Chapter II.
Fair Fields Afar.

Captain Langlois, having now obtained what he believed to be a tangible right to a considerable area of New Zealand, showed himself equal to the international situation he was creating. He clearly appreciated the value of having the backing of his nation, and to that end he appealed to Captain Cécile, of the French corvette L'Héroïne, to declare Banks Peninsula to be the property of France. The visit of this ship to New Zealand was occasioned by a desire on the part of her captain to render assistance to Bishop Pompallier and his Roman Catholic Mission in the North, and had nothing to do with the acquisition of territory. Rumours had reached Sydney, where L'Héroïne was, that the Bishop and his priests were being cruelly persecuted at Hokianga; that they were being driven from New Zealand, and were about to seek an asylum in Australia. This was a somewhat highly coloured statement of the case, but page 18Captain Cécile was not to know that. Without hesitation he set sail for the Bay of Islands, with a full determination that he would soon put matters right. What his mind was upon the situation as he believed it to exist is disclosed in a letter he wrote and left in Sydney for Bishop Pompallier, should that prelate arrive there after L'Héroïne had sailed. In this communication "the prudent and devoted commander," as the Bishop describes him, advised the head of the Mission to lose no time in Sydney upon his arrival, but to re-embark by the first vessel bound for New Zealand, where he would wait for him with his corvette. He would then take upon himself the responsibility of seeing him safely landed and left in peace as a French subject and a Roman Catholic bishop. He added that he was ready to employ his artillery and the weapons of his soldiers to settle the question of liberty and justice, which was being violated by the persecution of the Bishop, who was a French subject. Finally, Captain Cécile declared he had no desire to impose a religion upon a country which did not wish for it, but he meant to make understood the position of a French subject, and, if requisite, to give the Bishop's opponents a lesson in civilization. "Such was the substance of this noble commander's letter, as he himself explained it to me when I went to visit him at the Bay of Islands," remarks the Bishop, page 19who boarded L'Héroïne none the worse for a little heckling at the hands of a few hotheaded individuals who, quite sincerely, saw things religious in a light different from his own.

This ceremony could have, and did have, no international value, because Captain Cécile was not specifically empowered to acquire territory for his nation, and his unauthorized act was never ratified by the central Government of France^*—this, probably, because there was in France at that day, as there was in England, a strong political party with rooted convictions that they had "colonies enough."

Having secured his deed from the natives, and obtained, as he believed, the endorsement of his country, Captain Langlois set sail for France. If there be a basis of truth in Alexandre Dumas' romance Les Baleiniers, then Captain Langlois' leaving was not untinged by misadventure, for on beating out of Port Cooper he narrowly escaped piling up his ship on what to-day is known as Godley Head, vaguely described by the novelist as "a heap of rocks," which for years afterwards was known as Cape Cachalot.

Elie, Duc Décazes, trained to the law, rose rapidly into prominence as an advocate. Though as yet taking no part in politics, he was distinctly pro-Bourbon in his sympathies, and refused to serve under Napoleon during the Hundred Days. With the restoration of the King he moved naturally into the field of public affairs, but was always on the side of liberalism and moderation. When, in 1818, he graduated from the minor post of Minister of the Interior to the major one of President of the Council his moderation was so pronounced that it was said he was aiming to "Royalize the nation and nationalize Royalty." This policy of levelling up and levelling down was, however, in advance of its time, and in 1820 his Government crashed, as so many other Governments in France crashed, both before and since. In recognition of his services to the Royal cause, Louis XVIII created him Duc and a peer of France, and when his Government fell he was appointed Ambassador of France in London. Serving for two years at the Court of St. James's, he then returned to Paris, taking his place in the Chamber of Peers as Keeper of page 24the Seals. Industrial enterprises now, however, claimed his attention, the establishment of the foundries at Décazeville being his most important achievement, and at the period of Captain Langlois' advent he had become one of the great ironmasters of France.

It was to such typical representatives of "big business" that the whaler captain first introduced his scheme. To some it must have looked like a fantastic dream, but to him it was a great reality. The Marquis de Las Marismas was intrigued by the scheme at its first presentation, but as it developed its outlook seemed less roseate, and he subsequently withdrew his patronage rather abruptly. In the meantime he was of inestimable value to Captain Langlois, for under his auspices it was possible to reach the ear of Cabinet, which was, more than anything else, what Langlois desired to do.

