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Edward Gibbon Wakefield : the colonization of South Australia and New Zealand

Chapter VII

page 192

Chapter VII

The Planting of New Zealand—The Company's Instructions to its Agents—Colonel William Wakefield—His Land Purchases—Native Reserves—Treaty of Waitangi—Frustration of French Designs Upon the Colony

The Durham Report became a more important factor in the history of Britain's colonial empire than even the Wakefield system, yet the Canada expedition was no more than a brilliant episode in the life of Durham's counsellor. We must follow him back to New Zealand, the colony of his predilection, although for long he is not more immediately visible in the events occurring upon the islands than the dramatist whose pen has filled the theatre, but who never appears in person upon the stage.

The pioneers of the Tory left England amply provided with instructions from the Company, throughout the greater part of which Wakefield's manly style is easily recognisable. These it is not too much to characterise as models of wisdom as concerned the direction of the Company's affairs, and of fairness as re-page 193garded the rights of the various classes affected by the undertaking. They were so framed as not merely to prescribe rules of action, but to answer many of the most specious objections against colonization in New Zealand, and against the measures which it was absolutely necessary to adopt if colonization was to be effectively carried out. Those most anxiously weighed and carefully expressed related to that interference with aboriginal claims which cannot possibly be avoided if the white man is to fulfil his mission of civilising the earth, but which every just and humane person desires to reduce to a minimum.

The language of the New Zealand directors breathes this spirit of justice and humanity.

'The chief difficulty,' they say, 'with which you may have to contend is that of convincing the natives that the expedition under your orders has no object hostile to them. They are necessarily suspicious in consequence of the ill-treatment which they have often received from Europeans. We recommend that you should on every occasion treat them with the most entire frankness, thoroughly explaining to them that you wish to purchase the land for the purpose of establishing a settlement of Englishmen there; and you will abstain from completing any negotiation for a purchase of land until this, its probable result, shall be thoroughly understood by the native proprietors and by the tribe at large. Above all, you will be especially careful that all the owners of any tract of page 194land which you may purchase shall be approving parties to the bargain, and that each of them receives his due share of the purchase money. You will fully explain that the Company intends to dispose of the property to individual settlers expected from England, and that you purchase, if at all, on the same terms as have formed the conditions of private bargains for land in other parts of the islands.

'But in one respect you will not fail to establish a very important difference between the purchases of the Company and those which have hitherto been made by every class of buyers. Wilderness land, it is true, is worth nothing to its native owners, or worth nothing more than the trifle they can obtain for it. We are not therefore to make much account of the inadequacy of the purchase money according to English notions of the value of land. The land is really of no value, and can become valuable only by means of a great outlay of capital on emigration and settlement. But at the same time it may be doubted whether the native owners have ever been entirely aware of the consequences that would result from such cessions, as have already been made to a great extent, of the whole of the lands of a tribe. Justice demands, not merely that these consequences should be as far as possible explained to them, but that the superior intelligence of the buyers should also be exerted to guard them against the evils which, after all, they may not be capable of anticipating. The danger to which page 195they are exposed, and which they cannot well foresee, is that of finding themselves entirely without landed property, and therefore without consideration, in the midst of a society where, through immigration and settlement, land has become a valuable property. Absolutely they would suffer little or nothing from having parted with land which they do not use and cannot exchange; but relatively they would suffer a great deal, inasmuch as their social position would be very inferior to that of the race who had settled amongst them, and given value to their now worthless territory. If the advantage of the natives alone were consulted, it would be better perhaps that they should remain for ever the savages which they are. This consideration appears never to have occurred to any of those who have hitherto purchased lands from the natives of New Zealand. It was first suggested by the New Zealand Association of 1837; and it has great weight with the present Company. In accordance with a plan which the Association of 1837 was desirous that a legislative enactment should extend to every purchase of land from the natives, as well past as future, you will take care to mention in every booka-booka or contract for land, that a proportion of the territory ceded, equal to one-tenth of the whole, will be reserved by the Company, and held in trust by them for the future benefit of the chief families of the tribe.

