The War Effort of New Zealand

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Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey, P.C. (Prime Minster of New Zealand).

The War Effort of New Zealand A Popular History of(a) Minor Campaigns in which New Zealanders took part;(b) Services not fully dealt with in the Campaign Volumes(c) The Work at the Bases. Edited byLt. H. T. B. Drew,Canterbury Infantry Regiment, N.Z.E.F. Printed and Published under the Authority of the New Zealand Government by Whitcombe and Tombs Limited auckland, christchurch, dunedin, wellington 1923

Dedicated to Our Immortal Dead.

Contents.

Chapter Page I. —The Supply of Reinforcements during the War 1 By Lieut.-Colonel J. L. Sleeman, I.G.S. II. —The Seizure and Occupation of Samoa 23 By Sergeant S. J. Smith. III. —The Senussi Campaign 42 By Lieut.-Colonel W. S. Austin, D.S.O. IV. —The Work of the "Philomel" 63 By Captain Hall-Thompson, R.N. V. —New Zealand Army Nurses 87 By Miss H. Maclean, Matron-in-Chief. VI. —The New Zealand Hospitals at salonica 105 By Brig.-Gen. Sir D. J. McGavin, D.S.O., D.G.M.S. in egypt 113 By Major Bowerbank. in the united kingdom 115 By Lieut.-Col. Myers. VII. —The New Zealand Hospital Ships 127 By Lieut.-Colonel J. S. Elliott. VIII. —New Zealand Dental Corps 138 By Lieut.-Colonel T. A. Hunter, D.D.S. IX. —New Zealand Veterinary Corps 149 By Dr. C. J. Reakes. X. —Repatriation 163 By W. H. Montgomery. XI. —War Relief and Patriotic Societies 176 By L. O. H. Tripp. XII. —The Peace Conference 197 XIII. —Education in the N.Z.E.F. 220 By Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, C.M.G. XIV. —War Finance 233 By the Editor. XV. —The New Zealand Camps in England 244 By the Editor.

His Excellency the Governor-General announcing the outbreak of War between the British Empire and Germany.

Preface.

A number of the chapters comprising this volume had already been written when the Hon. Sir James Allen, who was then Minister for Defence, left for London to become High Commissioner for New Zealand, and the Hon. J. G. Coates, his successor in office, became responsible for its production. Later, the Hon. Sir R. Heaton Rhodes succeeded to the Defence portfolio, and has been the Minister in charge of the work. The intention of the history, as set out by the Hon. Sir James Allen in the preface of Volume I., is: "To deal with (a) the minor campaigns in which New Zealanders took part; (b) services which are not fully dealt with in the campaign volumes; (c) the story of the work at the bases—the efforts of our women abroad and in New Zealand, our hospitals, and the raising and the training of the men."

Some of the chapters were not completed by those to whom they were allotted and for these the editor, who was appointed after the departure of Sir James Allen, has had to be responsible.

It is considered advisable to include in this preface a brief outline of the Dominion's state of preparedness at the outbreak of war, and, also, a few facts regarding some sections of our war activities outside the defined scope of the chapters of the volume.

New Zealand may be described as having been in a state of semi-preparedness when war broke out; she was still in the midst of her work upon a newly-inaugurated scheme for the organisation of her defence resources. This scheme had its foundation in the Defence Act of 1909 which established the principle of universal training. The declaration of war found the Dominion with her territorial organisation complete and her forces fairly well trained, her coast-defences effective, the details well forward in connection with the despatch of an expeditionary force (on a purely voluntary basis) which had been promised the Mother Country in the event of war; but with work still to be done in the organisation of other branches of the service. Especially was this so in the matter of equipment for the field forces. For much of the material that New Zealand required she was dependent upon Great Britain, and supplies on the outbreak of war became unobtainable. Of military clothing, which was producible by her own mills, she had provision for immediate requirements. The Defence Act, 1909, which displaced the old volunteer system, had remodelled the defences of the Dominion on a territorial basis embodying the principles of universal service between certain ages. It provided for a territorial force, or fighting strength, fully equipped for modern requirements, of thirty thousand men. These troops, with the territorial reserve, formed the first line; and the second line comprised rifle clubs and training sections. Under the terms of the Act every male, unless physically unfit, was required to take his share of the defence of the Dominion. The Act provided for the gradual military training of every made from the age of fourteen years to twenty-five, after which he was required to serve in the reserve up to the age of thirty. From the age of twelve to fourteen every boy at school performed a certain amount of military training, and on leaving was transferred to the senior cadets, with whom he remained, undergoing training, until eighteen years of age, when he joined the territorials. After serving in the territorials until twenty-five (or less if earlier reliefs were recommended), and in the reserve until thirty, a discharge was granted; but the man remained liable under the Militia Act to be called up, until he reached the age of fifty-five. As a result of the visit to New Zealand in 1910 of Lord Kitchener, slight alterations were made—chiefly affecting the general and administrative staffs—and the scheme was set in motion in January, 1911. Major-General Sir Alexander Godley, of the Imperial General Staff, was engaged as Commandant. The Hon. Sir James Allen (Minister for Defence) during a visit to Great Britain in 1913 completed arrangements with the War Office in regard to the strength and composition of the expeditionary force authorised under the Act. In 1914 General Sir Ian Hamilton inspected the forces and submitted further advice in regard to certain details. For the administration of the defence scheme the Dominion was divided into four military districts, each of which had its headquarters staff; and each district was divided into smaller groups. General Headquarters were located at Wellington. In July 1914 the New Zealand Staff Corps numbered 100, and the Permanent Staff (warrant officers and non-commissioned officers) 211. The strength of the forces at that date was: Territorials 29,447, senior cadets 26,446, general training section 2,075, rifle clubs 8,770—total 66,738. The population of New Zealand numbered 1,095,994. The camp equipment held in stock immediately prior to the war was as follows:—Circular tents 3,577, marquees 145, ground sheets 19,986, operating tents 30. The military organisation, when war broke out, had not sufficiently progressed to supply the administrative brances of:—an Army Pay Corps, Base Records, Ordnance Department, and an Army Service Corps. The scheme, however, provided for these branches, and the completion of their formation was immediately undertaken.

When war broke out New Zealand had no warships worthy of the name in her immediate waters. The unsatisfactory state of her naval affairs had been exercising the minds of the Dominion leaders; indeed it was a subject of keen debate in the Houses of Parliament at the very time that the war clouds were gathering in Europe. At the Imperial Defence Conference in London in 1909 an agreement had been arrived at with the Home Government for the establishment of a section of the Imperial Fleet, to consist of three units, in the East Indies, Australia and the China Seas. Under this agreement it was arranged that the Dominion's gift ship New Zealand, should be the flag-ship of the China unit, and that seven vessels of this unit should be stationed in peace time in New Zealand waters, the ships to be manned, as far as possible, by New Zealand officers and men. Subsequent events made it necessary to revise the arrangement entered into, and H.M.S. New Zealand was stationed in English waters. Only three small and almost obsolete vessels of the former Australasian Squadron had their headquarters in New Zealand waters. In 1913, the New Zealand Minister of Defence, during his visit to England discussed the situation with the Admiralty. They offered him two light vessels of the old Australasian Squadron. The New Zealand Government, however, decided that this was too great a departure from the 1909 agreement and asked that two ships of the Bristol type he substituted, offering, if that were done, to increase the annual subsidy. This proposal was not agreed to, the Secretary for State cabling that the Bristol cruisers were required elsewhere, and that they would be superfluous in New Zealand waters. Mr. Massey, the Prime Minister, then (in 1913), announced that if nothing were done by the Admiralty in 1914 Parliament would be asked by the Government to agree to the building of a fast cruiser, probably of the Bristol type, for the protection of New Zealand's trade in her own waters. At the same time New Zealanders were being trained for the navy, and H.M.S. Philomel was taken over. With the Philomel came a Naval Adviser to New Zealand. The other old cruisers sent to New Zealand were the Psyche and Pyramus.

Such, in brief, was the degree of military and naval preparedness when war broke out. It should also be mentioned that virtually the only rifles in the Dominion at the time were old pattern .303 Lee Enfield weapons which had been procured in Canada by the Minister for Defence the previous year, at the price of one dollar each. These were the only British rifles obtainable at the time and were intended for the use of the senior cadets. They were destined to be the arm of the New Zealanders at Gallipoli, for the Mother Country had found it impossible to re-equip the New Zealand force in time for that offensive. The rifles were without the charger loader. Until 1917 no other weapon was available for training purposes in New Zealand; the troops made their first acquaintance with the service rifle in training camps in England. The Dominion, also, was considerably denuded of field guns, howitzers, machine guns and ammunition in order to equip the Main Body and early reinforcements. Small arms ammunition was manufactured within the Dominion.

The New Zealand War Expenses branch came into existence on August 8th under special legislation in the Public Revenues Amendment Act, 1914, which provided for the establishment of a "War Expenses Account," from which moneys were to be expended "for such purposes as the Minister of Defence thinks fit in connection with the defence of New Zealand or any part of the British Empire, or for the purpose of assisting in the carrying on of any war in which His Majesty is for the time being engaged." The New Zealand Treasury Department was drawn upon for a controlling officer. No previous experience existed upon which to build the necessary organisation. Space was allotted the branch in a small corner of the Wellington military barracks, and operations were commenced with a staff of one typist and three clerks. But growth, as can easily be imagined, was extremely rapid. At the end of the war the staff had increased to 400, and long before that time a special building had had to be erected to provide adequate accommodation. The ramifications of the pay office developed along much the same lines as in other armies, though the distance of the over-seas pay branches from the Dominion base at times added new problems. On December 31st, 1918, there had passed through the office in soldiers' pay and allowances, and allowances to dependents, £21,523,218 7s. 10d., while the total sum disbursed for all authorised purposes was £54,448,804 19s. 0d. At that date demobilisation work had yet to be attended to and the payment of gratuities.