To the Minister, Captain Langlois urged the great advantage of the harbours of Akaroa and Port Cooper to the whaling industry of France, the rich land of the Peninsula, and the vast quantities of exportable timber that were there to be had for the hewing.

Admiral Duperré was sufficiently impressed by what he heard at the preliminary conferences to ask for and to obtain from the King and Council of State permission officially to go further into the matter with the Marquis, the Duc, and their whaler protégé. This reference to Cabinet had the effect of quickly interesting another Minister in the project. This was Jean page 26de Dieu Soult, now the Duke of Dalmatia, President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs. It had long been flitting through Langlois' mind that his "possession" would provide an admirable site for a penal settlement, and so a dash of "deportation" was added to the scheme, to sweeten the morsel for the official palate. This was precisely the bait that caught the Duke of Dalmatia, for the erstwhile Republican soldier, now turned Royalist,^* keenly appreciated the advantage of such a distant repository for political prisoners, of whom France had more than her share at that time.

Fortunately for Captain Langlois, while these conferences were in progress there arrived back in France the corvette L' Héroine, and Captain Cécile, who was credited with having carried out in "brilliant fashion" his mission in the South Pacific, was summoned to give his opinion on the proposed colony in New Zealand. In his downright manner Cécile declared himself absolutely confident of its success. This was in September, 1839, and this emphatic endorsement gave the scheme such a fillip that the Minister of Marine felt the subject was worthy of more systematic exploration than had been possible at the desultory conversations which so far had taken place.

Accordingly he summoned at his office a conference at which there were present, in addition to himself, the Marquis de Las Marismas Aguado, the Duc Décazes, Captains Cécile, Lavaud,^* and Langlois. Captain Cécile was there in an advisory capacity to the Minister, Captain Lavaud because Duperré had decided, if an expedition was to be sent, that he was to command it, and Captain Langlois filled the role of the Prince in the play. Here the whole ground was gone over again, the cost was counted, the advantages and disadvantages weighed up, the one perceptible change being that the Marquis now began to display a keener sense of the latter than of the former. During the next two weeks several similar conferences were held, but no conclusion could be reached.

The departure of the Marquis was necessarily a serious defection, and to a less pushful man than Langlois it might have been fatal. His fertility of suggestion did not, however, page 29fail him in this emergency, but there was always the fundamental objection that as yet he had no capital behind him. Amongst the several alternatives proposed was one of colonization by the State, and military occupation of the South Island. This proposal was promptly and firmly rejected by the Minister of Marine, who declined to listen to such an idea. He was, he said, quite prepared to accord protection to his nationals in New Zealand, but he certainly would not take the initiative in sending them there. Besides, he could not, since the funds for such an expedition would have to be voted by the Chamber of Deputies, and of their doing anything of the kind he did not have the smallest hope.

The prospect of direct Government intervention having disappeared with Admiral Duperré's ultimatum, it was finally determined to endeavour to float a company on regular commercial lines, with the promise of a measure of State support. The mantle of the Marquis de Las Marimas Aguado now fell upon the Duc Décazes, who went to Bordeaux in the interests of the proposed company, while Captain Langlois went back to Havre, in the belief that he might be able to interest local capitalists in his scheme. In this he failed utterly; but, nothing daunted, he proceeded to Bordeaux and Nantes, and in these towns, in conjunction with the Duc, he found men, page 30mostly shipowners and bankers, who were ready to support their opinions with their purses.

Within the first week of October^* it was announced that there had been formed what is known in history as the Nanto-Bordelaise Company, whose principals were going to Paris to resume negotiations with the Government.

The nominal capital of the company was one million francs (£42,000), but only one-sixth of this (£7,000) was actually paid up. Towards the financial forces of this combination Captain Langlois provided no money, but he made what he, no doubt, supposed was a handsome and necessary contribution. He gave up his deed of purchase from the natives, as his subscription of 6,000 francs, "to become a partner to the amount of one-fifth of the company."^*

The objects of the company, quite clearly, were commercial rather than political, though perhaps not altogether shorn of patriotic hopes.

In disclosing the merchant personnel of the company a writer in the Journal des Débats equally discloses the motives which animated these gentlemen in coming to the aid of the whaling captain:—

I have no fear, he says, of being reproached with indiscretion in naming respectable gentlemen who hazard their capitals in speculations from which they certainly expect to derive great personal benefit, but who are also, without doubt, excited by the desire to open up new vents for the products of French industry.

