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State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Maori Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa 1900-1950

Land and people

page 65

Land and people

'The problem of the Maori and his land are one', noted a leading Young Maori Party member concerned about ongoing land loss. This theme has been a commonplace in scholarship: 'Land was the cornerstone of society upon which the Maori political, economic, and social system depended.' 'To Maori, the land was paramount. It was the foundation of social and economic life, and it also provided a cultural stability essential to survival. Every aspect of life for Maori could be anchored into the land'. That the land was and is integral to Maori has become a truism. Its incantation in literature and elsewhere tends, indeed, to underplay the overwhelming significance of the land and its resources in the Maori cosmos, which can be expressed in the saying:

People have come and gone
But the land remains steadfast
Bindings of people, and the land
Is our history.

Modern scholars, especially Maori writers, have stressed the integral link between land and rangatiratanga. A direct linkage is often made between the results of the three major modes of land alienation in the nineteenth century — Crown purchases, state confiscations and Native Land Court operations — and the ongoing loss of autonomy for Maori: 'With their land base gone, the chiefs were totally disempowered … Land is the very basis of Maori, of mana Maori motuhake, of tribal sovereignty. So once the land goes, the mana of the chief goes with it.' page 66Land is also used as the crucial interpretive device to explain the endurance of politico-cultural loss through to the present, as a recent comment by a Maori scholar on the centrality of land in the Maori world-view indicates: 'The key symbol between past and future in the present context is land.' Another writer assesses that '[t]raditional Maori society was based on the land. Once this basis was removed, only chaos could follow'.

An overwhelming focus on land, however, can obscure the agency of people. It is clear that the various movements for Maori autonomy in the early twentieth century were underpinned by a yearning for a rangatiratanga that was rooted in the land and its resources. Most of these movements sought at the very least to retain all land still remaining in Maori hands. Most Maori land, including almost all of the fertile land, had disappeared by 1900, however. And thereafter, despite initial hopes for retention, an almost inexorable loss of land – through taking for 'public purposes' as well as further purchases – continued, with very limited chances of getting even some of it back in any conceivable future. Yet Maori continued to maintain great pressure for autonomy. However significant the autonomy–land nexus, then, the quest for rangatiratanga was pursued from a state of relative (or even total, for some smaller tribal groupings) landlessness, with little prospect of altering this situation in the lifetimes of those involved. It is hard to escape the conclusion that for Maori, as with indigenous people throughout empires and within post-colonies, the quest to regain autonomy took total precedence over all else, including reacquisition of land. But a significant landed base always remained one ultimate goal of rangatiratanga.47