A Ngapuhi War-canoe
By "Indigena"

During a recent visit to the Bay of Islands I obtained from an old identity, Mr. J. A. Bedgood, of the Kerikeri district, an account of the fashioning and equipment of a Ngapuhi war-canoe in the days when no modern implements were to be had. In the working-out of the details we also had the help of one of the foremost chiefs of the tribe, an old-fashioned rangatira nearly seventy years of age.

The first thing was the choice of a tree. In the north, among the Ngapuhi [Tribe], the kauri was likely to be used for the large war-canoe. The location of the monarch of the forest did not matter; whether it stood on hillside or ravine, there would be an abundance of brute force wherewith to haul it to more level ground and to the tide. But how was a trunk six or seven feet through to be felled with stone axes? Well, little by little can accomplish much. When the undergrowth had been cleared away, and perhaps a rough staging erected, an attack was made. About eight men got to work on a scarf of about two and a half feet. They worked in pairs. Number one with direct blows bruised the top line and the bottom line of the scarp; then number two tore out the intervening strips with an axe fixed to work adzewise; number three bruised and number four adzed, and so on. It was slow work: each pair of men could not eat in more than about half an inch at a time. With relays of hewers it would take, say, a couple of days to get the tree down. Then the head had to be taken off. A fire of tawa logs was made, and burning brands were carried and placed crosswise on the tree, the flame being also fed with smaller sticks. When the fire had eaten into the trunk an inch or two the remnants of the sticks were pulled away, and the charred part, when cooled by water so that the tools might not be harmed, was adzed out: this process was quicker than waiting for an entire burn through. Thus by degrees the head of the tree was severed from the trunk. Whenever fire was used for such a purpose, water was kept at hand to prevent it from burning too far. I may mention, in passing, that the method just described was also used in the obtaining of lengths of tree-trunks wherewith to construct the palisading (stockade) of a pa (fortified village).

Before the process of turning the mighty log into a canoe was begun, a solemn ceremony was conducted by the tohunga (wise men, priests). With old-time incantations or karakia the log was made tapu. The workers, say some twenty or more, were also tapu, as in the case of the workers at the kumara crop. The tapu was put on them after they had had their morning meal, and was taken off each evening. They had no midday meal; and if, when knocking-off time approached, some specially important piece of work was still in progress, then, according to ancient custom, they had to keep on without food until it was completed, otherwise ill luck would be brought on the undertaking.

Before any further proceedings it was necessary to examine carefully the shake, or crack, that every tree, as a rule, is found to have running lengthwise through the centre of it. The log had to be worked so that this shake might be at right angles to a vertical section of the canoe; and fortunate indeed it was when it ran above the future water-line at bow and stern. When the log had been placed in the right position the top side of it was laboriously levelled with adze-work to gunwale-height, and then the outline of the top of the canoe was sketched. Next came the hollowing-out. Fires of tawa or of taraire wood were made close by, and the fire-sticks were laid on the log: then the charred part was adzed out, and so the interior was slowly fashioned out. At the same time some of the workers were busy on the exterior, shaping bow and stern, taking off excrescences, and generally bringing the sides of the log nearer to the required form. When the hollowing-out was finished the log was turned over, so that the bottom of the canoe could be shaped. Other workers, again, were busy preparing long slabs or planks to form the topsides. These were, among the Ngapuhi, obtained from the rimu tree. This was also a work of patience, what with the felling, &c, the splitting with wedges of puriri or maire [hardwoods], the adzing of the surfaces, and in some cases the adornment of the planks with carvings. And yet again the carvings for the ornamentations of bow and stern meant long labours. If, for example, they were of totara, only a small portion could be done at a time, lest the wood should split. Thus many operations were being carried on simultaneously; and they were all directed and superintended by a chief who had graduated as an expert in the high craft of war-canoe building.

In some cases his skill was taxed in another direction. As the hollowing-out proceeded, the working of the shake when it touched the water-line forward, let us say, was not very marked; then the canoe, when it reached the shore, was filled with tanekaha bark and water, and left alone for a month or two. By the end of that time the tanning-material from the bark had effectually filled up the crack. But if the shake was serious, other measures had to be taken. The fore part, for example, of the canoe was cut off; a V-shaped projection was left at the bottom. Then a bow-piece, perhaps of some length, was brought up to it with a corresponding V-shaped notch. The nicety of the fit was carefully tested with kokowai, in the way known to all acquainted with dovetailing; and then with koreirei (rootstock of raupo—Typha angustifolia), inset wherever the edges of the two sections met, the junction was made. Next the permanency of the craft was ensured with firm lashings of kiekie root, or of twine made from Phormium fibre; and, lastly, hune (the down surrounding seeds of the raupo) was used for caulking the seams, being driven in with a maire or puriri wedge. This caulking-material was always carried in the canoe, wherewith to check any leaking of the joints. Thus, while the hull of the canoe might be all one piece, it might have a bow-piece, and perhaps also a stern-piece, that had been deftly and securely welded on, as it were.