A Base Records section was established in the first days of the war, but not until June, 1915, was adequate attention given to this very important branch of military organisation. The serious difficulties of the office commenced when the first Gallipoli casualty lists arrived. In August, 1915, a Staff officer took charge, but in the month following, in view of the probable prolongation of the war, a civilian was engaged to act as Director and to organise a suitable system. Improved methods of cable touch with the Base Records in Egypt were also instituted, which enabled earlier defects to be remedied, and rendered possible the more prompt publication of casualty lists. Many ladies with office experience, and public servants and others rendered the office gratuitous assistance. The Women's National Reserve, a body which gave most valuable public service during the war, was to the fore in organising this work. In May, 1917, the office staff had increased to 160, of whom 62 were women. This growth continued until the end of the war when slightly over 99,000 overseas soldiers' files were being dealt with, and 16,200 files relating to various other matters arising out of the war. Later, Base Records assisted in demobilisation work, and controlled the educational and vocational activities.

Because of her great distance from the seat of war New Zealand had difficult problems and anxieties to meet in regard to the transportation of her troops. Fortunately the Dominion has been served for some years with magnificent lines of steamers, and many of these were requisitioned as transports. This service required to be considered conjointly with the carriage of the Dominion's produce to Great Britain—goods which comprised a considerable proportion of the food of the British Isles during the war, and which, also, assisted to maintain the troops in France. It is a remarkable record that the transport arrangements, during the years of the war and also in the succeeding demobilisation period, worked without any serious hitch. Worries there were for those who controlled affairs and who had to make calculations ahead, and difficulties were increased by the necessity for the utmost secrecy regarding the movements of ships. Frequently, also, Imperial requirements in men entailed unexpected increases in the size of the reinforcements to be transported, and at other times a curtailment. In the very first days of the war a Transport Board was set up to deal with all troop transportation matters. The Board consisted of the master of the Government steamer, an officer from each of the military, medical, and veterinary services, a representative of the Marine Department, a Lloyd's surveyor, a marine engineer and any naval officers available. Within a week of the declaration of hostilities two transports had been fitted up and had embarked the Samoan force. On the same day, August 11th, 1914, ten steamers, ranging in size from seven thousand to twelve thousand tons, were engaged for the transportation of the Main Body of the Expeditionary Force and their horses; and by the end of the month the authorities were able to cable the War Office that all was ready for the embarkation and departure of these troops. The shipowners had given the utmost assistance and had been largely responsible for this achievement. The experience of some of the shipmasters who had previously been engaged in trooping was most valuable. It surely must stand as a tribute to the thoroughness and excellence of the fitting out of the vessels in those early days, that in most instances the accommodation aboard sufficed, without alteration, for the continuous carriage of troops right through the war. The ships were hired on a charter, under which there was entire transference to the Government of New Zealand either for a definite or indefinite period. This system was continued until about the middle of 1917, when it was supplemented by the carriage of the troops on a per capita basis. In April, 1918, when the shipping position became rather precarious, and the utmost co-ordination of available resources was necessary, New Zealand transferred her remaining chartered vessels to the one Imperial control, and arranged for the whole of her troops to be carried on a per capita basis. Under this arrangement the Dominion was relieved of the expense of the final reconditioning of the ships at the conclusion of the war. Throughout the whole period of transportation no phase of this service received more rigorous attention than the provisioning of the troops aboard. In each regular transport a permanent ship's quartermaster was placed, and it was part of his duty to see that regulations regarding food were carried out. At the end of each voyage detailed returns were required showing the fulfilment of the provisioning obligations. On the journeys from New Zealand a high standard of provisioning was maintained, but on the return voyages, owing to the food shortage in the United Kingdom, it was difficult to achieve the same satisfactory results. Liquor was strictly prohibited aboard all New Zealand transports. It would be very easy to compile an interesting volume solely upon the records of the New Zealand transport service during the war. Experiences were many and varied. Some of the troopships made as many as eleven voyages. Each was known only by its transport number. The reinforcements were despatched in convoys, and either rendezvoused somewhere en-route, or, before entering the submarine or raided areas, became attached to other convoys under naval escort. Each transport carried at least one gun, mounted at its stern, and in submarine waters the troops with loaded rifles maintained continuous watch for the dreaded periscope. The strictest discipline was observed, and life-belt, boat, and raft drills were constantly practised. It was both Providential, and a unique experience, that not one New Zealand troopship with troops aboard was sunk during the war. For this the vigilance and ceaseless care of the well-remembered diminutive destroyers, stretched out in escort on either horizon, were chiefly responsible. What affection there grew up among the men, in those watchful hours, for those wonderful little grey boats! Until the evacuation of Gallipoli the convoy route for the European reinforcements was via the West Coast of Australia and the Suez Canal, after that and until early in 1917 by way of the Cape of Good Hope, and then, when America entered the war, through the Panama Canal. Occasionally, as the naval situation dictated, there were departures from these general routes.

Another problem of almost equal importance and difficulty was the maintenance of a steady transfer of the Dominion's foodstuffs to Great Britain. Insulated ships were withheld from transport work as much as possible, but in all instances every available foot of cargo-carrying space on vessels so employed was utilised. For the first few months of the war shipping was ample for requirements. On March 3rd, 1915, an Imperial requisition of all exportable meat supplies took place by arrangement with the Dominion producers, and an organisation was set up, with the Prime Minister at its head, to deal with this matter. Export to countries other than Britain "or such places as may be specified by the Government" had already been forbidden. Later the requisition extended to dairy produce, and certain other commodities, satisfactory terms regarding prices, payments, storage and carriage being agreed upon. The Mother Country had thus to make her own arrangements for transporting the Dominion's produce, duties which were carried out by a Shipping Controller in London. In the Dominion, representatives of overseas shipping lines set up a committee which controlled and allotted the available tonnage from time to time. Warned by one experience early in 1915, when there was a considerable blockage of works, the freezing companies rapidly set about providing additional storage capacity. The supply of ships continued fairly satisfactory notwithstanding that at June 1st, 1917, twelve insulated vessels engaged in the New Zealand trade, with a total carrying capacity of 1,103,800 sixty-pound carcases, had been sunk by the enemy. Many times the Prime Minister had to make urgent representations to the British Shipping Controller in order to obtain relief for the New Zealand stores. There was always an adequate response. On the whole the Dominion came extremely well through the war in the matter of shipping, and there is to her credit, and to the credit of her merchant service, and equally to the British Navy, which guarded the waterways, the record of 160 million pounds worth of produce shipped to Great Britain from these distant ports during the war. At the termination of hostilities nineteen insulated New Zealand steamers had been sunk.

In the first chapter of this history mention is made of the Dominion's successful fulfilment of all her undertakings in regard to the supply of men. For the first two years of the war the volunteer system more than sufficed for all requirements, and probably would have continued to do so, but its unfairness, and the necessity for conserving the interests of essential industries within the Dominion, led to the adoption of the ballot system. Under the volunteer system the names and addresses of applicants were recorded at the recruiting offices and the men were urged to continue at their avocations until called up, the desire being to dislocate industry as little as possible. The enlistment of married men was discouraged. A National Registration Act was passed in 1915 authorising a compilation of the names of males between the ages of 17 and 60 years with the view of ascertaining the resources of the Dominion both in regard to fighting strength and for the maintenance of industry. Men between the ages of 19 and 45 years were required to state in their returns their willingness or unwillingness to serve beyond New Zealand. The results of the Register were available by March 16th, 1916. From it rolls were prepared for each county, borough, or town, with which local recruiting committees were supplied. Public opinion, however, moved strongly in the direction of universal service and on August 1st, 1916, the Military Service Act was passed. This legislation entailed enlistment upon males between the ages of 20 and 45 years, The eligible men of the Dominion automatically became a "Reserve," and were divided into two divisions. The First Division consisted of unmarried men, those who had been married subsequently to May 1st, 1916, and widowers with no children. The Second Division comprised all other reservists, who were sub-divided into six classes according to the number of children. The Act provided for calling up by public ballot as men were required, but each man so called up had the right of appeal on certain defined grounds. To hear these appeals special boards were appointed. The men were called up to be medically examined, and according to their physical condition were classified: "A" fit for active service; "B1" able to be made fit by medical attention; "C1" likely to become fit for service overseas after special training; "C2" permanently unfit for active service but fit for service in New Zealand; "D" permanently unfitted for any service whatever. Voluntary enlistments were still accepted, and many men so offered themselves. The organisation for the administration of the Act was supplied chiefly by the Government Census and Statistical Department, which was assisted by certain auxiliary committees. The whole was under the direction of the Minister for Defence. The Post and Telegraph Department, the Police, and other departments, gave valuable assistance. Operating conjointly with the organisations set up under the Military Service Act was a National Efficiency Board appointed in February, 1917, for the purpose of organising industries during the war. The Board was required "to report upon industries essential, workers necessary to be retained, to recommend such measures as might be considered necessary to reduce the cost of living, to advise as to the organisation of all labour in the community should occasion require it, and to initiate proposals for carrying on farms or businesses of men called to the colours."

In October, 1915, a Board of Trade, under the Minister for Finance (the Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Ward) was established, the chief function of which was to enquire into the cost of living and to make recommendations to the Government in regard thereto.

To control the purchase of defence stores, etc., the Government, in August, 1915, established a Munitions Board and appointed the Hon. A. M. Myers Minister-in-Charge. The Board obtained honorary assistance from leading business men, and other expert advisers. Its first work was to overcome a temporary shortage of military supplies, chiefly of clothing and boots, which threatened towards the end of 1915. Valuable work was done in co-ordinating and organising the available manufacturing resources, and considerable economies were effected in consequence. A clothing and boot reserve was built up, and standardisation in manufacture was generally encouraged. Early in 1918 the Dominion was able to ship to the New Zealand forces abroad a very large supply of all articles of military clothing and footwear.

A very great convenience to soldiers in New Zealand during the war was the opportunity afforded by the Public Trust Office of having wills drawn up for them by one of its solicitors who regularly attended the camps. In all 9,364 wills were so drawn up and deposited with the Public Trustee. This Office also acted as attorney for soldiers, and administered deceased soldiers' estates.