So far as it prevailed, this element of patriotism was altogether praiseworthy, and to that end they were justified in seeking the co-operation of the State. That step was only natural and prudent, for all that they did in floating their venture was done in complete ignorance of the proceedings of the British Government to acquire the sovereignty of New Zealand. They unmistakably were sincere in the belief that they were taking steps to found a French colony, while in actual fact they were aiding most materially the foundation of a British Dominion. The energy of France quickened Britain into action.

The company, in conducting its campaign for support, made its appeal to the working classes and agricultural labourers rather than to the wealthy. At this period France, like England, was submerged by a deep wave of industrial and agricultural depression. The drain page break

The Ministry Of Marine, Paris.
After the etching by Meryon.

page 33upon her own and her neighbours' resources caused by the Napoleonic wars had not yet been made good, and there was much poverty in the rural districts, where the peasants laboured for little money and lived upon homely fare. The cities, too, had their quota of unemployed mechanics, whose hunger and anger sometimes penetrated to the boulevards of Paris.

It was to these people that the appeal of the Nanto-Bordelaise Company was made. But perhaps the nature of that appeal and the circumstances in which it was made can best be described in the words of one of the emigrants themselves. Jean Baptiste Eteveneaux was born at Ruffey, in the Department of Jura, in 1826. He was thus fourteen years old when the eventful voyage was made, and at that impressionable age he absorbed much of what was passing about him, remembering dates, names, and events long years after, when his hair was silvered and his step was feeble.

His father was a vigneron, but three lean vintages had so shattered his prospects that it became imperative he should seek fresh fields for his industry. He thereupon decided to go out to one of the French colonies and try his fortune there. Martinique was decided upon in the family councils, but passages were not easy to obtain. There was only one season of the year when ships went out, and the little page 34Eteveneaux family arrived at Rochefort just after the season had closed. They therefore decided to remain at Rochefort, the father taking odd jobs and Jean Baptiste going to sea. He was with his ship at Bordeaux, where his father wrote to him telling him he had practically decided to go to New Zealand. That was the first Jean had ever heard of New Zealand. He at once packed his bundle and went back to Rochefort to learn more of the new project. There his attention was drawn to an advertisement in a newspaper announcing the formation of a settlement in "Nouvelle- Zélande." Early inquiry at the bureau revealed that a meeting of all the people interested in the venture was to be held at an early date. His father took him to that meeting, and there they learned that the Nanto-Bordelaise Company had been formed to promote the settlement. They learned also the terms on which the settlers were to go out, the work they would have to do, and what generally they were to expect. A week was given them in which to come to a determination. Before this period had expired they revisited the bureau, when they were treated to a long account of the history of New Zealand, and the terms of migration were again put before them. They were told authoritatively that the French Government had taken possession of the Middle Island of New Zealand, and this assurance had a considerable page 35effect in inducing them to accept the terms, which roughly were: All settlers were to get seventeen months' rations free, beginning from the commencement of the voyage; each one was to have five acres of land in the town settlement, and they were bound to work the land in a proper manner. These terms seemed attractive in the light of their prospects, and, for better or worse, the Eteveneaux family decided to come to New Zealand.

In one of its issues at this date the Journal du Havre thus boldly proclaimed the scope and purpose of that scheme:—

The expedition which the transport Le Comte de Paris carries out to New Zealand is the first operation of a company which, having become the proprietor of a large tract of land in that country, has formed the plan of expediting and founding an establishment there. Its aim is to take possession of Banks Peninsula, of which it has acquired the proprietary right, and to plant there the first foundation of a colony.

This class of propaganda soon had a marked effect on French public opinion. There then arose throughout the country a general claim for a more sympathetic study of the subject by the Government. The question of acquiring a status in New Zealand was not altogether a new one for the French Government to consider. Ever since De Survillé's first visit, in 1769, there had been more or less connection between the two countries. Warships had made periodical visits, and now French whalers were becoming as numerous on the New Zealand coasts as those of any other nation. This had given previous Ministers food for thought, but hitherto their ideas had never gone in the direction of systematic colonization; they had always been satisfied to secure some point where French ships could enter and remain in safety. The first practical suggestion to achieve this end was to embark upon some arrangement with that quixotic individual, the Baron de Thierry, who was supposed to hold large landed possessions in the North Island, and page 39who was equally believed to have a friendly feeling towards France. Count de Mole, President of the Council, had in 1836 decided to appoint him French Consul in New Zealand, and from him to acquire sufficient territory on which to establish a French station, a project upon which the French Government was prepared to advance a million francs.^* From this scheme nothing eventuated, because its progress was intercepted by the Revolution of July, and when calm was restored sufficiently to permit of its reconsideration it was discovered that even if the Baron had land to sell to Frenchmen, which became increasingly doubtful, he certainly could sell no land to France.

