came down to 4d. per lb, and we only grew for our best customers. Whenever it came below 4d. we gave it up. If we had any we sold it in the paddock standing as per agreement. We found that when it came below 4d. page 351we made more from cattle and sheep. We cut one paddock for thirteen years in succession. It got burned and we spelled it for a year, then cut it for for six years more, making nineteen years in all. We never noticed any difference in the last years' crops. They seemed as good as the first. I think that perhaps a few general remarks will not be out of place at this stage. There has been, and I suppose is still going on, a bad system on the Peninsula by which thousands of pounds sterling are lost every year through the farmers letting their seed on halves. Men take it who have no means of storing it; they have no money to pay their men, and when it is ready for the market they are forced to take the first offer, which is from a ½d to ld. per lb below the real market price. They are forced to take it, and this establishes the price for the opening of the season. The merchant always waits for the man on halves to come forward. I blame the farmers themselves, for they generally have storage, and by insuring the seed they can always orrow against the seed from the Farmers' Co operative Association or the merchants. Some people cannot understand why the seed is light some years compared to others The principal reason is this: When the seed is in flower and we get a few calm day, until the flower has done its duty and the season is at all favourable, the seed will be heavy; but if you get heavy rain, hail, or wind before the flower has done its duty, under all circumstances the seed will be light, I have seen some old time crops on the Peninsula this season, and it has been a very fine season for harvesting all the crop if there has been enough labour. There is not the slightest doubt that the cocksfoot has added very much to the prosperity of all the Peninsula for many years. For a good many years our labour bill has run from £500 to £1500 per year in connection with cocksfoot. The greatest trouble now in growing cocksfoot is the amount of unskilled labour who want the same as an experienced man. It takes a new chum hand about one season to lerrn all about the cutting and threshing of cock-foot."

page 352

Cheese Making On The Peninsula.

The prosperity of Banks Peninsula is intim ately connected with cheeee making, and an account of the progress of this industry would be of interest to many. Mr James Hay, whose memory goes as far back as the early forties, kindly supplied an account of the early dairying days in Pigeon Bay, and Mr J. D. Bruce, who was born and brought up near Akaroa, has given a most interesting history of the cheese making methods on the other side of the Peninsula. These two reports embrace the whole of the district, and give an excellent idea of the early dairying on Banks Peninsula. The following is Mr Jas. Hay's account:—

"In 1844 my mother made a few cheese in Pigeon Bay for family use only. The great trouble at first in cheece-making was to get the appliances. There was a cooper named Philip Ryan, who had a whaling station at Oashore, and he sold out to Paddy Woods, and then commenced bis trade. My father got him to make all sorts of dairy implements He did not know what a chesset was, but my father had bought one from Scotland, and it was from this one that Ryan made the first chessets for all the old settlers. He made everything from kowhai split in the rough and steamed and he considered that it was equal to the best English oak for dairy utensils He made dairy utensils for the Hays, McIntoshs, Gebbies, Mansons and many other, and had it not been for this man, dairying would have been delayed some years He was a first class tradesman, and died at Little River some years ago at the good old age of 98 In 1845 cheese was made in Pigeon Bay for sale. In 1846 Captain Sinclair, of Pigeon Bay, set sail in a small cutter laden with dairy produce for Wellington. Unfortunately, Captain Sinclair, his eldest son, and two other young men were all lost. This was the first shipment of cheese sent from Canterbury. Not only was the loss of so many good lives great and sad, but in addition, the families were left almost destitute, as the whole year's produce was lost, and there was no insurance page 353in those days. In 1850, when the Melbourne diggings were in full swing, Mr. Peacock, senr., purchased cheese from Messrs McIntosh, Gebbie, Manson and Hay. Generally the price was 1s per lb., and sometimes 1s 6d. Mr. Peacock used to get 2s 6d per lb, in Melbourne. It was from these four dairies that Port Cooper cheese got such a good name in Melbourne. The greatest trouble in the forties was the pressing of the cheese. To do this two posts were put into the ground between five and six feet with a bar morticed right across, filled up, and well rammed. Then another piece morticed about three feet above the ground. The chessets were put under this, then a long lever with weights put under the cross beam and on top of the chessets, thus giving tremendous pressure. Sometimes a slump of a tree was used, a hole made in the stump, and long lever used. In 1854 my father imported a lot of iron cheese presses from Scotland. I think these were the first used in Pigeon Bay and the Peninsula in general Butter was made in the spring of 1843 and 1844. This was taken to Akaroa and sold to Mr. James Bruce, of Bruce's Hotel. The man who has done most to further the cheese industry in the South Island was the late Mr. Thomas Bryden, the manager of the New Zealand and Australian Land Company. He erected factories at Edendale, one of the Company's largest stations in Southland, and they were carried on for many years under his management. He died in London in 1904. The names of some of the principal and earliest cheese makers were Messrs Hay, Gebbie, Manson, McIntosh, McQueen, Price, Birdling, Rhodes Bros, Lucas, Wright and Boleyn."