No chapter has been included in this history recounting the experiences of the New Zealand Pack Wireless Troop which rendered valuable services in Mesopotamia and Persia, This unit was formed in New Zealand entirely from the Post and Telegraph Service and it sailed on March 4th, 1916, reaching Basra on April 16th. In May a move was made up into the interior. Fever, diarrhoea, and dysentery were early foes, four of the troop died, and the majority passed through hospital. On July 4th the unit was amalgamated with the Australian Squadron. The New Zealanders became so prostrated with sickness—the temperature often stood at 126 degrees in the shade—that they were unable to furnish two full stations, and it was not until reinforcements arrived in December, 1916, that they became again a full troop. Splendid work was done. In Mesopotamia the men were in the thick of the fighting, especially at the memorable crossing of Shumran in March, 1917, and during the pursuit of the Turks to Bagdad. Later they were sent to Persia where life was quite fresh to them and full of interest. Kermanshah was ultimately reached. In June, 1918, when the enemy became subdued in the East, the troop was withdrawn and sent to France, where it became merged in the New Zealand Divisional Signallers. Several of the personnel received commissions and a number of decorations were won.

The narrative of the New Zealand war effort is by no means exhausted. There is for instance a wealth of detail available regarding the training of the troops in New Zealand, the general organisation of the camps and their early vicissitudes, the rapid development, as Imperial requirements become stabilised, of an effective and orderly system of military preparation. There is also, apart from the special sections of war activities dealt with in this volume, the magnificent work done in New Zealand and abroad by the Churches' organisations, the Y.M.C.A., the Salvation Army, the assistance rendered at home by the National Reserves, and various women's organisations. Fortunately much data relating to these matters has been collected by the Government with a view to its possible publication at some future date.

The photographs which illustrate events connected with the seizure and occupation of Samoa were kindly supplied by Mr. A. J. Tattersall, photographer, of Apia, Samoa.

H.T.B.D.

I desire, on behalf of the Government, to express grateful appreciation of the valuable work performed by the writers of the various chapters of this volume. With them it has been entirely a labour of love. Through their kindness and industry much valuable historical data has been made available to the people of New Zealand in a concise and readable form. Assistance has also been rendered by others whose names do not appear, and to them, too, gratitude is expressed.

R. Heaton Rhodes,Minister for Defence. August 20th, 1923.

Hon. Sir James Allen (Minister for Defence during the War).

Chapter I.

The Supply of Reinforcements during the War By Lieut.-Colonel J. L. Sleeman, C.B.E., M.A., I.G.S., Director of Military Training.

"Per mare per terras longinqua in caede jacemus Sic Pax est vobis reddita perpetua."

New Zealand's brilliant record on the battlefields of the great war is comparable with the highest traditions of British history. The gallant deeds and the self-sacrifice of her sons are emblazoned upon the scroll of fame, and must ever live in the memory of the nation.

It is not, however, of the deeds of the expeditionary force alone that the Dominion has cause to be justifiably proud. The gallantry of a fighting force avails little in a vast and lengthy war unless there is an uninterrupted supply of well-trained reinforcements. These cannot be provided without the loyal support of the general public. Indeed reinforcements bear the same relation to a fighting army as does a healthy blood supply to the human body. In all essentials New Zealand emerged from the greatest trial in the history of the world with a record which stands high in the mighty Empire to which she belongs. The farthest outpost of the Empire and the farthest removed from the many theatres of war, she subordinated all interests to the one great cause, and maintained her generous response to the end of the great war. The ties of kinship to the Mother Country were proved to be of the finest and strongest material by the searching test of war. Where all, both men and women, both soldiers and civilians, have done so well, it would be invidious to mention individuals. It is the team spirit which prevents wars, or compels defeat of aggressors of liberty and civilisation.

When war began in August, 1914, the New Zealand defence system had been in operation for three years. It had been estimated that seven years would be necessary for its complete development, so the scheme had not reached the point of maximum effectiveness. Some 26,000 territorials and a similar number of cadets were undergoing training and had reached various stages of efficiency. The organization and administrative arrangements had, however, reached a higher degree of efficiency than the training, and it was this which made possible the rapid mobilisation, equipment and despatch on a war footing, of effective expeditionary forces.

The Samoan expeditionary force, 55 officers and 1,358 other ranks, well equipped and drawn almost entirely from the territorial force, left Wellington on August 15th, 1914, eleven days after the outbreak of the war, and the Expeditionary Force (main body) with its first reinforcements, 360 officers and 8,139 other ranks, left on October 15th, a little more than two months after the declaration of war. The total strength of these forces was 415 officers and 9,497 other ranks, the equivalent of over 400,000 men for a country with the population of Great Britain. The prompt despatch of these forces would have been impossible without pre-war organization. If the defence force had been less efficient in 1914 greater time would have elapsed before either these expeditionary forces or further reinforcements could have left New Zealand. This was fortunately not the case and the 2nd reinforcement, 61 officers and 1,913 other ranks, actually left on December 14th, 1914; and there was no break in the continuity of reinforcements right to the end of the war. Further, on the signing of the Armistice in November, 1918, New Zealand held the proud distinction of having the strongest division on the western front in consequence of the steady and sufficient supply of reinforcements—a magnificent achievement and one which amazed those Powers best in a position to judge its difficulties.

The strain placed upon the territorial and cadet forces was considerable. Not only were these forces unexpectedly called upon to supply large numbers of officers and other ranks for immediate service abroad, but they were continually drained throughout the war of large numbers of trained officers and non-commissioned officers for instructional and administrative duties in the expeditionary force training camps and in the four military districts. At the same time rifles and other essential equipment were taken from the home units for the expeditionary force. The training, in these circumstances, was carried on under conditions of exceptional difficulty.

During the war the territorial force provided over 1,400 officers and 38,000 other ranks for the expeditionary force. The territorial force, moreover, maintained an average strength of 27,000 men in each year of the war, notwithstanding that

Trentham Camp in 1914. between 8,000 and 10,000 members joined the expeditionary force annually. The vacancies in the territorial force were systematically filled from the cadet force. The latter force maintained a strength of some 26,000 throughout the war. The expeditionary forces were therefore made possible by the preparedness and efficiency of the defence forces at the outbreak of war. This fact requires to be firmly established before the other questions relating to the supply of reinforcements can be appreciated. The greatest credit and honour are due to those who were responsible for the training and efficiency of the territorial and cadet forces both before and during the war, and for the civil aid which enabled the training of the Home Defence forces to be carried out during a long period in which civil industries suffered considerable hardships owing to the necessary shortage of man power. As in all other portions of our Empire the greatest credit is also due to those women who undertook arduous civil duties in order to liberate men for the war.

No permanent military training camps existed in the Dominion when the urgent call to arms was first sounded in August, 1914, for the universal system of training in New Zealand did not include a permanent army. Thanks to the energy and foresight of all responsible, the establishment of excellent reinforcement camps, possessing adequate accommodation and facilities for training an aggregate number of 14,000 at one time, during a period of abnormal strain, constitutes a record of the greatest magnitude.

Semi-permanent reinforcement camps were established in New Zealand during the war at Trentham (Wellington), Featherston (Wairarapa), Narrow Neck and Avondale (Auckland), Awapuni (Palmerston North), and Papawai (Wairarapa). Commencing as canvas camps these centres ultimately became model hutment encampments, equipped with all essentials for the instruction, accommodation, messing and entertainment of those undergoing training. It is safe to assume that there were no more up-to-date camps in any part of the Empire.

Trentham Camp in 1917. Racecourse in the background.

At Trentham camp the greater part of the training of all arms was carried cut until December, 1915. Temporary subsidiary canvas camps were at the same time established at Tauherenikau, Rangiotu, Waikanae and Maymorn (all in the vicinity of Wellington), during the building of hutments at Trentham and Featherston respectively. Trentham camp was ultimately constructed to accommodate 4,500 men and possessed a relief canvas camp to hold from 1,200 to 2,000 men. From January, 1916, Trentham camp became the principal training ground for the infantry and engineer reinforcements, the training of the mounted rifle, artillery and specialist reinforcements being carried out at Featherston.

Reinforcement Marching over the Rimutaka.

In January, 1916, Featherston camp was established with accommodation for 7,500 men, 4,500 of whom were in huts and 3,000 under canvas.

By a system of exchange of troops the infantry reinforcements who were mobilised and equipped at Trentham, were, after five weeks preliminary training and elementary musketry, moved by rail to Featherston camp. Here they remained for eight weeks undergoing further infantry and musketry training, after which they returned by a route march of thirty miles over the noted Rimutaka Mountain road to Trentham camp for the final musketry course and equipment for service prior to embarkation.

Narrow Neck camp at Auckland was used to train the Tunnelling Company, the Maori reinforcements and the reinforcements from Rarotonga, Samoa, Niue, and other of the British Islands in the Pacific. This camp could hold 400 men.

Awapuni camp was formed on the Manawatu racecourse—patriotically lent and well equipped by the Racing Club—and was used for the training of the medical reinforcements. In this camp 350 could be trained at one time. A portion of the advanced practical instruction in hospital duties for the medical reinforcements was carried out at Featherston camp. All these smaller camps fulfilled their purpose satisfactorily, preceding or relieving the strain upon the larger camps at times of severe pressure. That they were erected and

The Rimutaka Test—Almost at the Top. well provided represents a triumph of organising ability and of loyal support. That New Zealand uninterruptedly filled them with ample supplies of reinforcements for four years of war is an achievement of the highest magnitude. The fact that the reinforcements maintained a magnificent standard of spirit and physique and that, in a Dominion without a regular army, efficient officers and non-commissioned officers were forthcoming to prepare the training and perform administrative duties constitutes a far greater record than the erection of the camps themselves, excellent as this was.

During the early days of the war the volunteers for active service were far in excess of requirements. This is proof of

Medical Corps Reinforcement Camp at Awapuni. the wholesome spirit of patriotism and adventure which existed. From the first a sound policy of concentration was adopted which prevented volunteers from entering camp until required. This system provided ample time for the volunteers to complete their arrangements for a severance from civil life while permitting an equal selection of man power from every part of the Dominion. Had men been permitted to enter camp immediately upon volunteering, civil industries would have been unnecessarily deprived of labour, it would have been impossible to control the supply, and the limited camp staffs, consequently, would have been hopelessly overburdened.

Under the system of control which was adopted reinforcements were equally apportioned the man-power available in all parts of the Dominion, and the drafts were called into camp as required. Prior to September, 1915, these reinforcement drafts entered camp at intervals of two months; after that date, however, the recruits were despatched to camp at monthly intervals.