'The intended reserves of land are regarded as far more important to the natives than anything which page 196you will have to pay in the shape of purchase money. At the same time we are desirous that the purchase money should be less inadequate, according to English notions of the value of land, than has been generally the case in purchases of territory from the New Zealanders. Some of the finest tracts of land, we are assured, have been obtained by missionary catechists and others who really possessed nothing, or next to nothing. In case land should be offered to you for such mere trifles as a few blankets or hatchets, which have heretofore been given for considerable tracts, you will not accept the offer without adding to the goods required such a quantity as may be of real service to all the owners of the land. It is not intended that you should set an example of heedless profusion in this respect; but the Company are desirous that in all their transactions with the natives the latter should derive some immediate and obvious benefit by the intercourse.'

These instructions are indeed admirable. They grapple at once with the difficulty of the apparent inadequacy of the price at which the uncultivated lands of a people destitute of the circulating medium must be acquired, and indicate the means by which the bargain may notwithstanding be made as advantageous to the sellers as to the buyers. When at a later period Sir George Grey, the Maori's friend par excellence, made extensive acquisitions of land in the Middle Island, he acted entirely in their spirit, and could do no otherwise. Much, however, depends upon page 197the character of the agent entrusted with the execution of instructions drafted at the other side of the world. Colonel Wakefield's antecedents might have been deemed unfavourable. We have become acquainted with him as a member of the giddy society at Paris among whom the Turner plot was hatched, and as punished for his complicity with a penalty not less severe than that meted out to his brother. He had himself eloped with his wife, the daughter of a baronet, and had been seriously embarrassed in his circumstances, both before and after the Turner episode and its consequences. On the other hand, those who knew him, or have retained the tradition of him, unanimously express amazement at his participation in such a transaction, and declare that this could only be attributed to the contagion of the Parisian circle, and to the irresistible magnetic influence which Edward Gibbon exercised upon most men, and especially upon a brother seven years younger, and particularly open to it from having been attached to him at the Turin embassy while a mere youth. In maturer life William appeared not more shrewd than trustworthy. He had fought for freedom in Spain and Portugal, where he had been especially distinguished for coolness, and was about to distinguish himself in New Zealand by munificent generosity. We shall see that he retained the confidence of the Company through nine most difficult years, and his name is still cherished by the descendants of those whose hardships page 198were shared by him. In such a conflict of evidence, it is fairest to resort to the testimony which the man has unconsciously bequeathed concerning himself, and this is wholly in his favour. In the portions of his correspondence which remain, Colonel Wakefield appears the tender father, the careful guardian, the steady friend, the loyal servant of his employers, just and firm in his dealings with all men.

Intellectually, William Wakefield is described by Mr Gisborne (New Zealand Rulers and Statesmen) as 'a pale copy of his brother.' This may be in so far true, that William made no pretence to originality of genius, but he was as much the hand of the New Zealand Company as Edward Gibbon was its brain. Among the hosts of ideas which Edward's creative mind was perpetually emitting, a certain proportion were almost inevitably unsound; he was not always careful to sift these out, and sometimes damaged himself and his cause by advancing arguments or proposals obviously untenable. William, on the other hand, was a man of close reserve, and of that peculiarly baffling secretiveness which is not synonymous with taciturnity. 'His manner,' says Mr Gisborne, 'was attractive, and, in outward appearance, sympathetic, but the inner man was out of sight and hearing.' 'Of medium height,' says Mr Crawford, 'compactly built, fair in complexion and Saxon in appearance and temperament, astute and reticent, he had seen much of the world, both British and foreign, and could make page 199himself a very pleasant companion. People said he was always so, except when spoken to on business.' His general conduct of affairs attests his eminent talents as an organiser; and his official despatches and journals, which ought to be reprinted in a volume, are excellent reading.1

Among other important points, the instructions given to Colonel Wakefield contemplated the choice of a metropolis for the future colony. 'You should endeavour to make an extensive purchase on the shores of that harbour, which, all things considered, shall appear to offer the greatest facilities as a general trading depot, and port of export and import for all parts of the islands, as a centre of commerce for collecting and exporting the produce of the islands, and for the reception and distribution of foreign goods. In making this selection, you will not forget that Cook's Strait forms part of the shortest route from the Australian colonies to England, and that the best harbour in that channel must inevitably become the most frequented port of colonized New Zealand. That harbour in Cook's Strait is the most valuable, which combines with ample security and convenience as a resort for ships the nearest vicinity to, or the best natural means of communication with, the greatest extent of fertile territory. So far as we are at present informed, Port Nicholson appears superior to any