Mr J. D. Bruce's contribution is as follows:—

"The dairying industry was commenced here in very early times. In the sixties Akaroa cheese was well and favourably known throughout New Zealand and further afield than that. At that time it was a very profitable business, cheese selling at from 5d to 6d per lb, and in 1862 realising in one instance at least 1s 3d wholesale. So great was the demand that cheese were sent away direct from the press. The gold field rushes created this page 354 abnormal demand. As a consequence, as fast as the bush was cleared and a few acres grassed down, dairies were started, small at first; but increasing in size as the land came into profit. Whilst the majority of the holdings were small, there were some that held large herds from 50 to 100 cows, notably, Rhodes, of Flea Bay, Narbey, Long Bay, Lelievre, Akaroa, Haylock, Piper, of Duvauchelle, Wrights and Parkinsons, of Kaituna, Malmanche and others. One can easily imagine the difficulties the early dairymen had to face. The implements were of the most primitive description, and it was really cheese making under difficulties. The wonder is that such an admittedly good article was turned out. What is now known as the cheese vat was a large tub with holes bored in the side —one near the bottom with others higher up—used for running the whey off. There were no taps, but the tubs were fitted with wooden plugs. Many of these tubs were made square, boxes in fact made by the dairyman themselves where the ordinary tub was not procurable. The moulds, or chessets as they were called, were made mostly of oak, old barrel staves, perforated freely, and with a following lid for pressing the curd. They were not always made very true. When this was the case they were the cause of much strong language, as if the mould happened to be larger at the bottom than at the top it was a work of some difficulty at knock the cheese out. At first there were few, if any, curd mills. The first implement used for cutting the curd was shaped something like a trident with three short steel blades on the end of the prongs, the curd being minced to the desired size by chopping in the bottom of the tub or other receptacle. The presses were built by sinking two posts in the ground with a cross bar morticed in about 2ft 6ins from the ground. Below this, and a little in front, was a strong shelf on which the chesset stood. A long lever was inserted under the top bar, and the cheese in the mould placed on the shelf, becoming the fulcrum on which the lever acted. Stones were then placed on the end of the lever until the desired pressure was obtained. Very often a stump was made use of, the heels of the page 355levers being let in to it and the chessets accommodated amongst the roots. The heating wag done in pots or socalled coppers, usually made of galvanised iron, and set in clay, stones and occasional bricks. The dairy requisites such as rennet, coluring, etc, were also hard to procure and not always of goood quality. The rennet was usually supplied dry, that is the calves' stomachs were salted, dried and pressed flat, and sold by the dozen usually, although they were sometimes sold in jars undried The rennets from any calves killed were saved by the dairy people and used also. The extract was obtained by placing two or three rennets in a jar and adding salt and water. The strength of this mixture varied considerably. In some cases where the makers were not too particular rennet after rennet was added until the jar was filled with a very unsavoury mixture, the extract being used from the jar as required. The first colouring or annatto that I remember seeing used was supplied in cakes something like Windsor soap. This was rubbed on a piece of slate in a small quantity of milk until the maker judged it would be sufficient to colour tbe whole It was stirred into each day's make, and, as can be imagined, the cheese was not of a uniform colour. Thermometers were rare, the temperature being judged by the finger being dipped in the [unclear: mik]. The heating was done in large cans lifted in and out of the coppers by small home made cranes. The system of making was what was known as the Dunlop. The evening's milk was heated and mixed with the morning's, and then the rennet and colouring were added and it was left to coagulate. When sufficiently set it was either cut or broken by hand, and the whey, as it exuded from the curd, partly slipped and partly run off through the holes in the tub previously described. When the whey had been removed in this way the curd was cut up into cubes and placed in a dripper—usually a square box opened at the top and perforated, having a lid working down inside. Light pressure was applied, the cutting being repeated several times until the curd was considered dry enough to put ia the chessets. Then it was finally page 357minced up, salted, cheese cloth was spread over the mould in which the curd was placed and pressed in. The curd was then placed in the press. The cheese were knocked out of the moulds, and a fresh dry cloth applied twice a day for two or three days. When considered ready they were taken out, smeared all over with either butter or lard and placed on the shelves and turned daily As time went on slight alterations in the methods of manufacture were introduced somewhat in the direction of the Cheddar system. The whey, or some of it, was taken