The recruits obtained for the expeditionary force were composed of:—(a) members of the territorial force or men with previous military service; (b) civilians without military experience. In conformance with experience gained in the past it was rightly decided to combine these two main classes for training purposes. Recruits with previous training and military experience could obviously have become efficient for war service before those without previous military training. This would, however, have considerably increased the length of training required by the raw recruit. If doubt exists on this point this assertion can be proved by the training of the "First Hundred Thousand" of the New Army in England, principally composed of spirited and gallant, but inexperienced recruits, who, lacking the example and "stiffening" given by the New Zealand territorial to the reinforcement drafts,

The Recruits' first days at Trentham. required over seven months' preparation before they were fit to take the field. The merging of the territorial and civilian recruits together, which unquestionably utilised the territorial training to the fullest advantage, accelerated and improved the training of the drafts, and in every way proved the most economical and efficient manner of training reinforcements. Subsequently this was the system adopted by the Imperial Army, when it became possible to "stiffen" the New Army by the posting of experienced soldiers from the "Old Contemptibles" who had recovered from wounds.

The supply of reinforcements by the voluntary system was comparatively easily maintained for the first two years of the war. Admirable as the response was, experience re-taught an important lesson which had been learnt in past wars. This lesson was, that, although a voluntary system possesses many good points, and discloses a magnificent spirit, its disadvantages outweigh its advantages. For example, a voluntary system of recruitment in time of war must necessarily accept all fit men who come forward. It is, therefore, practically impossible to classify recruits into grades of married and single men or to place them in a satisfactory categorical order of essential and non-essential industries. A moment's reflection will show that to permit married men with children to take the risks of war, while single men without responsibilities are available, or to allow experts in essential industries to leave the country while others remain behind in non-essential industries, is neither economical, wise, nor just. Putting aside all questions of sentiment, the death of a married man with children when on active service means a heavy financial burden on the State for many years.

It is possible that New Zealand could have met her liabilities in regard to the supply of reinforcements until the end of the war under the voluntary system. Fortunately, however, by a wise act of statemanship, it was decided to replace it with a compulsory system, which remedied the drawbacks inherent in all voluntary schemes of peace training and war reinforcement.

On the 1st August, 1916, therefore, a Military Service Act became law, brought about by a general feeling that compulsion for all alike was more just in a democratic country than the voluntary system it supplanted. Under this Act all eligible males were registered and classified and could be compelled to serve when called upon. In November, 1916, the first ballot of the first division (single men) was drawn under this Act, other ballots being periodically held from this date in order to complete drafts.

Reinforcement Officers at Bayonet Fighting Instruction.

Advanced Training.

In October, 1917, the first ballot for members of the second division (married men without children) was held. It cannot be emphasised too strongly that the majority of those recruited under the terms of the Military Service Act

Diagram showing percentage of total Population and of Male Population of military age mobilised and embarked.This Diagram is based on the 1914 population and does not take into account the increase which provided an annual increment of 8,000 men of military age. Total population 1914 = 1,089,825. Men of military age 1914 = 243,376. consisted of men who were or would have been volunteers in the ordinary course of events. To those men with large families or heavy civil responsibilities, who would have unquestionably volunteered in the ordinary course, this Act

Maori Soldiers marching to Transport. afforded considerable relief. Under the Military Service Act such men were enabled to take their proper place in the various categories without feeling that they were unduly delaying their duty to country and Empire. The voluntary system was, however, continued to the end of the war for those eligible to serve under the terms of the Act.

In all, New Zealand supplied 91,941 volunteers and 32,270 under the Military Service Act from the outbreak of war to the 12th November, 1918. When the Armistice was granted by the Allied Powers, a total of 124,211 of the pick of New Zealand's manhood, from an eligible male population of under 250,000, had been called to serve with the expeditionary force. This record speaks for itself. It is conclusive proof that, in the World's greatest fight for freedom and civilisation, New Zealand did her full share and nobly earned the laurels of praise bestowed on her by the great Empire to which she belongs.

The Maori Reinforcements

In the World's history no greater warrior race ever existed than the Maoris. A chivalrous enemy with magnificent traditions, it is less than sixty years since the last of the Maori wars against England ended. Since then the Maori has shown that he possesses the essential attributes to claim equality with any of the white races. At the commencement of the conflict the Maori sought the right to share with the white inhabitants of his ancient country the risks of war against the common enemy.

On the 17th October, 1914, the first Maori contingent, 580 all ranks, commenced its training at Avondale camp (Auckland). On the 14th February, 1915, 16 officers and 502 other ranks left for Gallipoli, there to enrich the traditions of their famous ancestors. Following this contingent, throughout the period of the war, reinforcements were uninterruptedly supplied for the Maori (Pioneer) battalion, which subsequently served in France and Flanders with distinction. Excellent soldiers and good sportsmen, the Maoris were admirably represented on every battlefield where this battalion served. Both in the training camp

Rarotongans at Narrow Neck Camp. and with the expeditionary force in Gallipoli, France and Flanders, the work of the Maori contingent was of the very highest standard.

Pacific Islanders

Possibly of all the loyal responses to the call of Empire from every habitable portion of the globe, the most unique came from Britain's most distant possessions in the Pacific. From islands which, within the memory of man were savage and barbaric, came volunteers who proved worthy to serve with the other forces of the British Empire. First and foremost among these islanders must come the Rarotongans from the Cook Islands, including men from Atiu, Mangaia, Mauke, Aitutaki, Mitiaro, Manihiki, Puka Puka, Penrhyn and Palmerston. A magnificent race, cheerful, attentive, enthusiastic and intelligent—better material for conversion into soldiers could not be found. Notwithstanding that 80 per cent. were unable to speak English on arrival in New Zealand, the Rarotongans quickly learned the language and formed an excellent company in the expeditionary force.

Niue in the Cook Island Group also provided a good stamp of soldiers 97 per cent. of whom could speak only their native tongue. The Ellice-Gilbert group in the Western Pacific supplied a magnificent body of men, all members of the Island Constabulary, many of whom had relinquished senior rank in order to serve with the reinforcements as privates.

The behaviour and discipline, and the ability of these Islanders to learn their military work, were beyond all praise. Musical to a degree, their deep melodious voices, accurately joined together in native songs, afforded enjoyment to all who heard them, suggesting in their plaintive cadence the sea-girt coral homes from which they were so strangely separated.

If the great war was an education to the white man, how much more so to these South Sea islanders to whom everything appeared so strange and wonderful. No finer proof of the strength and extent of British rule has ever been afforded than was given by these Islanders, who sacrificed everything to serve an Empire, the fairness and justice of whose rule they had learnt to appreciate.

Although many of the Islanders were well educated, a large percentage had never eaten meat until their arrival in New Zealand, while, to most, the wearing of boots was irksome during the preliminary training. They proved wonderfully adaptable, however, and rapidly adopted European customs. On the signing of the Armistice 176 Maoris, 93 Rarotongans, 23 Gilbert Islanders and 54 Fijian

Reinforcement Bathing. reinforcements were undergoing instruction in Narrow Neck camp. In all the Maoris and Pacific Islanders provided 66 officers and 2,968 other ranks of the expeditionary force during the war.

The hardships inherent in war prevent all but the fittest from participating. Throughout the great war many New Zealanders who volunteered, and were anxious to serve their country, were found medically unfit for active service from various causes. Those who were not totally rejected on medical grounds were subsequently sub-divided into two grades "C1" and "C2". The latter class were fit for home service duties only, but a special camp was formed at Tauherenikau (Wairarapa) for the physical improvement of the "C1" men. This camp gave excellent results and fully justified the wisdom of those responsible for its provision.

By means of a regular, graduated system of training an amazing improvement was made in the majority of those undergoing training, giving proof of the benefit which would accrue to a nation if attention were paid to this important question in times of peace. As a result of this training 3,528 or 49.1 per cent of those attending this "C1" camp were subsequently made fit to join the expeditionary force reinforcements, while the bulk of the remainder derived material benefit from the training received. The rapidity with which these unfit men were restored to perfect health afforded eloquent testimony of the value of the training given and its essential need. The subsequent record of those recruits made fit by this camp for active service disclosed the important fact that the majority of cures were permanent. This is eloquent testimony of the importance of such training.

In addition to supplying the needs of the expeditionary forces in France, Egypt and Samoa, New Zealand also contributed the following:—Imperial reservists—211 all ranks; naval ranks and ratings 190; H.M.S. Philomel—159 all ranks; Royal Naval Auxiliary Patrol—190 all ranks; Royal Flying Corps and Royal Air Force—192 all ranks; postal and audit officials—2; New Zealand Nursing Service—550, or a total of 1,494 all ranks.

In addition to the above, the following numbers of officers, non-commissioned officers, territorials and cadets were serving in New Zealand when the Armistice was granted on the 11th November, 1918:—(a) permanent forces—418 all ranks; (b) instructional and administrative staff, Trentham camp—704; (c) instructional and administrative staffs, Featherston camp—930; (d) instructional and administrative staffs employed in districts—1,281; (e) Territorial Force—23,000; (f) cadet force—30,000; (g) rifle clubs—7,200. This gives a grand total of 188,397 employed with the expeditionary forces, or with the defence forces serving in New Zealand during the war.

Unfortunately, it is not within the scope of this article to dwell upon the magnificent response made by the Dominion during this period of abnormal effort. Unquestionably, in proportion to her population, New Zealand contributed a

The First Stage of the Great Adventure.larger percentage than any other overseas portion of the British Empire. This in itself testifies to the spirit which animated all members of the community, and constitutes a record which will live for all time in the memory of the great Empire to which the Dominion has the honour to belong. In order that a full appreciation of New Zealand's effort may be realised it must be remembered that the Dominion is but thinly populated, and is essentially a producing country, upon which heavy demands were made for commodities throughout the great war by the Home country.

To enable younger men to take their place at the front, many older men, who had long retired to enjoy the fruits of their labours, responded to the call of Empire and undertook responsible and laborious work. Large industries reduced their staffs to a working minimum, while small employers of

To men who died at Featherston Camp. labour in essential industries were forced to work at high pressure with inadequate staffs. Notwithstanding these severe drawbacks, the spirit of determination to conclude the struggle for civilisation was never absent, adequately represented by

Gilbert Islanders at Narrow Neck Camp. the fact that 42 per cent of New Zealand's male population of military age actually embarked for active service.