And now at last the bare hull is ready for its overland journey, perhaps as long as fifteen miles, to the tide. But steps must be taken to guard it from accident and to bring it good luck in its career. The tribesmen muster; a feast is spread, and a portion of the food is placed in the bow of the canoe. Then the woman of the highest rank in the tribal division interested in the craft mounts into the canoe and eats the food. When she has finished page 70and has stepped out, the hauling seaward can begin. Some ropes made of the leaves of the ti tree (i.e., the cabbage-palm) were attached at the bow and on each side; skids of green wood, preferably the trunks of ti tree (Cordyline australis), were placed in position. Some of the men hauled, others made it their chief object to keep the canoe upright, and others again saw to the skids. The route chosen was the easiest obtainable, but it generally had to be up hill and down dale. Relays of men furnished motive power, and time was generally no object. About three or four miles might be covered in a day, while in difficult country progress would be much slower. In the shaping of the bottom of the canoe, the wearing-away by friction of the haulage was allowed for; but, if it did not come up to expectations, then, at one of the halts, more was chipped off with the axe (adze), and thus the weight was lessened.

When salt water had been reached the final fitting-out was proceeded with. The topside planks were lashed on and the seams caulked in the manner above described. In all cases the lashings were passed through small holes bored with pieces of sharp flint called tuhua. The handsomely carved bow-piece or figurehead, and the stern-piece, were also fixed in position. The only decking was a grating made of sticks lashed together and resting on cross-pieces supported by long rests on each side running the length of the canoe. There were holes at intervals for bailing out water, and for other purposes. It is interesting to note that in the splendid specimen in the Auckland Museum, the "Toki-a-tapiri" (which, by the way, comes from Hawke's Bay), the lashing that binds the topsides to the hull also holds in position the long rests inside and the long strake-pieces (covering-battens) outside. The thwarts, which were lashed across on top, each consisted, among the Ngapuhi, either of two or three sticks placed close together, or of one stout piece, as in the "Toki-a-tapiri."

At last the time for launching has come. With solemn formula chanted by the priest the canoe is thrust into the water. Then, laden with its full complement of men—paddlers and others—and with additional weight equal to that of the weapons and stores usually carried, it had to pass a test of efficiency. If the wake it left followed the canoe too much, this showed that it was not shaped so as to cut through the water well and swiftly. Accordingly it was turned upwards in shallow water, and the hull was adzed and chipped until the required result had been obtained. Not until it was a finished and perfect craft were the decorations of huia [?] feathers mounted at the bow and at the stern.

One of the very last things was to paint the canoe. Most of the hull received two coats of red paint, made of kokowai (red ochre) mixed with shark-oil; for the rest black was used. To obtain this a fire was made with heart of kauri or of rimu, or of both, and a kind of plank was placed over the smoke to catch the soot; this, carefully scraped off and mixed with shark-oil, supplied the ebony hue. The carvings might also be partially or wholly blackened. In the "Toki-a-tapiri" the ends of the craft are black, diversified with curves and figurings in red.

In the above article we have as good a description of the making of a canoe as could be given in the space occupied. It is assuredly the best yet published. We would have welcomed an explanation of the hafting of the tool used in bruising the top and bottom lines page 71of the scarf: probably it was hafted axially on a fairly long shaft, as was done in other districts. The felling of a tree 7 ft. in diameter in two days by this process would certainly be very quick work. Old natives usually say that the task occupied about five days, and even that seems but little when considering the extremely primitive methods employed. In regard to the procuring of long planks for top-strakes, it is doubtful if the Maori ever succeeded in splitting a large log 50 ft. or 60 ft. in length; on the contrary, each plank was hewn out of a solid log by a slow process of dubbing down. The securing of ropes for hauling is not clear, but apparently three were used; and the writer gives no account of the hauling-songs chanted by fugleman and workers, by means of which concerted action was gained. The dovetail employed in fitting together the parts of a composite hull was usually rectangular, not V-shaped. Again, it is doubtful if tuhua (obsidian) was employed for drill-points or chisel, being much too brittle for such a purpose. Mata (flint and chert) or kiripaka (quartz and quartzite) were used for such purposes.

Thwarts consisting of several sticks would certainly not be employed in any superior canoe. The remark concerning the decorations of huia feathers must be looked at askance. These birds were found only in the southern part of the Island; a few of their plumes (tail rectrices) reached the Ngapuhi district, but would probably be used only as head-ornaments.

A brief account of the making of a canoe, contributed by Mr. Barstow, was published in volume 11 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute.

We will now accompany our Maori friends to the forest and observe their labours from the selection and felling of the tree through the processes of dubbing down, hollowing out, hauling from the forest, and fitting, even to the launching of the vessel; after which we will note methods of propulsion, and make a voyage across the Great Ocean of Kiwa in order to observe the forms and manipulation of deep-sea-going vessels.

The timbers used in canoe-making were totara (Podocarpus totara), kauri (Agathis australis), mangeao (Litsaea calicaris), rimu (Dacrydium cupressinum), kahikatea (Podocarpus dacrydioides), matai (Podocarpus spicatus).

Of these timbers the first two were the most highly valued, and totara the most commonly employed, its distribution being a wide one, while the kauri pine is confined to the northern part of the North Island. The other timbers named were employed in cases where neither of the first two was available. Colenso, a very early page 72settler, wrote: "For canoes, the natives from the Thames northwards generally use the kauri, and the southern natives the totara, which was preferred by all; the kahikatea was also often used for this purpose … for the carved figureheads the pukatea was generally used, while the ornamental carved work of the sterns was made of matai or totara … canoe-paddles were made of manuka."