One feels, said the writer, that, in view of the activity of the English company and the enterprising spirit of our neighbours there is not a moment to lose in putting these projects into execution, if one does not wish to fail and find, to our annoyance, the English masters of the South Island, as they are already in the North Island.

Stewart Island was also mentioned as more than desirable, with the additional advantage that perhaps later on it could be chosen as a place of deportation.

With such official counsel as this to encourage them, Ministers were disposed to lend a more willing ear to the appeals of Captain Langlois and his friends. There was, however, still a strong party in the Chamber of Deputies the members of which did not favour further colonizing efforts, and the Ministers of the day found themselves on the horns of a political dilemma. It was difficult to avoid being swept off their feet by the ardour of the colonists; page 42yet they feared to make concessions which they knew would be as ardently opposed by the moneyed interests, which preferred to see the country keep its capital at home. Between these opposing factions the struggle waged with considerable warmth, and there is little doubt the first surrender of the Government was due to a desire to placate the public temper, which had been thoroughly roused by the propaganda of the Press.

The pourparlers between Captain Langlois and the Government began in June, and on 11th December, 1839, a workable compromise was arrived at under which the Government was to render practical service to the Nanto- Bordelaise Company. The Convention drawn up on that date was signed by the Duke of Dalmatia, as President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs; by M. Cunin- Gridaine,^* Minister of Commerce; and by Admiral Duperre, as Minister of Marine and Colonies.

The Company, on its part, after it had established its own first colony, was, under Article XI, to cede to the Crown of France one-fourth of all the lands of which it might be able to get possession, and on which the Crown would have the right to " erect forts or any other kind of building useful for its service."^†

With the colonizing element in Britain, however, the position was very different. They interpreted Article XI of the Convention to mean that most hateful form of national extension, the planting of a penal settlement. That this fear was not altogether illusory seems clear from the trend of a letter which the Due Decazes wrote to Captain Lavaud amid the rapid political changes^* France was then experiencing: "The position of the Company," he said, " is not so favourable since Soult left the Foreign Office. The new Cabinet has not yet occupied itself with the affair, and seems to be cold towards the question of deportation."

If the Government intended that this phase of their policy should remain confidential they were to be sadly disappointed. The French journalists of that day had, in official circles, an unwholesome reputation for " chattering," and on this subject they chattered to some purpose.^†

Publicity was given to it by the Journal du Havre, which seemed to be thoroughly in the confidence of the authorities of the Company, and always well informed regarding its doings. In an issue early in February, 1840, this paper announced:—

A mere attempt at colonization is not the only object of this expedition. It is said that it has received from Government authority to examine whether the nature of the locality is adapted to the carrying into effect the project concerning the transportation (deportation) of convicts and persons condemned to a certain period of detention, in which case the company would cede to the Government such portion of its territory as might be required for the purpose.

Views hostile to the idea of a French penal settlement in New Zealand were also strongly expressed in an article published in the New Zealand Journal on the 4th April, 1840, and this exposition of the case may be taken as fairly representing the British mind upon the subject:—

Let us briefly note the evils which must inevitably result from the establishment of a French penal colony in New Zealand. Those Islands may be said to command the Southern Pacific. They lie in the direct track of vessels homeward bound from the Australian colonies. An enemy secured in the possession of a good harbour there might either cut up a valuable and rapidly increasing branch of our trade, or would put us to the expense of a fleet for its protection. That any foreign Power there established would soon become an enemy seems more than probable when one recollects how many wars have been occasioned by the rivalries and disputes of neighbouring colonies planted by different nations. Such colonies have invariably quarrelled about boundaries by land and sea, and have drawn their parent States into hostilities. The rich soil of New Zealand, abounding in exportable products, with the prolific page 48fishing-grounds in its neighbourhood, would give room for innumerable disputes, not to mention another element of discord in the aboriginal tribes, generally at war amongst themselves, and sure, when they get into collision with one set of colonists, to be aided by the other. The chances are that before the end of this session of Parliament the French and the English will be quarrelling in New Zealand about land or water, or influence with some native tribe; and that they should long maintain distinct nationalities in so small a country so peopled without coming to blows is utterly impossible. The French Government may not know—what is the fact—that the natives of New Zealand have been taught by the vagabond English who have long inhabited the country the most hostile feelings towards the French. A massacre of the first body of French settlers by the natives, set on and assisted by runaway sailors and convicts, is an event that should surprise nobody. But suppose the French colony established, then comes the impossibility of maintaining convict discipline in the immediate neighbourhood of native tribes and British settlements. It is only in a desert country like New Holland, where bushranging is the way to death and starvation, that convicts can be retained in a state of durance.