Neither can the women's share in the sacrifices made by the Dominion be forgotten, or their noble efforts to contribute of their best towards the successful termination of the World's greatest struggle. Perhaps the greatest characteristic of New Zealand people is their affection for their children, and it can be realised with what feelings of dismay mothers, wives, sisters and sweethearts saw those nearest and dearest to them embarking for warfare in lands separated by over 14,000 miles of sea. However heroic the spirit of its men, the nobility and self-sacrifice of New Zealand women are still greater testimony of the spirit, faith and loyalty of its people.

Of those who left on the Great Adventure, 16.554 were destined never to see their beloved country again, and lie to-day in the hallowed grounds of Egypt, Gallipoli, France, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Samoa, and elsewhere, after making the supreme sacrifice in the cause of freedom and civilisation. May their honoured memory serve ever to remind us of the futility and horror of war, and the scroll of their names record the glory of the freedom-loving land of New Zealand which gave them birth.

The Gilbert and Ellice Island colonists recently remitted to the New Zealand Government the sum of £3,724 in reimbursement of the pay and allowances, and cost of equipment, maintenance, etc., disbursed by the Dominion on behalf of six British residents of the islands who were sent with the N.Z.E.F. to Europe. This was in fulfilment of an agreement desired by the Islanders early in the war. The payment, though a comparatively small one, was no doubt a heavy strain on the resources of so diminutive a community. It is worthy of being placed on record—coming as it does from the lonely mid-Pacific—as a further exemplification of the British spirit.—Ed.

Troops Disembarking at Matautu Point.

Chapter II.The Seizure and Occupation of Samoa. By Sergeant S. J. Smith.

On the night of 6th August, 1914—forty-eight hours after Britain's entry into the great war—His Excellency the Earl of Liverpool, Governor-General of New Zealand, received from the Secretary of State for the Colonies a secret, cabled despatch, part of which reads as follows:—

"If your Ministers desire, and feel themselves able to seize German wireless station at Samoa, we should feel that this was a great and urgent Imperial service…"

The Government on the following day unanimously approved, and immediate steps were taken to carry out the venture.

Since the first days of August, territorial units throughout the Dominion had been freely offering volunteers, and enrolment for active service commenced on the 8th instant. By August 11th a composite force, consisting of headquarters, one battery of field artillery, one section field company N.Z. engineers, three companies infantry (Wellintgon 5th and Auckland 3rd Regiments) and machine guns, one company N.Z. Railway Engineers, details from the Royal Naval Reserve, a signalling company, motor boat mechanics, Post and Telegraph Corps, Army Service Corps, one section N.Z. Ambulance, nurses and chaplains—a total of 1,413 rank and file, was fully equipped and ready to embark on the waiting transports.

On the morning of August 12th, from the Buckle Street drill hall in Wellington, went forth New Zealand's pioneers in the great war. Drawn mostly from the territorial forces, but with a good sprinkling of ardent spirits who had never before handled a service rifle, they had come at the first call of arms, full of that spirit of patriotism and adventure that characterised New Zealand's manhood throughout the long and bloody years of war that followed. Cheered

Samoan Occupation—Headquarters Staff.through the streets—it was one of Wellington's worst winter days—they embarked during the course of the day on the Monowai and Moeraki (known as troopships Nos. 1 and 2) and the same evening—only eight days after the declaration of war—were lying in the stream at Wellington awaiting the hourly-expected Admiralty sailing orders.

During the next few days the troops were kept hard at work. They were soon shaken into platoons, and settled down to life aboard the troopships. The General Officer commanding the New Zealand Forces, Major-General Sir Alexander Godley, inspected the force on the 13th; and the following day the troops paraded on board for inspection by the Prime Minister (the Rt. Honourable W. F. Massey, P.C.). On the 14th the men were landed and exercised ashore, and on the afternoon of that day the awaited sailing orders were received.

A special holiday was declared in the city, and great crowds lined the streets as the troops marched to the Basin Reserve for a final farewell by the Governor-General. A short speech from His Excellency—God speed to the troops who were to sail as soon as possible on a mission both urgent and important—a burst of cheering, "God Save the King," and then the march back, amidst great enthusiasm, through thronged streets to the waiting transports.

Saturday, the 15th, broke mild and calm, with a pale moon in its last quarter as New Zealand's first transports, under sealed orders, moved from their anchorages and headed seaward. Wellington was not yet awake, but passing Seatoun, near the harbour entrance, in the still morning, the merchant boats assembled there under Admiralty orders for shelter, sounded a rally of whistles, and the permanent artillery, lined on the fort hills, cheered a lusty good-bye as the transports passed out.

There was much speculation aboard as to what course would be taken on clearing the heads. The burning questions for days had been "Where are we bound?" The general ideas were either an Australian rendezvous, or a tropical seizure. In support of the latter the surf boats

Samoan Occupation—5th Wellington Regiment Officers.and wireless equipment were pointed to as proof of a self-contained expedition; and the fact that both masters of the transports were old Island skippers lent colour to this view. Against it, however, the force was clothed in the heaviest underwear and thick woollen uniforms. Nosing cautiously out to sea, all that day and the one following, the vessels hugged the east coast towards the north, and at dusk on Sunday evening, as East Cape was fading astern, two small warships joined the expedition as escorts. They were the third class cruisers Psyche and Philomel, of the New Zealand station.

The first two days out a choppy sea laid many a stalwart aside, but by Monday the 17th the troops had gained their sea legs and had settled down to work. That day the Pyramus, also a "P" class cruiser, joined the escort. The transports, meantime, were being painted man-o'-war gray. At night all lights were extinguished, and with its puny escort of three small cruisers the expedition set out to run the gauntlet of the German Pacific Squadron, which, mysterious wireless signals indicated, was somewhere in the vicinity.

During the days that followed the troops were kept hard at work, with drills by day and lectures by night. The chart was being closely studied by the troops, and speculation was rife as to the destination. For the time being Matufi, the German coaling station off New Guinea, became a point of interest; and Samoa, lying well to the east, fell for a time out of reckoning. At daylight on the morning of Thursday the 20th the cry went up of "Land Ahead," and many were the eager faces out of port holes and crowding the bows of the good ships Monowai and Moeraki for a glimpse of the first port of call, which proved to be Noumea, New Caledonia.

During the hours of darkness of the night just passed, the force had narrowly escaped disaster. The Noumea cable had been cut a few miles from the shore, and it later became known that the Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, each of 14,000 tons, of the German Pacific Squadron, had passed south.

Drawing inshore and through a narrow entrance, where dainty palms made of a light station a little green gem of the sea, the ships passed up to the grander rugged beauties

3rd Auckland Regiment Officers at Samoa. of the harbour of Noumea. Excited groups could now be seen ashore apparently speculating as to what this "bolt from the blue" could be; and a small fishing smack passed with loud shouts of "Vive l'Angleterre" from the swarthy rascals aboard.

Turning into the inner harbour, the town of Noumea lay snugly under the hills, with its shipping at the wharves and the French Dreadnought Montcalm anchored in the stream. As we passed the latter her crew hung out and cheered vociferously, the bands struck up, ours the "Marseillaise" and theirs "God Save the King," and our anchors went down amidst a scene of the wildest enthusiasm ashore and afloat.

Later in the day the transports pulled alongside the wharves, where the whole cosmopolitan population of French Caledonia, in a blaze of colour, gathered to overwhelm "Nos Galantes Alliés" with the warmest of French welcomes. No shore leave, however, was the order of the day; but a brisk interchange of souvenirs commenced, and Noumean hospitality poured aboard in the shape of oranges, sweets, cigarettes, and (whisper it) vile wines. Well into the night the din continued, amid the everlasting strains, from the shore band, of the "Marseillaise," and "God Save the King," in rapid succession.

The reason for the visit to Noumea—which to the troops appeared in the light of a merry interlude—was now plain. It was a rendezvous for the various ships, and a coaling point. Two New Zealand colliers, laden with coal for the expedition, were awaiting the arrival of the force, and early next morning the Australian flagship Australia and the light-cruiser Melbourne arrived off the port, giving to the little expedition a sense of security. The troops were exercised ashore during the day, and the demonstrations of the inhabitants continued during the route march through the town, and well into the night.

The next morning, Saturday, 22nd August, the troopships moved from the wharf to lie at anchor awaiting the completion of the warships' coaling, and the Monowai had the misfortune to take the ground and stick fast in the mud. "The Navy" immediately took charge of her; a tow was put aboard, but without success, and then a diver went down. Five hundred

Samoan Occupation—Medical Corps and Nurses. tons of coal, cargo and ammunition were discharged from her by the troops into lighters and the ship was rid of all possible weight. At midnight, on the full tide, the troops and their kits were transferred to a collier alongside, tows were run aboard and with the aid of two steamers she was pulled again into deep water. The ship was re-loaded in quick time, and early next morning the expedition, consisting now of six warships and two transports, the whole under the command of Rear Admiral Sir G. B. Patey, sailed down the coast, and turning through the Saville Pass, at the south-east end of the island, headed north-east for Fiji.

During the day the fleet proceeded in the following formation:—

but at nights the escort drew in close, and proceeded in single file about two lengths apart, with the Pyramus as rearguard and the Psyche scouting well ahead.

Smoke, many miles away on the horizon, caused a stir through the ships at daybreak next morning. The Melbourne left the line like a flash and was off at full steam for the place. It proved, however, to be nothing more interesting than a Norwegian collier bound from Newcastle to San Francisco. Needless to say a sharp lookout was being kept for the enemy ships.

On the morning of the 26th, in close heat and drizzling rain the expedition entered Suva harbour. A perky little quick-firer, placed there at the outbreak of war, commanded the entrance, and the Sea Lark was at the wharf having lately arrived from the Solomons, glad to be out of the way of the German ships.

Unlike Noumea, there was no demonstration at Suva. A woolly-headed Fijian dived off the wharf for the ship's shore line, and the wharf was under a strong guard of Fijian Constabulary.

Ten Legion-of-Frontiersmen were taken aboard the

The New Zealand Engineers at Samoa. Moeraki and were attached to the 3rd Auckland Regiment; a number of Samoan chiefs volunteered to act as guides and interpreters and were quartered on the same ship; and a party from the Sea Lark were taken aboard the Monowai.