The author of Maoria speaks of "mangeao, that incomparable timber for canoe or boat building. Light as a cork, tough and durable as oak, no timber floats like it." Its, range, however, was restricted, and it was a much more difficult timber to work than totara or kauri. Occasionally drift logs of a suitable kind were found in rivers. In an article by "Crayon" in the New Zealand Journal of 1842, the writer, in describing native industries, says: "At other times the men are employed in making seines for fishing, in making canoes, raising totara trees of immense size from the depths of rivers for that purpose, where they have been embedded from time immemorial."

On the east coast totara was the principal timber used in canoe-making, the kauri tree being confined to the northern part of the Island. Rimu, kahikatea, and matai (Dacrydium cupressinum, Podo-carpus dacrydioides, P. spicatus) were also occasionally used. There was a canoe made of the latter timber in the Wai-kare-moana Lake some years ago.

Adepts selected a tree when a canoe was to be made, and such men could tell, by looking at a tree, whether the trunk thereof was sound or otherwise, as can experienced white bushmen. They would not fell a tree that would be likely to be broken in its fall, or to fall in a bad position. When a suitable tree was selected, the brush and small trees were cleared away from its vicinity, as a sign that the tree was taunahatia, or bespoken for use, and such a marked tree was sometimes left standing for many years. For when a desirable tree was noted it might be so reserved for canoe-making, or other uses, in the future, though no timber was required for such purpose at the time. The fact that the tree was reserved was also made public, that all might know, and then no one would interfere with it. Among the Tuhoe Tribe a fine, straight-grained tree of white tawa, suitable for the manufacture of bird-spears, was often reserved in a similar way. Any person seeking such a tree, and seeing one from which the surrounding brush had been cleared away, would at once know that the tree was reserved. When, however, such a tawa tree was finally felled in order to make a bird-spear, then other folks might come and ask for a part of the split trunk wherefrom to make for themselves a like implement.

In some cases a man might repeat a charm over such a reserved tree in order to preserve it from the elements—koi tukitukia e Tawhiri-rnatea—lest it be destroyed by Tawhiri-matea (personified form of winds).

These reserved trees seem to have been alluded to as taipua by the natives, as in the following sentence: "Ka mea a Puhi kia tikina te taipua a to ratau tipuna kia tuaia ki raro, kia taraia hei waka" ("Puhi proposed that the tree bespoken by their forbear should be felled and fashioned as a canoe"). Evidently the word taipua is a variant form of taupua (to bespeak).

In some cases, when a totara tree suitable for canoe-making was found, a strip of bark was peeled off one side of the trunk. One authority says that it was taken off the east side of the tree, and this caused the wood to decay along that strip. After many years, when the tree was felled in order to be converted into a canoe, the decayed part would much accelerate the task of hollowing out the trunk. Such well-known trees, as also others utilized by fowlers, were often given special names by the Maori, as also were groves or clumps of trees in some cases. Thus, Te Whanau a Mihi (The Offspring of Mihi) is the name of a group of totara trees near Nga Putahi, in Te Whaiti district; while Te Hokowhitu a Ngai-Tawha is a grove of ake trees on the Whirinaki River. The tree from which the famous "Takitumu" canoe was made was known as Te Puwhenua.

In volume 11 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society Mr. Tone has a note to the effect that in former times it was a Maori custom to take a strip of bark off one side of well-grown young totara trees "in such a manner that, as they grew up, a portion of the sap would be exposed, and this part would gradually decay and a large hollow result, thus greatly facilitating the work of fashioning a canoe." This statement was corroborated by two persons who had seen trees so treated. One observer had seen a whole group of totara trees so marked; the process was to cut off a strip of bark about 3 ft. long and 1 ft. wide, and to chip the exposed sap-wood. Most of the trees were dead, or hollow, on the wounded side. The late Mr. John White also collected some information concerning this custom of wounding trees selected for canoe-making. That indefatigable collector also preserved the following: "When a person is about to enter the forest to seek for a tree suitable for a canoe, the principal tohunga [priestly adept] recites over him a charm known as Kimi-hanga, or 'Seeking.' While the workmen are engaged in cutting and burning the tree down, the tohunga, at some distance from them, recited the Ru-nuku charm."

In his paper on the Maori canoe Mr. Barstow says: "Canoes, being of vital importance, whether for war or as a means of procuring food, a superstitious race naturally attributed to the tree set apart for the hiwi, or hull, of the canoe some power over its future fortune; not only was a particular site or aspect in its growth deemed lucky, but it was supposed that incantations by a tohunga, or wizard, bestowed upon the living tree would increase the virtue of the wood when used. Special trees were sometimes the cause of war between two tribes; were set apart, or made tapu by a father for an infant son; remained even as an heirloom for the grandson; and occasionally, in early land-sales [to Europeans], were specially reserved."

A suitable tree was sought for in canoe-making—a straight, sound trunk of the desired size, independent of its situation. Probably several adepts would examine it, and also the route by which it would have to be hauled from the forest to the waterside, ere it was decided to fell it. Some of those hauling-routes by which heavy half-hewn hulls of great length were dragged over rough hilly country would strike dismay into the hearts of European workmen. Canoes were sometimes so hauled for many miles.

The size and form of a canoe about to be made were decided by verbal discussion and description; no form of plan or sketch was employed.