1 They will mostly be found in the appendix to the report of the Parliamentary Committee of 1844.

page 200other.' This answers Mr Reeves's criticism, at first sight cogent, that the Company should have confined its operations to the Middle Island, where natives were few. It is true that such a course would have relieved it from many of its embarrassments, although, after all, the greatest disaster it ever encountered occurred in the Middle Island, but would have thrust it into a corner, and left the choice of the metropolitan site to others. No important town has ever arisen on the southern shore of Cook's Strait. Colonel Wakefield, nevertheless, was directed to obtain land 'around one good harbour, at least, on each side of Cook's Strait.' He was further enjoined to keep a journal, to inform the Company of every minute particular, to afford every assistance to the scientific members of the expedition, 'to show all missionaries the respect deserved by the sacrifice they have made as the pioneers of civilisation,' to have divine service on Sunday, and abstain, as far as possible, from work on that day, not so much from scruple, as because the natives, no great workers on week days, deemed the Englishman who worked when he might have rested the most degraded of mankind. Two of the instructions are especially remarkable:—

'We must now mention another rule which you will not fail to impress on all your subordinates; namely, the propriety of carefully avoiding anything like exaggeration in describing the more favourable features of the country. Let the bad be stated as page 201plainly and fully as the good; so that the Company, hearing the whole truth as well as nothing but the truth, may run no risk of misleading others.

'You will consider any act of aggression or affront from any of the Company's servants towards any native of New Zealand as a sufficient reason for immediate dismissal from the Company's service, and in the most public manner.'

Colonel Wakefield's expedition, as already stated, sighted New Zealand on 16th August; and Captain Hobson reached the Bay of Islands on 29th January 1840. The first considerable body of emigrants had already arrived at Port Hardy on 22d January and proceeded to Port Nicholson to take advantage of the land purchases which Colonel Wakefield had been industriously making. The two rival authorities were thus in presence, although the distance between the Bay of Islands and Port Nicholson for some time prevented actual contact. Before leaving England, Hobson had addressed a letter to Lord Normanby, pointing out eleven defects in his instructions. He had obtained scant satisfaction, but a clearer conception of the exigencies of the case compelled Lord John Russell, Lord Normanby's successor, to modify these instructions in several respects. At the same time the Company were obliged to beat a retreat upon an important point. Their intending colonists, finding themselves bound for a land where, in consequence of the obstinate refusal of the British Govern-page 202ment to assume sovereignty, no legal jurisdiction over members of its body existed, endeavoured to cure the defect by a voluntary association, and a court elected by mutual consent. This righteous determination was announced with much solemnity on the sailing of the expedition from Blackwall (September 1839), but the Company soon learned with consternation on the highest legal authority that 'if one of the parties to the agreement should commit a murder or an assault, and should be executed or imprisoned accordingly, all the parties to the agreement would be liable to a prosecution for murder, or an action for false imprisonment.' The directors, who had themselves prompted the colonists' action, could but send after them 'their earnest advice and anxious hope that the agreement may not be put in force by anybody.' Lord John Russell should have lost no time in proclaiming British sovereignty, but he still left action to Governor Hobson, nor was he impressed by an able statement, evidently drafted by Wakefield, of the rights of the British Crown, and the imminent danger of French aggression in New Zealand, which the company addressed to Lord Palmerston 'as belonging to the Foreign Department of Her Majesty's Government.' He referred it to Lord John Russell, who took four months to answer,1 and at last, under pressure

1 Foreign Office, 11th March 1840.—Lord Palmerston desires me to refer you to my letter of the 15th November last, and to request that you will move Lord John Russell to favour him with a reply to that letter.—Correspondence relative to New Zealand, p. 68.