Next morning the expedition left Suva, and the small remaining doubts as to destination were finally settled. A course was set for Samoa. Cartridge clips and equipment were served out, bayonets were ground, and water bottles were sterilised and filled. The troops were exercised in disembarkation drill, and elaborate plans were made, in readiness for forcing a landing.

After three days' heavy weather from Suva, 5 a.m. reveille on Saturday 29th August disclosed through the mist the rugged backbone of Upolu, gradually taking shape as the ships approached and the mist dispersed, until large plantation blocks could be distinguished on the hillsides. The troops, dressed in shorts and shirts, and carrying rations and 150 rounds of ammunition each, were early in formation for landing, and eager for what the day had in store. Nothing was known as to the preparations that had been made against an invasion of the territory, but it was considered probable that the German Pacific Squadron had assisted in preparing the town for defence.

At daylight the Psyche, at the head of the line, had drawn ahead and soon became a speck in the distance. In an hour, however, she could be picked up from the transports standing off the coast at Apia, and flying a white flag. She had already entered and swept the harbour for mines, had placed buoys, and had signalled the town to surrender. The shore wireless, a high-power station erected at great cost and completed but a few weeks, had early that morning endeavoured to send out an urgent call to the German ships of war, but a peremptory order from the flagship had brought immediate and final silence from that quarter.

Drawing closer, the long Pacific swell could be seen tumbling in lazy white rollers over the reef which guards the calm blue sunlit waters of Apia harbour. The town, following the bay in crescent form, straggled along for some three miles amongst shady trees and the ever-present coconut

Hoisting the Union Jack at Apia. palm, and behind rose the dense bush-clad hills for ten miles to the top of the razor-backed mountains forming the centre of the island.

On nearing the reef the whole escort turned in its course and formed a circle around the transports. The Australia, Melbourne and Montcalm moved seaward, and hovered around as an outpost against a possible appearance of the enemy ships, at the same time keeping the town well within range of their guns, and no reply having been received to the call to surrender, a landing party from the Psyche, under a flag of truce, passed through the reef entrance and headed for the landing in front of the Government offices, over which the German flag still flew. They carried a despatch from the Admiral demanding the immediate surrender of the territory. Crowds could be seen rushing from all quarters of the town to the spot, and, passing through, the landing party were lost to the view of the anxiously awaiting troops.

The Governor, Dr. E. Schultz, was, by pre-arrangement, not present to receive the landing party. At the first news of the coming force he had made off at top speed to the wireless station, some miles inland, leaving the Deputy-Governor to intimate that though the territory would not be surrendered, no resistance would be offered to the landing of the force. A message to this effect was immediately signalled to the flagship, and the news ran swiftly through the fleet.

Disembarkation commenced forthwith. The troopships took up stations about a mile outside the harbour, motor launches, motor surf boats and ships' boats were launched, and the men began to drop down the rope ladders into the tossing boats. The boats as they were filled were dropped astern (each in command of a naval officer) and there they were assembled by a motor boat and towed, in strings of four or five, in through the reef entrance to a sandy strip of beach at Matautu Point, which forms a horn of the crescent of the bay. The first boats got away quickly, and had landed by 12.30 p.m. The main beach road of the town, the cross roads and bridges, were quickly in the possession of the New Zealanders, the German flag was hauled down, Government buildings were entered and taken

3rd Auckland Camp at Vala. possession of, horses, wagons and bicycles were commandeered and pressed into service, pickets were posted and the troops billeted in various public buildings in the town and in temporary camps. Then followed the landing of field guns, ammunition, camp equipment and stores.

An armed party had been hurriedly despatched to the wireless station, situated some six miles inland on the slopes of the foothills. The sun by now was steaming down in all its tropical heat, the clothing included the heaviest of New Zealand's underwear, and full packs were up, but the journey was done in record time in the anxiety of the troops to reach the place where it was understood the Germans might offer some resistance to the surrender of the station. Here also, however, not a shot was fired, the Germans in possession quietly surrendering their arms and giving themselves up as prisoners of war, having first put the station out of commission.

On the following morning, Sunday the 30th August, the British flag was formally hoisted and the occupation proclaimed by Colonel Robert Logan, A.D.C., N.Z.S.C., at the head of his troops and in the presence of the naval officers and many of the white and native inhabitants, while the warships boomed a salute from the bay. The occupation was complete.

The same day the transports, with the late Governor of Samoa and other prisoners of war aboard, left for New Zealand. On Tuesday the 1st September the warships put to sea, leaving the New Zealanders in occupation.

The first weeks of the occupation were marked by hard work in the tropical heat, discomforts and numerous alarms. Camps were established, trenches dug, roads formed and bridges built, and the wireless station fortified, while drills and route marches were carried out assiduously and guard and patrol duties gave little time for leisure. Still in their heavy issue of wearing apparel, the troops discarded it for shorts and shirts, but tropical complaints soon manifested themselves and began seriously to affect the health of the troops.

German ships were known to be still in the Pacific and stringent precautions against surprise were being taken. A look-out station had been established on the summit of the wireless mast, and in the early hours of the 14th September

The Civil Administration Staff. two vessels were reported. Daylight showed them to be two large men-of-war making for the port, and soon it was proved without doubt that they were the Scharnhorst and Gneisenau. The troops were promptly at stations, and either a shelling of the town or an attempted landing appeared certain. The ships moved close in, one actually entering the reef, when they slowed down, and eventually moved off without firing a shot or attempting to communicate with the shore. A few days after they shelled Papeete, and after keeping the troops on the qui vive for weeks, they eventually fell foul of Admiral Sturdee off the Falklands.

On 23rd September eleven German sailors who had escaped from an interned German liner at Pago Pago (American Samoa) put in to Apia in their ship's cutter under the mistaken belief that the place had reverted to German hands. They were promptly taken prisoners and later were transported to New Zealand.

The force now settled down to a work-a-day life. A newspaper was started, which as "The Unofficial Organ of the Advance Party" was called the "Pull Thro'." Six numbers appeared, issued as the unsettled circumstances allowed, and evidenced the diverse attainments of the force.

Towards the end of the year the health of some of the men became seriously affected. A few were returned to New-Zealand, and in April, 1915, the Pacific having been cleared of enemy ships, the force was reduced to some 250, almost the whole of the original party being withdrawn and replaced by men over military age.

Apart from the military control, there also arose the necessity for establishing a civil administration. Early in September, 1914, the German Government officials were turned out of office, their places being taken by men selected from the forces. Captain W. H. D. Bell, Staff Officer (afterwards killed in action in France), was placed in charge of this work, and it says much for his wisdom and organising powers, and for the skill and adaptability of the men who were detailed for this work, that practically from its inception the government of the country ran

The Battery Camp. smoothly and well. The German currency was changed to British early in the occupation. The large German firm known as the D.H. & P.G., which had a tremendous hold and influence in the Pacific Islands, was placed in military receivership in 1915, and all other German trading concerns of any importance were closed and their assets liquidated. At the same time a strict eye was being kept on the German inhabitants, and from time to time batches of them were rounded up and deported to New Zealand for internment until the conclusion of hostilities.

By the end of 1916 German trade in the Pacific was broken, and active war had passed Samoa by.

And so, up to the signing of the Armistice, the occupation of Samoa continued. Colonel Logan remained as Commander of the occupying force and Administrator of the territory. The native inhabitants continued under British occupation, a quiet and law-abiding people. The trade of Samoa reached unprecedented heights to the benefit, not of the German war chest, but of the British and Allied nations and the territory itself.

Though a bloodless victory, to the Samoa Occupation Force of 1914 remains the honour of being the vanguard of New Zealand's army in the great war, and the first of the British troops to wrest from the enemy a portion of his territory for His Majesty King George V.

Chapter III.The Senussi Campaign. By Lieut.-Colonel W. S. Austin, D.S.O.

At six o'clock on the morning of October 10th, 1915, the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the New Zealand Rifle Brigade under the command of Lieut.-Colonel H. T. Fulton, sailed from Wellington on active service. At midnight on November 16th the 1st Battalion, having disembarked at Suez, arrived in the Aerodrome Camp, near Cairo, followed by the 2nd Battalion on the 18th. On November 22nd the 2nd Battalion, with Lieut.-Col. A. E. Stewart in command, left for Alexandria for duty on the line of communications of the Western Frontier Force operating against the tribes of the Senussi sect which had invaded the western borders of Egypt from Cyrenaica. The 1st Battalion, under Major W. S. Austin, Was despatched on the evening of December 18th to join the force at Mersa Matruh. Each unit was approximately 1,000 strong.

Lieut.-Col. H. T. Fulton, to whom had been entrusted the organization and training of the headquarters and first two units of the Brigade, continued in temporary command thereof until some time after their arrival in Egypt. During the process of reorganizing the New Zealand Expeditionary Force after the withdrawal from Gallipoli, frequent changes in the command of the Brigade were made, but finally, when the New Zealand Division was formed in March, 1916, and the remaining two battalions of the Brigade arrived from New Zealand. Lieut.-Col. Fulton was formally appointed to the command, with the rank of Brigadier-General.

The Senussi sect was founded by Mohammed Ali el Senussi, who was born in Algeria in 1787 and completed his education in Mecca. His doctrine was a reversion to the original Koranic Law in its simple form. Mohammed Ali el Senussi settled in the Benghazi district, or Cyrenaica, just beyond the present western frontier of Egypt, and rapidly gained a religious following throughout the north of Africa from Tunis to the Red Sea. His grandson, Ahmed el Sherif, elected to the headship of the sect in 1902, is known as Sayed Ahmed, or "The Senussi."

The rise of The Senussi to temporal power dates from the war between Italy and Turkey in Tripoli, which lies to the west of Cyrenaica. Through the influence of Enver Pasha, Commander-in-Chief of the Turkish forces in Tripoli, The Senussi was induced to take up arms with the Turks against the Italians. On the withdrawal of the Turkish forces from Tripoli, The Senussi considered himself the virtual ruler of these districts, and, as such, continued the struggle with Italy. He had established friendly relations with the Egyptian Government, and his disapproval of the Mahdist movement in Eastern Sudan had won for him the approval of the Sirdar, Sir Reginald Wingate. It was therefore a matter of general surprise when it was announced in November, 1915, that Sayed Ahmed had invaded Western Egypt with a considerable force of Arabs, Turks and Berbers, augmented by some thousands of Egyptian Bedouin. The invasion, which is now known to be directly traceable to Turco-German influence, was more serious than the attempt of the Turks to cross the Suez Canal from the east, because trouble on the west might easily have led to serious internal political and religious disorders.