The following remarks were made by Tuta Nihoniho, of the Ngati-Porou Tribe: "When timber was required for house-building, canoe-making, or other purposes wherein was expended much labour, the trees were felled in the autumn. In the previous spring a crop of food would be planted near the spot, if possible, in order to save the labour of carrying it to the scene of operations. When this crop was lifted, then the people moved to the spot, erected huts, and the labour of tree-felling commenced." Nihoniho does not know that his ancestors had any idea that winter was the best time at which to fell timber, in regard to sap-movements; they commenced operations in autumn on account of the food-supply being ready at that time. When felled for a canoe the tree would probably be hewn into form at once, but sometimes, when first-class stone adzes were not available, it would be allowed to lie for several years, until partially dry, when burning operations had more effect.

Another old native supplies the following: "When it was decided to fell a large tree wherefrom to manufacture a canoe, it often occurred that such tree was situated at some distance from the village home, hence the people—men, women, and children—would page 75move to some suitable spot near the scene of operations, and there live in temporary huts during the continuance of the work. In many cases a piece of ground was cleared, dug, and a crop planted in the vicinity of such a work-camp, that food might be plentiful and handy. Also they would rely to a certain extent upon the products of the forest, stream, or sea." These temporary encampments while canoe-making, fishing, bird-snaring, rat-trapping, &c., were much enjoyed, apparently, by the natives.

Mr. Barstow gives us a note about tree-felling in his paper on "The Maori Canoe": "The next step was to consult the tohunga as to the day for commencing the felling of the tree. The state of the moon must be considered: an inauspicious day for beginning would surely cause the canoe to capsize, the war-party using it to be defeated, or, if not a war-canoe, no fish would be caught therefrom." This reliance on the moon in tree-felling we have no corroboration of, such quaint beliefs were essentially Maori.

We have now to consider, ere felling our tree, a curious and interesting phase of Maori mentality, as evinced in his mental attitude towards Nature, and in particular towards the forest and the trees therein. That attitude can be almost summed up in the use of the term "animatism." The Maori is by nature a mystic. When abroad in the fields, woods, or mountains he is not surrounded, as we are, by inanimate objects—he dwells in a world in which nothing is inanimate. The trees, plants, birds, fish, insects, rock, stones, and other natural objects around him are not only possessed of a soul or spirit, they are also, together with man, of a common origin: all are descended from the primal parents, the Sky Father and the Earth Mother. He proves this by relating the table of descent from the primal twain, thus making clear his position. Ever remember that the Maori has the mythopoetic nature of folk who have clung to the breast of Mother Earth for many, many centuries; his mentality has nothing in common with that of your town-dwellers. When he enters the forest he is among the offspring of Tane the Fertilizer, from whom he also is descended. He is among his own kindred, the descendants of the elder branch of his family, begotten by their common ancestor, Tane, and under his protection. Thus when man, of the younger branch, wishes to slay a member of the elder branch—that is to say, when he desires to fell a tree—it is necessary that he should avert ill consequences by a placation of Tane, the progenitor of trees and of man.

The following account of the ritual connected with tree-felling was communicated to the writer by Tutakangahau, of the Tuhoe page 76Tribe, a man who possessed much knowledge of the customs and practices of his ancestors:—

These remarks concern certain works performed by the hands of man. A person desires to make a clearing in the forest, or to fell a tree for a canoe, or for house-timbers, or for some other purpose. In the early morn he goes to the forest. He fashions a certain contrivance in the form of an adze by means of fastening a leaf to the end of a stick; it is the semblance

Sketch by A. H. Messenger

of an adze. He then prepares for his task by donning a girdle [in performing any ritual the Maori discarded his garments], at the same time repeating—

Kai te hiahia [A desiring]
Kai te koronga [A wishing]
Kai a Tane. [For Tane.]

He then, with his semblance of a felling-tool, strikes the trunk of the tree that he desires to fell—though, of course [as my informant put it], no chips will fly by using such a tool. He then recites the following:—

He ao pukapuka
He ao mahamaha
He toki henahena
He toki ta wahie
Ka pa ki tua, ka pa ki waho, ka pa ki a Tane

As he repeats the last words, "It strikes Tane," he strikes the first blow on the trunk with the real felling-tool. When the first chip flies he desists from work, picks up the chip and takes it with him into the forest, leaving a companion to continue the chopping at the tree. Bearing his chip away into the forest, the man at length stops to listen. Should he hear the sound of the tool striking the trunk he again moves on, to stop and listen once more. When he can no longer hear that sound he halts and kindles a fire by the hika, or rubbing, process. This fire is termed the ahi tumu whenua. As the fire burns up he places the chip in it. and chants—

Hika ra taku ahi
E tumutumu whenua
E aneane whenua
E raro timu, e raro take, e Hawaiki
Ka hika ki te ihi o Tane
Ka hika ki te mana o Tane
Noho mai i tua na
E tapu ana Tane
E maota ki te rangi o Hawaiki… e!

Such is the tumutumu whenua rite; the chip is burned in this fire. This ritual performance and the chip are for the gods.