page 203from Palmerston, whose view of the matter was probably widely different, replied by an enumeration of formal difficulties which five minutes could have brushed away.
Colonel Wakefield, meanwhile, if indulgence in a graphic but familiar expression may be permitted, had been as busy as the devil in a gale of wind. He had, as we have seen, anchored at Port Nicholson on 24th September. On 27th September he bought, for a liberal assortment of all sorts of articles, from muskets down to shaving brushes, the port and the adjoining territory; on 24th October he concluded a similar purchase on the southern side of the Strait; and on 8th November he purchased large tracts upon both, acquiring altogether, or supposing himself to acquire, a territory about the size of Ireland. The districts acquired were respectively entitled North and South Durham, names afterwards disused. He had, indeed, no time to lose. The hesitations of the Home Government had advertised the profits which speculators might hope to make in New Zealand, and nothing but the swift voyage of the Tory and his own promptitude enabled him to baffle a shoal of Australian land-sharks. While he was negotiating, a small trader arrived from Sydney with 'deeds from various merchants to be filled up by the chiefs' names,' more Batmanico, and of course lacking in the reserve of land for the benefit of the natives as prescribed by the regulations of the New Zealand page 204Company.1 Colonel Wakefield wrote with perfect truth: 'It must be remembered that nine-tenths of the land is without an inhabitant to dispute possession, and that the payment I have made to the owners is large when valued by the standard of exchange known amongst them, and perfectly satisfactory to the sellers.' Well it might be, for the literary capabilities of the New Zealanders had been recognised by an allotment of slates and pencils, and a gross of Jews' harps had been contributed to stimulate any latent taste for music. There was, nevertheless, a grievous flaw in the title which Colonel Wakefield conceived himself to have acquired; the sellers, according to New Zealand ideas, had no right to sell. To Europeans long ago emerged from the savage state, it seems almost incomprehensible that societies should exist where co-operative associations cannot be bound by the majority, and where no individual has the least bit of land that he can call his own. But such was actually the case in New Zealand. No land purchase could be considered safe unless every adult male of the tribe had been consulted and had given his sanction, even though he were the captive of

1 'Mr John Wright, settler at the Bay of Islands, has a property of which three of the boundary lines are well defined, but the fourth boundary line being "as far as the said John Wright shall think proper," it will be a matter of some difficulty for future doctors of the civil law in New Zealand to decide where that boundary shall be.—Lang, New Zealand in 1839.

page 205another clan, or serving on board a whaler, or fulfilling an engagement with Mr Barnum. Such a condition, all but impossible of fulfilment in any case, was most manifestly so in the circumstances of haste under which Colonel Wakefield acted. The inevitable neglect led to a host of evils—misunder-standings and consequent wars with the natives, quarrels between the representatives of the Company and the Crown, the infliction of grievous hardships upon innocent settlers by the invalidation of titles upon which they had every right to rely, and the extent to which bargains, believed to be concluded, were opened and reopened ad infinitum. Mr Reeves is perfectly justified in remarking that 'the first occupation of New Zealand was rushed, and, like everything else that is done in a hurry, it was in part done very badly. The settlement of the North Island should not have been begun until after an understanding had been come to with the Imperial authorities and the missionaries, and on a proper and legal system of land purchase.' But this was no fault of the Company, which had been vainly trying to come to an understanding with the Government and the missionaries ever since June 1837, and had at last been goaded into activity by the imminent danger that French annexation would be the consummation of all things. The very step into which, to the nation's unspeakable advantage, they drove the Government, of proclaiming British page 206sovereignty, might have been their own ruin. Though the subsequent action of the Government's representative in annulling all land transactions previous to the annexation could have been fore-seen by no one, it was to be expected that as soon as the authority of the Crown was proclaimed in New Zealand, all subsequent alienations of land would be prohibited, and that, consequently, if the Company did not anticipate this step by extensive purchases, it would be unable to fulfil its obligations to the large body of emigrants for whom it had undertaken to find settlements, most of whom were already actually on their way. This, even more than the dread of the speculative land-sharks from Sydney, explains the preternatural purchasing power of Colonel Wakefield, to wh om the cognomen of 'Wideawake,' into which his family name was altered by the Maoris, was to a great extent applicable, and would have be en even more so if he had surmised that the crafty New Zealand chiefs knew more about New Zealand land titles than he did, and were chuckling even then at the prospect of selling their land again and again, even unto seventy times seven.