Hostilities had commenced on November 5th, 1915, when H.M. auxiliary cruiser Tara was torpedoed off Sollum by the German submarine U-35. On the following day an enemy submarine shelled Sollum, the most westerly Egyptian post. The camp here was sniped on November 15th; on the 17th the zawia or monastery at Barrani, fifty miles within our territory, was occupied by Senussi regulars; and next day the coastguard barracks at the same station were attacked.

The available enemy force at the commencement of hostilities was probably not less than 20,000. It had a nucleus of Turkish troops, with Turkish, German and Arab officers; the Senussi Regulars, a well-disciplined and uniformed force of from 2,000 to 3,000; and a varying number of irregulars. They were known to possess 6 mountain-guns, 10 mitrailleuses, and 6 field guns—all captured from the Italians; and they were also reported to have had other field-pieces and machine-guns landed from German submarines. They were well supplied with Greek, Italian and German rifles, and had abundance of ammunition. With the force there was a considerable number of mounted troops, and the supply of camels for transport was practically unlimited. The Commander-in-Chief was Nury Pasha, a Turkish officer.

Orders for the formation of a Western Frontier force were issued on November 20th, 1915, and Major-General Wallace, C.B., was appointed to command. The original composition of the force was as under:—one mounted brigade, comprising three Yeomanry regiments; one composite regiment of Australian Light Horse; the Notts Battery, R.H.A., and Ammunition Column; one infantry brigade, formed of three battalions of British territorials; one battalion of the 15th Sikhs; and the

Dabaa Railhead 2nd battalion of the N.Z.R.B. In addition there was one squadron of the Royal Flying Corps, and also a divisional train from the 1st Australian Division. The following details were stationed along the Alexandria-Dabaa railway:—The 2nd N.Z.R.B.; one squadron Royal Naval Armoured Car Division (afterwards moved to Matruh); a detachment of the Bikaner Camel Corps, with an Egyptian Army M.G. section; and an armoured train manned by Gurkha Rifles.

The 2nd Battalion of the N.Z.R.B. arrived at Quamaria Camp, Alexandria, at midnight on 22nd/23rd November, and on the following morning Lieut.-Col. A. E. Stewart was appointed to command the line of communications westwards from Alexandria. He was instructed to push out a company of the Battalion to the rail-head at Dabaa on the following day, and thereafter to distribute the remainder of the companies on posts from Sidi Mergheb, near Alexandria, along the railway line to Dabaa.

The Mariut railway, which runs along the Mediterranean coast, was built by the late Khedive of Egypt as a private speculation. It was afterwards sold to the Egyptian Government, and is now a part of the State railway system. It is of broad gauge, and is approximately 100 miles in length. From Dabaa westward to Bir Fuka, a distance of about 30 miles, a narrow-gauge line was partially constructed, but at this time the rails had been removed. A motorable road, the remains of an ancient Roman highway, runs from the rail-head at Dabaa right on to the port of Sollum on the western frontier, and passes through Matruh, which is some 90 miles west of Dabaa.

Aeroplane and Hangar, Dabaa.

Lieut.-Col. Stewart established his headquarters at Dabaa, and the 2nd N.Z.R.B., now under the command of Major R. St. J. Beere, was disposed along the line in fifteen posts, the garrisons of which varied in strength from 1 officer and 24 other ranks at less important points, to 12 officers and 300 other ranks at Dabaa.

The posts occupied were either at railway stations or in the vicinity of the larger native villages. The garrisons immediately set to work to put these into a state of defence and to lay in reserve supplies of food, water, and ammunition. The materials used for walls and breastworks consisted either of loose and quarried rock or of sandbags, according to the nature of the country. An admirable rivalry sprang up amongst the various garrisons, which stimulated the men to extraordinary exertions, and in a few days each post became a veritable stronghold.

As time wore on, however, the men's enthusiasm waned. They had come out west full of hopes of an early conflict with

>The Rifle Brigade's 1st PrisonerSpy captured by 2nd Battalion. the invaders, but they were disappointed to find nothing more exciting to relieve the monotony than the ordinary patrolling into the desert, the capture of an occasional suspected spy, the stopping and bringing in of suspicious-looking caravans, and the passing of mounted troops, artillery and transport bound for Matruh. Even the novelty of the conditions and the natural curiosity regarding the country and its inhabitants began to pall, and especially so when sand-colic became

Sketch Map of Area through which Battalion passed. prevalent. Perhaps the most exciting incident was that experienced by the garrison of a newly-established post at the village of Hammam. In the dusk of the evening of the first day on duty, streams of men and beasts of burden appeared to be converging on the post from all points of the horizon. Later on camp-fires gleamed on every side, and the officer in command of the post came to the conclusion that the end of all things was at hand. After standing to arms all night, the little garrison were somewhat relieved in the morning to find that the sudden growth of population in the neighbourhood of from 500 to 5,000 souls was merely the accompaniment to the holding of the ordinary periodic and peaceful market, warning of which had not reached the post.

At the beginning of December a company of the 15th Sikhs were sent westward to establish posts at the wells of Gerab, Baggush and Jerawala, on the road to Matruh. These, however, were withdrawn by the middle of the month, and later on the Sikhs rejoined their regiment, which had gone to Matruh by sea.

Definite reports were received from time to time of concentrations of Bedouin in the vicinity of the line of communications, but no attacks thereon eventuated. The most important of these camps was that of Sayed Harun, located near Baggush, but this, as will be seen, was dealt with by a column from Matruh at the end of December.

There was much satisfaction when, on December 19th, the Battalion was warned that it would probably be relieved within the next few days. On that date, Lieut.-Col. Ferguson-Davie, of the 54th Sikhs, took over command of the line of communications, and on the 28th the various posts were relieved by troops of the 54th Division. The 2nd N.Z.R.B., on relief, went by rail to Quamaria Camp, Alexandria to rest and refit; and on January 18th, after a tour of guard duty on the railway and traffic bridges over the Mariut Canal, proceeded to Moascar Camp, Ismailia, whither Brigade headquarters had already been moved from their old quarters at Heliopolis.

The 1st Battalion, N.Z.R.B. (less machine-gun, transport and stretcher-bearer sections, and one platoon of "D" company) reached Mersa Matruh by sea on December 22nd. Mersa Matruh is the first landing-place west of Alexandria, from which city it is distant some 200 miles. It was chosen as the British base for the campaign against the Senussi Moslems and their supporters, and the garrisons of Sollum and Sidi Barrani, respectively 142 and 90 miles west of Matruh

The old flag over Headquarters, Mersa Matruh. were withdrawn to it. At Matruh the camps of the various units were spread out between the snow-white shore and a low sandy limestone ridge, about 1500 yards inland, the crest of which was put into a state of defence and held as an outpost line. The country inland is rocky, but interspersed with patches of hard, brown, clayey soil. The coastal strip is subject to occasional torrential rains which turn the thin surface soil into soft sticky mud. Water is scarce, and such wells as exist contain brackish water for the most part only suitable for animals. Until a condenser was erected, supplies of fresh water had to be brought from Alexandria by sea. Beyond a few dry flower-stems and roots of scrubby thorns, sufficient only to boil a mess-tin of water, there is no fuel in the country.

Major-General Wallace transferred his headquarters from Alexandria to Matruh on December 7th, 1915, and four days later had his first encounter with the Senussi forces. From five to six miles south of Matruh is a table-land some

Representatives of New Zealanders, South Africans and Sikhs at Mersa MatruhLt.-Col. Fulton, N.Z.R.B. on right of middle row. 300 feet high, dropping to the coastal strip in a steep escarpment. The outline of the plateau is irregular, and ten miles to the west of Matruh it is only two miles from the sea. Intersecting the escarpment at right-angles are numerous ancient water-courses, steep, dry and rocky, and in some cases miles in length. In one or other of these wadis, as they are called, the enemy would establish a temporary stronghold. He had been located at Wadi Senaab, eight miles to the westward, and on December 11th a column moved out to attack him. The Yeomanry, aided by a squadron of Australian Light Horse, inflicted over 100 casualties and cleared the wadi. The force, which included the Sikhs, camped on the ground won. Being reinforced by the Royal Scots, the column started again on the 13th for a spot 12 miles farther west to engage the enemy, but in crossing Wadi Shaifa was itself attacked by a force of 1,200, with artillery and machine-guns. The enemy was defeated, however, leaving 180 dead, and was pursued till dark, when the column returned to Matruh.

It was evident that the force under General Wallace was not sufficiently strong both to hold Matruh and to bring the enemy to a decisive engagement; and it was in response to his request for reinforcements that the 1st Battalion of the New Zealand Rifle Brigade was despatched from Cairo, together with a battery of the Honourable Artillery Company and two 4-inch naval guns.

On December 23rd the Battalion was warned of an impending operation in which it was to participate, and was instructed to borrow signal personnel and transport from the units detailing part of their troops to form the garrison of the post. Fortunately the machine-gun officer, with the personnel of his section, arrived on the eve of the battle, but his work next day was greatly hampered owing to the shortcomings of the borrowed limber-teams in the rough wadi-country.

The enemy had been concentrating in the vicinity of Jebel Medwa, a prominent hill some eight miles south-west of Matruh, his strength being estimated from air reconnaissance and other sources to have reached 5,000 men, of whom more

Sketch Map of Area fought over by 1st Battalion.than half were Mahafizia, or regular soldiers, with four guns and some machine-guns, the whole being under the command of Gaafar Pasha.

General Wallace's force moved out at 5 a.m. on Christmas Day. It consisted of two columns. The main column, commanded by Lieut.-Col. Gordon, 15th Sikhs, was made up of the 15th Sikhs, the 1st N.Z.R.B., the 2nd Battalion Middlesex, with the Royal Bucks Hussars and a section of the Notts Royal Horse Artillery. The left column was commanded by Brig.-Gen. Biscoe, and consisted of three squadrons of Australian Light Horse, three squadrons of English Yeomanry, a Yeomanry M.G. Section, and the Notts Royal Horse Artillery. Six armoured cars and several light cars of the Royal Naval Armoured Car Detachment left Matruh at 7 a.m. to join the columns.