The adept now returns to his companion at the base of the tree. The chopping at the trunk continues until many chips are collected. Another fire is then kindled by friction near the tree. This is the ahi purakau [ahi= fire]. The chips are burned in this fire; food is cooked. This is for the purpose of taking the tapu off, that the proceedings may be free from tapu [to remove all restrictions]. This rite is to [placate] Tane; the other, the tumutumu whenua, was to the gods. Now the adept chants the ritual of the ahi purakau:—

Hika ra taku ahi, E Tane! [Generate my fire, O Tane!]
Hika ra taku ahi, E Tane! [Generate my fire, O Tane!]
He ahi purakau, E Tane! [A purakau fire, O Tane!]
Ka hika i te ihi o Tane
Ka hika i te mana o Tane
Ka hika i te marutuna o Tane
Ka hika i te maruwehi o Tane
Ka hika i te pukapuka o Tane
Ka hika i te mahamaha o Tane
Ka kai koe, E Tane! [You will eat, O Tane!]
Ka kai hoki au, E Tane! [I also will eat, O Tane!]
Ka mama nga pukenga [Thus will the teachers be freed]
Ka mama nga wananga [Thus will the wise ones be cleansed]
Ka mama hoki ahau, tenei tauira. [As I also, this disciple, will be freed.]

This rite takes the tapu off Tane [i.e., off his offspring—trees] and placates him; it prevents him punishing the tree-fellers; it prevents breakage of the stone tools, and accidents among workmen. The placation of Tane frees man from many ills and averts disaster.

When the food [for the ceremonial feast] is cooked, then the taumaha rite is performed. The priestly adept takes a small portion of the food and chants over it the following ritual, even as you white folks repeat a prayer ere partaking of a meal. This not only completes the lifting of the tapu from the food, the work, and workmen, but also acts as a pou [to support and impart energy to the workmen]; it wards off evil influences and sickness, or misfortune; it prevents workmen becoming listless or unduly page 78wearied. It also renders them intelligent and clear-minded in regard to their work, and it pertains to Tane. Here follows the taumaha ritual:—

Tenei te pou ka eke
Te pou kai a koe
Ko te pou o tenei mahi
Tiaho i roto, wananga i roto, korero i roto
Tena te umu, te umu ka eke
Ko te umu o tenei whaihanga
Ka ma taku hau tu
Ka ma taku hau mahi
Ka ma moe tu, ka ma moe rere
Ka ma moe te whakaarahia
Whakaarahia i te ata hapara
Ka mau tatua mau wawe i te ata hapara
Ka ma nga pukenga
Ka ma nga wananga
Ka ma hoki matau, enei tauira.

This rite has the effect of removing the tapu pertaining to the proceedings and to the food. The people can now partake of the prepared food and commence the task of felling the tree.

Such was the peculiar ritual pertaining to tree-felling, as practised by the Maori in former times. Its object was to placate Tane, the progenitor of trees and tutelary deity of forests, as also other gods of the Maori pantheon, that no harm might come to the people who were about to slay one of the offspring of Tane. The first-chanted ritual, and its accompanying sacred fire, was directed to the gods; the second was connected with Tane; the third lifted the tapu or restrictions, and enabled the tree-fellers to proceed with their labours.

In connection with this curious mental attitude of the Maori towards the forest and the trees thereof the writer can recall many a quaint episode of a long sojourn in the bush. When a giant tree thundered to earth, natives would remark, "E! kua hinga a Tane" ("O! Tane has fallen"). When passing natives observed the narrator busily engaged in felling a tree they would call out, " E tamal Kei te raweke koe i to tipuna, i a Tane" ("O son! You are meddling with your ancestor Tane").

A singular ceremonial act was performed when a tree was felled: it consisted of laying fronds of certain ferns upon the stump. The fronds of the mauku (Asplenium bulbiferum) and paretao (Asplenium falcatum) were so employed. One authority states that a piece of the fern was cast into the purakau fire, and another piece fastened to the canoe-hull when dubbed out. Presumably these were viewed as offerings to Tane.

Again, in the old Polynesian story of Rata we have an illustration of how vain is the labour of man if he be not assisted by the gods. Rata fells a tree in order to make a canoe, but fails to perform the page 79necessary placatory rite, hence when he returns to the forest next morning he finds the felled tree restored to its stump in its original position. He again fells it, and again he finds it a growing tree in the morning; hence he lies in wait after felling it a third time, and observes the coming of forest elves, who chant a certain charm, where-upon the prostrate trunk is restored to its stump as before. Rata remonstrates with the forest folk, who reply' "It is not your tree. You did not tell us that you wished to fell a tree. It is for us to consent to your cutting the throat of your ancestor Tane." Then they tell him to fell the tree and cover the stump with the paretao fern. He does so, and is so permitted to make his canoe.

The following item from Crooke, given in the Handbook of Folk-lore, shows a Maori custom in India: "The Maghs, a jungle tribe of Bengal, are most unwilling to fell trees. Nothing but positive orders and the presence of Europeans would induce them to do so. On felling any large tree, one of the party was always ready prepared with a green sprig, which he ran and placed in the centre of the stump, when the tree fell, as a propitiation to (or rather as a new home for) the spirit which had been dislodged so roughly, pleading at the same time the orders of the strangers for the work."

The story of the adventures of Rata is one of much interest, but all too long to relate here in its entirety. In the longer version preserved on the east coast Rata goes to his mother in his dilemma, and she advises him to go to Ahuahu and consult his elder Whakaiho-rangi, a warlock of weird powers; whereupon the following conversation takes place:—

"Inasmuch as you are seen here, what is the purport, O lad?"