off, heated and stirred into the mass, raising the temperature sufficiently to partly cook the curd. This cooking was largely a matter of guess work until the thermometer came into general use, and even then was very unevenly done, the dripper being still used and the curd being almost invariably cut sweet. Later still acid development was tried by some cheese makers, but the only acid test known then was by Litmus paper, which was not used much. About this time there were some new arrivals from the Old Country, who used the newer methods with success, but the half and half methods of the majority had a prejudicial effect on tbe bulk of the output. The cheese was not Dunlop, neither was it Cheddar, and shipments of cheese in the early eighties were of the most mixed description, all [unclear: sizes], shapes and quantities. Under these conditions it is not surprising that the starting of factories in Otago and elsewhere with the production of a scientifically made artiele told heavily against the Peninsula product, so much so that the writer has known in the early eighties average Peninsula cheese sold at 2½d per lb:, and largely a case of barter at that, the producer being required to "take it out"—that is take stores in exchange. The Home market was tried, small shipments being sent Home as general cargo. Some of these arrived in good condition, whilst others did not. Then a rather ambitious attempt was made. A number of farmers arranged a special shipment, each sending in a quota towards it, and arrange were made to put up a cool chamber in the sailing ship "Orari." This was to be kept cool in some way by page 358chemicals The experiment proved a failure and the farmers not only lost their cheese, but had to pay some thing for expenses as well. Towards the end of the eighties a Farmers' Association was formed on the Peninsula, which did excellent work for the cheese makers. Dairy supplies of a superior quality were procured, and in formation as to markets and prices distributed amongst all sellers of cheese. The Association also applied to the Government Dairying Department for assistance. Mr John Sawers, one of the Government instructors, was sent down to the Peninsula, where he gave exhibitions in the new system of cheese making at various selected dairies The value of these lessons cannot be exaggerated. At first some of the old fashioned dairymen argued that the old methods were good enough; but these doubters were soon convinced when they saw the excellent article turned out by the Waireka factory, where the methods used by Mr Sawers were employed. These schools of instruction were continued for many years, the Department sending down various experts to demonstrate to the dairymen. The introduction of the new methods did not see the end of the cheese makers' difficulties. Many farmers could not carry on the new system successfully, as greater care and more skill were required. The question of building co operative factories was then mooted, and after many lectures by Mr John Sawers and others, the Alpha factory in German Bay was erected, The first meeting to consider the erection of the factory was held in July, 1891, but it was not until December 1893 that the formal opening took place, although the factory had been worked for a short time previously. The first manager of the initial Peninsula factory was Mr. James Adamson, who came from the Waireka factory. In the same year the butter factory at Le Bon's Bay was opened, and then followed the erection of cheese factories at Wainui, Barry's Bay, Okain's, and Little Akaloa. A creamery was started at Little River in connection with the Central Dairy Company in Christchurch. Only two years ago a cheese factory was started in Pigeon Bay. For a page 359number of years the Le Bon's Bay factory has been turned into a co-operative cheese factory, as the difficulty of shipping their output prevented their making an equal profit from the working of a butter factory. There are still in this year(1914) many private dairies on the Peninsula, where cheese of an excellent quality is turned out, the [unclear: private] dairyman in many cases obtaining a better price for his cheese than the average obtained from the factory's output. The advantage of the factory system cannot be too much emphasised, as farmers receive their monthly dues for milk supplied and at the end of the season their share of the profits on the sale of the cheese. There is no longer any need of the old system of barter, and the factories can naturally demand better terms for the sale of their output than could a single dairyman,"

In this year (1914), a butter factory is being started in the township of Akaroa, and the Barry's Bay factory is erecting additional plant and buildings for the manufacture of whey butter. The history of the dairying industry on the Peninsula is simply an account of the gradual development of the district. From wild bush clad holdings, with a few bare spaces where cattle could graze, the land has been converted into well grassed properties where dairymen have outbuildings fitted with all modern appliances and labour-saving machinery. In looking back, one should not forget to pay a tribute to those early dairymen who had such natural difficulties to face. It was these men who laid the foundation stone of that successful institution commonly termed the dairying industry of the Peninsula.