The commercial intercourse of civilised nations and barbarians, especially as concerns dealing with land, raises difficult problems for the jurist and philanthropist. The maxim, 'property has its duties as well as its rights,' applies to savage quite as much page 207as to civilised man. It cannot be admitted that a tribe of cannibals has a right to retain large tracts of the earth's surface, on or near which they happen to have established themselves, in an unproductive and useless condition. It is the duty and the very raison d'être of the civilised man to develop the resources of the earth, and if he neglected this he would be punished by the ills that follow in the train of over-population at home. Yet, as a civilised tenant cannot well settle under a cannibal suzerain, he must in some manner acquire his land unless he can first civilise his landlord. The latter experiment was tried in New Zealand by the missionaries, and failed because it was impossible to shut out other European influences of a pernicious nature, insomuch that civilisation was far outrun by depopulation. Traders and land speculators had their own methods, which may be defined as taking advantage of the ignorance of the savage, and buying him out for a song. Equity and humanity must alike disapprove; yet part of the disapprobation with which such proceedings have been visited arises from an erroneous conception of the rights of property among barbarians. There was commonly no development, no reclamation, not even any occupation to establish a title morally valid. Large tracts spoken of as though they had been transmitted from father to son since the arrival of the first inhabitants, with title-deeds tattooed upon the persons of the natives, were utterly page 208waste and entirely worthless to the nominal possessors, conferring no advantage or privilege but the right of shooting rats. The natives, except as regarded the land actually brought under cultivation, were not proprietors but squatters, with rights comparable to that possessed by an English cottager of grazing his donkey upon a common. So opines Vattel, first among the expounders of the law of nations. It is sufficiently ridiculous to observe the deference paid to such shadowy pretensions, so long as the claimant is black brown or red, by writers who would oust the white proprietor in every country who has complied with every legal and moral condition of ownership, by open violence or the more cowardly device of an oppressive land tax. This deserves no other name than cant; but it is no less certain that every bonâ fide claim, however indefinite, ought to be fully acknowledged and satisfied to its full worth. But how is this compensation to be made? There is something shocking to refined feeling in acquiring the possessions of poor ignorant people for trinkets and cloth, or even for tools and weapons. It is true that these commodities have an immense value in their eyes, but the civilised purchaser knows well that this value is partly fictitious, and that the really useful part of the consideration he tenders will wear out in time and leave nothing to replace it. Money multiplies itself, but money in the then condition of the natives would have been useless to them and page 209incomprehensible. The New Zealand Company met the difficulty in the only way in which it can be met, by the reservation for the natives of a portion of their land, which, though comparatively small, could, through the development of the country by European colonization, come to be far more valuable to them than the whole. Wakefield put the matter into a nutshell before the Committee of 1840:—

'The terms were, a payment, in the first instance, of various goods, such as the natives require, but which the Company regard as a merely nominal price. They have paid for their lands a much higher price than has commonly been paid by other purchasers in the first instance; but the consideration which they offer to the natives, and which they regard as the true purchase money of the land, is the reserved eleventh, which eleventh, by means of the expenditure of the Company, acquires, in a very short time, a higher value than all the land possessed before. I feel myself quite satisfied that if the measure were to proceed in the best way, every acre of the land reserved would be worth at least thirty shillings; so that there would be an endowment of three millions sterling in the course of time as a native provision.'

Mr Buller (not Charles Buller) pertinently inquires:—

'What Security is there that the natives will have the benefit of it? page 210'There is no security at present, because the Government has hitherto refused to let law be established in New Zealand, so that it is impossible to create a trust. The Company are very desirous of placing this land in trust for the benefit of the natives. They have considered the subject a good deal, but they have found great difficulty in defining, till they have better information, what the trusts ought to be. Their objects in reserving these lands has been to preserve the native race. They believe that it will be impossible to preserve the native race, that the native race in New Zealand will undergo the same fate which has attended other people in their situation, unless their chief families can be preserved in a state of civilisation in the same relative superiority of position as they before enjoyed in savage life; and with this view the Company is desirous of investing them with property. But if it placed the property at once at their disposal, they would sell it for a trifle. It became, therefore, necessary to create a permanent trust. That the Company will do as soon as they possibly can; and in the meantime they have appointed a commissioner, whom they have sent out for the purpose of preserving, letting and taking care of those lands.'

These roseate anticipations, of course, were based on the supposition that the Company's purchases would not be interfered with, and when they were cut down from twenty millions of acres to two page 211hundred and eighty-three thousand, the possibility of forming any considerable fund for the benefit of the natives came to an end.

There seems no reason to charge the New Zealand Company with indifference to the well-being of the native race. The one fault was the want of due inquiry into the validity of the titles supposed to be conveyed by the native vendors; and this was forced upon Colonel Wakefield by the necessity for extreme dispatch, lest the Company should in the meantime be deprived of all purchasing power. Far otherwise would it have been if, instead of stealing away from a hostile and jealous Government, the Tory had sailed under Government auspices, and with an Imperial Commissioner on board.