In New Zealand they would escape with impunity, would mix with the natives and our own runaway convicts from Australia, and would soon, if they were not shot down like wild beasts, render the Islands a hell upon earth. But they would be destroyed by the organized British settlers. Perhaps that is Louis Philippe's object, for it is said he contemplated sending to New Zealand the political prisoners who overfill his gaols. Here would be further occasion for war between the nations.

But supposing even the French convict colonization could be maintained in New Zealand without war page 49between this country and France, what a prospect for all that part of the world! As if we had not sufficiently polluted it by our own system of penal transportation! Well, it is presumed that our Government is about to abolish the "shameful and unblessed thing," so that probably the southern lands will henceforth be the "dunghill" of France only; but, at all events, the convict colonization of New Zealand by France will be a memorable event in the history of the British Empire.

The Colonial Gazette appeared to have quite a different idea of French convicts to that of the New Zealand Journal:—

The French Government do not appear to have adverted to the fact that the arms of our colony will be open to their political convicts, many of whom are amongst the best men in France and will be really an acquisition to our settlement.

Although the Journal du Havre had published the fact, and, innocently or otherwise, brought about this storm of protest, it did not itself favour the policy of penal settlement. In its editorial column of the same issue the Journal roundly condemned any scheme of convict colonization, which, it declared, had in all times and everywhere inflicted more injury than it had conferred benefit. This severe censure could not altogether scotch the idea, which was still a healthy subject for discussion in the following April. In that month the matter was taken up by the British Consul at Bordeaux, who in a report to the Foreign Minister upon the Nanto-Bordelaise enterprise page 50incidentally mentioned "the wish of the Government to form a penal settlement in the colony."^* This, as we have seen, was by no means the first intimation British Ministers had of the unwelcome prospect; but the diplomatic wheels moved slowly. It was not until the 23rd June that Lord Palmerston instructed Earl Granville, British Minister at Paris, to "endeavour to ascertain whether the French had any positive intentions of forming a penal establishment in New Zealand," Earl Granville took the Foreign Minister's letter direct to M. Thiers, read it over to him, and awaited his answer. Thiers was extremely polite, but highly uncommunicative. He was, he said, in complete ignorance of the matter, and was therefore quite unable to discuss it. This seems to have been accepted as an intimation that the new Government at least had no immediate project in view, and there the subject was allowed to rest.

Notwithstanding this Royal patronage, the enterprise did not seem to inspire great and immediate enthusiasm, and it was not until the beginning of 1840 that the Company was able to complete the arrangements for dispatching their first batch of emigrants. Le Mahé, a vessel of 501 tons, stout of hull, but with rigging that left much to be desired, was sent round to Rochefort to be refitted. There, as a compliment to the Royal family, and with the permission of the King, she was renamed the Comte de Paris, after the King's infant grandson.^* For obvious reasons, the Company placed her under the command of Captain Langlois. As owner of the Maori deed, and as an experienced whaler, he became the pivot upon which turned all the Company's prospects of success.

As the names of these enterprising emigrants have become historic, a complete list is here appended. In every case it is not now possible to supply the Christian name.

In addition to Nicholas Langlois, brother of Captain Langlois, there appears also to have been a brother of M. de Belligny attached to the expedition, in the person of Eugene de Belligny,^* though he never obtrudes himself upon the narrative. It is now a little difficult to identify with any degree of certainty the six German colonists. They probably were Messrs. Waeckerle, Breitmeyer (3), Walter, and Wooll.

It would have been well had the Company as clearly defined the status and functions of page 56its two officers. Both Captain Langlois and M. de Belligny believed themselves invested with the powers of "Administrator" of the Company, resulting in immediate friction, which considerably delayed the work of embarkation. While the Comte de Paris was at sea Langlois was master of the situation, but the jealousy which sprang up at Rochefort sowed the seeds of a quarrel that was never adjusted, and which, blazing up at unexpected moments, hindered the settlement in its most vital part by sapping the loyalty and co-operation of its members.