"I am distressed concerning my tree. Three times have I felled it and three times has it been restored to its stump. Supernatural beings are meddling with it—numerous folk—the forest is full of them."

"Nay, my son, those are but your elders."

"Whence come they, and where is their home?"

"They haunt the realm of Hine-moana and mountain-summits; in tapu places they dwell and move, in the regions that give upon the underworld; they move upon the breast of the Earth Mother; ever, in light and darkness, they pursue the arts of peace and pleasure."

"And how may I secure my tree?"

"Go! Fell it once more, then cover the stump with paretao, and, when night falls, bring it to me at the tuahu"

Even so Rata took the offering to the place where such rites were performed, and handed it to his elder, who held it forth in his hands page 80 and waved it towards the gods, as he chanted the following ritual:—

Whiwhia, whiwhia
Tau atu ki nga tupaki, ki nga tihi
O Hine-moana, o Tuanuku
He aro, he aro tipua, he aro atua
Tenei au he uhenga a Nuku, he uhenga a Rangi
Ki tenei pia, ki tenei taura
He aro tipua no runga no te toi huarewa
No runga no te toi matua
No te toi atua ki tenei pia
He pia tipua, he pia atua no nga rangi tatara
Ki te pu, ki te weu, ki te akaaka rangi … e … i.
Tenei au he uriuri, he pia no nga rangi tatara
Ki take rangi, e Io … e … i.
Tau tika, tau aro mai ki to pia
He pia tipua, he pia atua nou, e Io ….. e … i.
Tenei au kei te uruuru tapu, kei te uruuru rangi
Kei te uruuru i te wao tu a Tane
Ki te pungakengakenga o tau tika, o tau aro
O tau mai ki tenei tama nau, e Ruatau … e … i.
Hapai ake nei au i taku toki
Ko te Haemata o te rangi
Hapai ake nei au i taku toki
Ko Te Rakuraku a Tawhaki
Hapai ake nei au i taku toki
Ko Pukupuku te rangi
Hapai ake nei au i taku toki
Ko Manu-tawhio-rangi
He toki tipua riki (?), he toki tipua rangi
He toki tipua no nga atua
Ka whakapirihia ki a koe, E Tane-tuturi!
E Tane-turere! E Tane-whirikaha!
E Tane-torokaha! E Tane-puhau rangi!
E Tane te waotu, e!
Tenei ka tau, ka tau ki raro ki tenei tipua
Ki tenei tawhito, ki tenei pia uriuri nou
E Tane-matua … e … i.

These cryptic effusions are most difficult to translate, the assistance of an adept being necessary. It is interesting to note that Io, the Supreme Being, is appealed to in this ritual, as this fact shows that the felling of a superior tree for an important object was deemed a serious matter, for Io was appealed to only in matters held to be of page 81supreme importance. In explanation the narrator of the legend remarked, "This ritual was employed by priests when a superior tree was felled to be fashioned into a war-canoe, a ridge-pole for a superior carved house, a carved stockade-post, or a mortuary memorial."

Other supernatural beings mentioned in the above are Ruatau and Tane, the latter being viewed as the origin of trees and the tutelary deity of forests. The stone adzes mentioned—Te Haemata o te rangi, Te Rakuraku a Tawhaki, Pukupuku te rangi, and Manu-tawhio-rangi—are spoken of as tapu implements, used only on important occasions.

The following account of the native style of tree-felling was written by "W. B.," of Te Kuiti: "First the lean of the tree was debated. That settled, two posts were fixed in the ground on the first-scarf side—the side it would fall to—the width of the tree apart, and of height to allow for a scaffold upon which the labourers may stand. From post to post a straight rail was tied, to rest the axe-helve upon— which axe was not helved like the white man's at right angles, but firmly bedded and lashed in a recess at the end of the helve-pole with strong sennit. Then four slaves grasped the pole and, using the rail for a rest, butted the axe at the tree, across the grain, with might. A hand's breadth higher another groove was thus graven, and the intermediate wood pecked out with a narrower adze. When the master adjudged the depth to be just, the rail was raised half a man, and a similar groove graven, and the block between scooped out with the same tool on edge; and, if the scarf was deep enough to house a fire, such was employed to char the wood. Then the other scarf got attention, until the tree fell."

The following notes on tree-felling were collected by the late Mr. John White: Before the tree is felled all undergrowth and rubbish is cleared away from beneath it. As the tree was felled in the poike, or peg-top, style, it was often unknown which way it would fall. While the tree was falling the tohunga repeated the following charm to cause it to fall gently and so prevent breakage or splitting:—

Tena te ara, te ara ka iri
Ko te ara o Tane
Tane i te pu, Tane i te aka, Tane i te tamore
I tupu ai te whanaunga ariki
E Tane whiwhi make ngutaha ki te ra (?)
Tena te ara, te ara ka iri
Ko te ara o Tane.

This charm was recited only when the tree was to be fashioned into a waka taua or waka rnamae. The latter term is applied to a canoe that is made in remembrance of some respected chief, or a loved relative, perhaps a wife or child.