The Imperial Commissioner who did sail, and who, through no fault of his own, sailed into the north of the colonists' opinion, had arrived at the Bay of Islands. Captain Hobson had touched at Sydney, where he took council with the resolute and autocratic Governor, Sir George Gipps, his immediate official superior, who on 14th January issued a proclamation annulling by anticipation all purchases of land that might be made after that date. Hobson's instructions did not allow him to take the simple and commonsense course of proclaiming the sovereignty of Great Britain by right of discovery, though Captain Cook had done as much seventy years previously. It was necessary to obtain a treaty of cession from the natives, page 212who were convened for the purpose at Waitangi (Sounding Water,) so called from a cascade). Had they refused, as they were very near doing at the instigation of the Roman Catholic missionary bishop, the Governor would have been placed in the most painful and ludicrous position, and would have had no locus standi in the islands. Happily they yielded under the influence of the famous English missionary, Henry Williams. The treaty was signed on 6th February,1 but four months were spent in obtaining the concurrence of native chiefs in other parts of the islands. It was not until 17th June 1840 that British sovereignty was proclaimed in the Middle Island. Had the French been more alert, this delay would have had serious consequences. But it was not until July that a French frigate, L'Aube, appeared at the Bay of Islands with orders to take possession of Akaroa in the Middle Island. Had not Wakefield compelled the British Government to send Hobson out, or had the treaty of Waitangi fallen through, there would have been nothing to prevent this, for the Government had repudiated their perfectly valid title by right of discovery, and could have alleged no other. The

1 A diary recording the progress of the negotiations from day to day was kept by the Rev. W. Colenso, and was published at Wellington in 1890. Mr Colenso expressed his doubts whether the chiefs understood what they were signing, but His Excellency thought he had done as much to enlighten them as could be expected from anybody ignorant of their language.

page 213Middle Island might then have become another New Caledonia. Even as it was, France could have set up a claim of pre-emption in 1838 by a French whaling master, who had actually paid one hundred and fifty francs as earnest money. Hobson, however, divined the French captain's intention, and hurried Captain Owen Stanley in the Britomart to the spot. Stanley beat the French frigate by four days, and the sight of the British flag flying scared L'Aube to sea again. She, nevertheless, disembarked some intending settlers, who eventually, for the most part, migrated to the Marquesas.

In this lame fashion did New Zealand eventually hobble into the ranks of the British colonies and the Maories become British subjects. Apart from these results, the treaty of Waitangi was no matter for congratulation. It could not have been obtained at all without an enormous and uncalled for concession, the recognition, in spite of Vattel, of the absolute right of seventy thousand savages to sixty-six millions of acres of valuable land, by far the greater part of which they had never occupied, and were incapable of turning to account in any way. This carried the recognition of the tribal tenure along with it, and native sovereignty and native jurisprudence together opened a Pandora's box of ills for the unfortunate settlers, thus powerfully described by the present Agent - General for New Zealand, the Hon. W. P. Reeves:—

page 214

'Had Captain Hobson been able to conceive what was entailed in the piecemeal purchase of a country held under tribal ownership, it is difficult to think that he would have signed the treaty without hesitation. He could not, of course, imagine that he was giving legal force to a system under which the buying of a block of land would involve years of bargaining, even when a majority of its owners wished to sell; that the ascertainment of a title would mean tedious and costly examination by courts of experts of a labyrinth of strange and conflicting barbaric customs; that land might be paid for again and again, and yet be declared unsold; that an almost empty wilderness might be bought first from its handful of occupants, then from the conquerors who had laid it waste, and yet after all be reclaimed by returned slaves or fugitives who had quitted it years before.'

It is now easy to discern what the Government ought to have done. Instead of thwarting the original New Zealand Association, they should have reposed a generous though not a blind trust in it. They should have at once incorporated New Zealand in the Empire, and ruled it through the Association, enjoying the status and subjected to the restraints of a chartered company, and under the surveillance of an agent of the Government. They should have provided a law-making power which might at a stroke have got rid of the nuisance of tribal titles to land, page 215while the executive should have seen that the real interest of the natives did not suffer. The administration, apart from the Association's share in it, should from the first have been in stronger hands than those of a captain in the navy, taking orders from the Governor of another colony. A first-rate man should have been chosen, strong in ability and devotion, able to overawe, if need were, both natives and colonists, and not unprovided with naval and military force. The England of Victoria, no less than anciently the England of Elizabeth, had many rising young men competent for such a mission, enthusiastic at the prospect of building a new State, and to whom three or four years of such experience would have been invaluable. The envoy would have returned an accomplished Colonial Minister, and qualified for activity in any sphere. What if the choice had fallen upon William Ewart Gladstone?