All those who work at the canoe wear but one garment whilst actually at work. Such garments are made specially for the occasion by old ruahine or tapu women, out of flax specially procured for the purpose. When quitting work for the day these garments are left near the canoe. This is a precaution, for should any chip or fragment of the worked tree adhere to such a garment and by any means get into a fire used for cooking the people's food, then all the people would die. It would result in an antagonizing of Tangaroa and Tane— hence disaster. All food for the workmen must be cooked apart from that intended for the bulk of the people, and may not be partaken of by the latter. These workmen are under the sway of Tangaroa while engaged in their task, but are working within the realm of Tane, hence great care must be taken. To offend Tangaroa was dangerous, inasmuch as the lightest trouble that would ensue was that workmen would cut themselves with the tools. Such would be the result of any non-worker eating a portion of the workers' food. Any residue left by the workers at the meal would be eaten by them at the next, ere they began to partake of the fresh food cooked. No one but the special cooks told off to cook for the workers may touch the fire at which such cooking is done. New fire must be generated each time that food is cooked for the workmen. Such food must be eaten in the forest at some distance from the canoe.

Should a person of another hapu, or clan, wish to observe the canoe as it is being fashioned, he must, as soon as he comes in sight of the operations, repeat the following in a loud tone as he approaches with a spear in his hand—

Huakina! Huakina!
Huakina i te ata tapu e mata koe
E huaki te mata tapu e ai
Ko marama hake [maranga hake]?
Ko marama te ati tipua
Ko marama te ati tipua
Ko marama hake te ati tawhito
E hatiotio, e hatiotio.

So soon as the workers hear the voice of the visitor they cease their labours. When the visitor has finished his speech he throws his spear at the canoe. Should it strike the canoe, the fact is an omen of success for the men who man her in the next raid. Should page 83the spear pass over the canoe or strike the ground below or before it, defeat is assured in such raid.

As many as twenty persons would engage in the task of felling a tree for a canoe. Toki uri—that is, stone adzes—were used in the felling. It would take these men two or three days to fell the tree, and four or five days to cut off the head of the tree when felled. When severed, then the log was turned with levers. When hollowed out as to the riu, it was then hauled to the village home and there completed.

Trees were certainly not always felled in the peg-top manner, though such a usage may have been common in a certain district. (See fig. 19, p. 87.)

In Roux's "Journal of the Voyage of the 'Mascarin,' " published in volume 2 of the Historical Records of New Zealand, are a few remarks on tree-felling by the Maori as observed in 1772. In one part of his journal this writer remarks, "Nowhere could we find, however, any trace of metals. We noticed trees cut into a triangular shape, as with us." Later on he says, "They make their tools out of a very hard stone which resembles marble, and which is very black and very hard. Of this they make their hatchets and adzes. The first they use for cutting down trees, but it is only after a good deal of trouble that they succeed. In order to lessen the work which this operation entails they hollow out the earth all round the tree which they wish to fell, and then set fire to it, taking care at the same time that the flames shall only burn the foot of the tree. When they have thus felled the tree they roughly hew it with their hatchets and smooth it down with their adzes. These stone tools cut fairly well."

This account seems to refer to two different methods of tree-felling—that by means of cutting kerfs in the trunk, and that by burning the uncovered roots of the tree. Another interesting remark is that wherein two different forms of stone tools seem to be referred to—hatchets and adzes. The former is distinctly said to have been employed for tree-felling and in the rough-hewing of the log, while the adzes were used in dressing the surface to a fine finish. It is much to be regretted that no explanation is given of the modes of hafting the two forms. The Maori possessed no tools with which to cut a V-shaped kerf in a tree-trunk, as we do with steel axes.

Forster mentions having seen a native using a stone axe in felling small trees at one of the New Hebrides isles: "The tree was not so thick as a man's thigh, and yet it was a very laborious under-taking, with such a tool as this hatchet, to cut it in two… He had already cut down a quantity of bushes, which lay in heaps."

Fire was very generally used in tree-felling. In Turner's work on Samoa we find these remarks: "They felled their trees by a slow fire close to the ground; took four days to do it; burned off the branches also, and, if for a canoe or house-post, the length of log required. If for a canoe, they cut a hole in the surface of the log, kindled a small fire, and burned down and along, carefully drop, drop, dropping water all around, to confine the fire to a given spot, and in this way they hollowed out their logs for the largest canoes."

In writing of the natives of Bowditch Island, the above writer says: 'They sometimes burned the trunk of a tree to make it fall… but usually cut away at the trunk with their shell hatchets, day after day, until it fell. It took ten, fifteen, and thirty days to fell a tree. Another plan was to dig down and cut the roots."

On page 130 of Bulletin No. 4 (1st ed.) of the Dominion Museum was explained a very singular contrivance used in tree-felling by tribes of the Bay of Plenty district. A corroboration of that information has since been received from Numia Kereru, of Ruatoki, who states that a certain form of stone tool was hafted in an axial manner for use in that method, which he had heard discussed by old men in his youth. (See fig. 16, p. 84.)

Another and more primitive contrivance was formerly employed by Ngati-Porou. We are informed by Tuta Nihoniho that among the Ngati-Porou Tribe the following apparatus was used in the task of felling large trees: A big, heavy stone adze was lashed to a stout shaft in line with it, like a gigantic chisel, similar to the one page 85used in the Tuhoe method; it was also used in the same battering-ram manner, but the gearing and manipulation thereof differed from the Tuhoe method. The shaft, with its attached stone head, was suspended by a long rope from one of the branches of the tree far above. In some cases an aka (stem of climbing-plant) would be found growing on the tree in a suitable position, in which case it would be severed and utilized in place of a rope. Near the bottom of the rope (or aka) two pieces of rope would be secured by one end, the other ends being fastened to the handle of the tool at a considerable distance apart (see fig. 17, p. 85). Several men manipulated the heavy shaft and swung it back, and forth, the stone implement being lashed against the trunk at each forward stroke. Another piece of rope was fastened to the rear end of the shaft, which rope was grasped by several men, who pulled the shaft backwards and then released it, or let it run loosely through their hands, so that the heavy shaft swung with its stone point against the trunk, thus acting like a pendulum weight.

Sketch by A.H. Messenger

When a groove or channel ( pakati) had been so cut or bruised in the trunk the shaft would be raised somewhat and another groove formed parallel to the first. Then the block of wood between the cuts would be chipped out by using stone adzes side-ways. After this fire might be employed.

The word pakati seems to be used to denote "a notch," or "to notch." In tree-felling with steel axes it seems to be applied to the bottom cut f the scarf, while the upper and sloping cut is the whaka-heke.

Sketch by A. H. Messenger

The following charm was repeated during the work of tree-felling, according to the above authority:—

Haruru te toki, ngahoe te toki, haramai te toki
Ngau atu te toki ki te uma o te rakau
Tenei te toki ka haruru, tenei te toki ka ngatoro
Ko toki na wai? Ko toki na Whiro te tipua
Oi whiti ka ao.

Apparently trees were not invariably felled in the umu potaka or more potaka way—that is, by carrying the scarf or kerf right round the trunk—but also by forming a front and back scarf, as in our method, the former being the imu tua and the latter the imu whaka-hinga. The terms imu, umu, uma, tuaumu, tuaimu, and tarawaha page 87are all applied to the scarf or kerf in tree-felling. In some cases the fellers stood on a stage to conduct their operations. They would, as they laboured, expectorate into the cut or kerf, in order to prevent their arms becoming weary. Charms were repeated over the stone tools in order that they might cut well. Chips were left at the base of the tree. If taken away or burned, some ill fortune would follow— the task would never be finished.

Tuta Nihoniho tells us that the scarf in tree-felling is termed uma in the Waiapu district, and was often carried right round the tree by men who used stone adzes sideways—that is, in a horizontal position. When carried in a little distance, a fire was then kindled in it to continue the process. Any part of the tree-trunk that it was not desired should be burned was covered by plastering wet clay over it. A curious apparatus was constructed in order to confine the fire within

Dominion Museum photo

the uma—that is, against that part of the trunk it was desired to burn. A number of tall posts were set up in the form of a circle round the tree and a little distance out from the base thereof. A stout aka (stem of climbing-plant) was then bound to these posts in a horizontal position, and at a height considerably superior to that of the uma. Then long, stout green poles—saplings—were placed in a slanting position with their lower ends on the bottom cut of the uma and leaning against the aka ring rails. Fires were now kindled in the scarf, or uma, at several places round the trunk, and wood piled on page 88them, such heap of fuel being contrived so as to extend for some distance up the sloping poles. This apparatus, it will be seen, is funnel-shaped, and its object is to confine the fuel to the uma where it is desired to burn the tree, for until the fire and adze had eaten far into a big tree there was no support for the quantity of fuel that it was necessary to use. As the bottom parts of the green poles were destroyed by the fire, such poles were slid down the aka and their bases pushed into the kerf. As the fuel burned away, that piled higher up the supporting poles slid down into the uma and against the tree-trunk. When a pole became too short, another one was inserted. This fire was kept burning for perhaps three days, then extinguished or allowed to die out, and then the stone adzes again came into use to chip off the charred wood and bruise the uncharred surface beyond, to loosen the fibres thereof (a condition expressed by the term hunga-hunga) so that it would be more readily destroyed by fire. Then the fire was again kindled in the cut. (See fig. 18, p. 86.)

By this process it will be seen that the scarf or cut extended right round the tree. Thus, in the case of trees that stood upright and were balanced as regards limbs, there was an element of doubt as to what direction they would fall in. In such cases, when the directing experts saw that the tree was sufficiently weakened, they stopped the work, and the workmen retired. Then at night the tohunga (shaman, adept) would, by means of a certain rite, call upon the wind to rise and cause the tree to fall in the desired direction. Should such a tree so fall, the fact is accepted as a good omen—the canoe made from that tree will be a lucky one; but if the tree falls in a wrong direction, then an unlucky canoe results—it will probably be capsized at sea.

The bushman says, "You can fell a tree three ways, but if you peg-top her, like a new-chum 'Scandy,' then she is liable to fall fourteen ways."

The following is a maxim of tree-fellers: Te totara wahi rua, he aitua; kia kotahi, he waimarie (The totara tree that splits in its fall is a harbinger of ill luck; that which remains whole betokens good luck).

The evidence shows that the common method of felling was to form by a punching process two parallel and horizontal grooves, then to remove the timber between the two grooves by either using a stone adze sideways, or by splitting it out with a heavy stone tool lashed to a long, heavy handle, and used as a huge chisel. These stone tools were very poor implements wherewith to cut across the grain of timber. In most cases fire was used to assist the process.