The plan of attack was for the right column to advance directly on Jebel Medwa, the left column to proceed in a wide detour by Wadi Toweiwia and so round the right flank of the enemy to deny his retreat to the west. The Clematis stood off-shore to assist with gun-fire as targets presented themselves.

The right column moved south-west along the Khedival motor road. The Bucks Hussars formed the screen, and were followed by the 15th Sikhs, who provided the advance guard. The 1st N.Z.R.B. came next in order, and supplied flank guards to the main body.

At about 6 a.m. the enemy gave warning of our approach by means of a flare on one of the sand-hills, and half an hour later the advance guard came under artillery fire from the south-west. The Sikhs immediately shook out into artillery formation, and the 1st N.Z.R.B. was ordered to conform to their movements. Advanced elements were pushed back, and by 7.15 a.m. the whole of the main body had crossed the Wadi Ramleh.

At 7.30 a.m. the Sikhs were ordered to attack the right flank of the enemy, the Bucks Hussars and the 2nd Battalion Middlesex to co-operate by a containing attack along his front. West of the road the Sikhs came under rifle and machine-gun fire, but their advance was not checked. They moved steadily forward in extended order, the 1st N.Z.R.B. following in artillery formation for about a mile. The Middlesex Battalion were soon able to occupy Jebel Medwa, and the right flank was thus secured. The section of the Notts battery came into action on the high ground near the road 2,000 yards east of Jebel Medwa, and silenced the enemy's guns, and at 7.45 a.m. the Clematis opened fire, her shooting being "spotted" by our aeroplane.

In the nullahs of Wadi Medwa the Sikhs met with considerable opposition, and our "A" Company was sent forward to prolong the line on the left flank. By 9.30 a.m., "B" Company had also reinforced the firing-line, and by 10 o'clock Wadi Medwa was cleared. The guns were soon after brought forward to the western side of the wadi, and "C" and "D" Companies placed in reserve in the nullah behind the guns. At 11 a.m. the left column could be seen operating about two miles to the south-west, and was signalled to change direction northwards along the Wadi Merjid.

By noon, "C" and "D" companies and the four machine-guns were sent into the firing-line, extending it to the right, and the work of clearing out the many nullahs at the head of Wadi Merjid was carried on, the whole line moving forward slowly but surely. Our battalion was held up for some time by hot rifle and machine-gun fire from a donga running forward at right-angles from the main enemy position, two companies, with the Sikhs, being on one side of this, and two companies on the other. At this stage our line was somewhat long and thin, and at 2.30 p.m. part of the left was withdrawn and pushed into the centre. This alteration was completed by 3 p.m., at which hour the Sikhs were withdrawn, apparently to avoid hampering the movements of the mounted troops who now appeared in their vicinity.

It now became evident that the enemy's stronghold was the edge of the main wadi towards our right front, along which he occupied an entrenched position. The objective being thus clear, the Battalion moved rapidly forward, and by 4 p.m. this position was in our hands. The clearing of the wadi was accomplished with thoroughness, and by the time it was completed over 100 dead were left in the trenches, caves and hollows. Unfortunately the mounted troops were late, and many of the enemy were able to escape through the seaward end of the wadi and over the ridge beyond. Some 34 prisoners were taken here, while 80 camels and a number of asses, sheep and goats were destroyed in the wadi, and a large quantity of rifle and gun ammunition brought away and buried. By this time the remainder of the force had left the field, and the Battalion formed up for the march back at 5.15 p.m.

Field Cooking, Mersa Matruh The infantry units bivouacked for the night at Jebel Medwa, commencing the return march to Matruh at 4 a.m. next day.

The casualties of the 1st N.Z.R.B. were 6 killed and 14 wounded. The dead were brought in and buried in the little military cemetery at Matruh, and before we left the station permanent memorials were erected over their graves.

In his despatch regarding this action, General Maxwell, Commanding in Egypt, specially mentions the 1st N.Z.R.B., its Commanding Officer, and Q.M.S. A. L. McCormick, Corporal R. Lepper and Rfmn. T. Nimmo. Of the New Zealanders it was said, "This was the first time the men of the 1st Battalion had been in action, but they fought with the steadiness of seasoned troops."

The immediate result of the action was the retirement of The Senussi with his Staff and the remains of his force to Unjeila and Halazin, some twenty-five miles to the west; and subsequent events show that the Christmas Day fight was the turning-point in the campaign that ultimately brought about The Senussi's downfall.

The Battalion went out with a mobile column again on the

The Rifle Brigade's First Graves, Mersa MatruhRifleman Edgar Norman Davis, Robert Greenless Blaikie, Leslie Garnet Hoskings. afternoon of December 28th, to operate against a hostile force under Sayed Harun which was threatening the line of communications between Matruh and Dabaa. The trek lasted three days, during which we reached a point five miles beyond Bir Zarka, on the Siwa route, and altogether about 26 miles from Matruh. This expedition was an extremely arduous one. The country was exceedingly trying, low-lying stretches of loose sand alternating with rock-strewn table lands; and in the anxiety to get on to the heels of Sayed Harun the customary halts were frequently dispensed with. Even the hardy Sikhs found the strain almost unbearable. The operation was in some respects fruitless, for Harun had taken alarm and had cleared away in haste, leaving one month's food supplies, 400 sheep, 90 camels and 200 tents, which fell into our hands.

Big Gun in the outpost line, Mersa Matruh.

During the first three weeks of the new year the Battalion was employed on outpost duty, supplying working-parties on the line of defence, or engaged in training and route-marching. There was great joy in the camp when our band arrived on January 8th; and thereafter we had an interesting series of open-air concerts. Lieut.-Col. H. T. Fulton, D.S.O., came to Matruh on January 9th and resumed command of the Battalion.

On January 19th, 1916, aerial reconnaissance disclosed a concentration of the enemy, about 5,000 strong, at Halazin, 25 miles south-west of Matruh. On the 22nd our attacking force, which included a battalion of South Africans that had just arrived, moved out under the personal command of General Wallace. We reached Bir Shola, 16 miles out, and bivouacked for the night. At midnight heavy rain came on.

At 6 a.m. on the 23rd we moved out from Bir Shola in two columns, the infantry on the right and the mounted troops on the left in close touch, and marched due west in the direction of the enemy camp. Distant firing was heard at 9.40 a.m., and reports came in that the advanced screen of Yeomanry were engaged with the enemy. The Bucks Hussars and the H.A.C. were sent forward in support, the infantry column continuing the march in close order. At 10.30 a.m. the infantry filled up to 200 rounds, closed up its column, and the Sikhs, followed by the South Africans and the New Zealanders, advanced to the attack as the mounted troops uncovered the front.

Soon after 11 a.m. the enemy were observed working round our right flank and driving in the mounted troops. To check this the flank guard of two platoons of the 1st N.Z.R.B. was pushed out to about 1,500 yards. The attack was pressed on, our Battalion being still in support to the Sikhs and South Africans. By 12.30 p.m. it was found necessary to reinforce the right flank guard with two more platoons and two machine guns from the Battalion, and this whole company, under Captain Puttick, succeeded in driving off from that quarter an attack by 400 of the enemy, and silencing his two machine guns. At 1 p.m. "C" Company, under Captain Pow, was sent to the left in support of the left company of the Sikhs, and was eventually brought into the firing-line there. At the same time, half of "A" Company, which had formed the rear-guard, was brought forward to the reserve.

By 2.45 p.m. the Sikhs, South Africans, and part of the 1st N.Z.R.B. had reached the enemy's main line, but the mounted troops on the left had not been so successful. Indeed, they had been pushed back to such an extent that by 3.30 p.m. they were occupying, with the guns of the H.A.C., a position nearly 1,000 yards in rear of the Field Ambulance. To restore the situation here, a composite company (half of "'A" and half of "D") under Major Kay, was hurried off to Force Headquarters, where it received orders to attack the enemy, estimated at 250 strong. This subsidiary attack was successful, and the enemy driven off; and the arrival of "B" Company under Captain Puttick, which had been withdrawn for the purpose from its position on our right flank, completed the security at this point. The position for the time had been very critical, and Major Kay was personally complimented by General Wallace on his quick grasp of the situation and his prompt and thorough action in dealing with it.

In the meantime, the main attack by Colonel Gordon had progressed satisfactorily. His firing-line extended over a mile in length, and had moved across ground absolutely devoid of cover. Desert mirage made it very difficult to locate the enemy's positions. The enemy was slowly but surely pressed back, but his retirement of nearly three miles to his main line of resistance was conducted with such skill as to deny all our efforts to come to close quarters with him. By 4 p.m., however, he was driven from his final position, and the remnants of his force fled westwards. His camp was taken, and his tents, equipment and stores were burnt.

Unfortunately pursuit was found to be impossible. The heavy rain of the previous night had converted the whole countryside into a quagmire, with the result that the cavalry horses were exhausted, the armoured cars could not operate, and the supply train was bogged three miles from Bir Shola. The force bivouacked two miles east of the captured position, at a spot where the ambulance had became immovable owing to the deep mud. The weather was wet and bitterly cold, and the troops spent a miserable night without greatcoats, blankets, food or water.

Next day, the 24th, there was no sign of the enemy, and the force returned to Bir Shola. The return march proved to be a most arduous business. Owing to the state of the ground all wheeled vehicles had to be assisted by hand, and to the New Zealanders, the rear battalion of the main body, fell the greater part of this exhausting labour. The transport of the wounded presented the greatest difficulty; they could not be taken in the ambulances, and those unable to ride had to be carried on stretchers, a severe strain upon the troops already tired out by their own exertions and a sleepless night, and still without food or water. We reached the parked transport at 2 p.m., filled our water-bottles, and in somewhat better spirits continued the trudge to Bir Shola. Here we bivouacked again, but as it rained during the night, and the coats and blankets were already wet, very little sleep was obtained. Matruh was reached at 4.30 p.m. on the 25th, after a comparatively comfortable march in good weather.

The casualties of the 1st Battalion in this engagement were one other rank killed, and two officers and 30 other ranks wounded. The British dead were buried at Halazin, but as it was discovered that the enemy had interfered with the graves for the sake of spoil, the bodies were afterwards brought in and interred at Matruh.

The Rifle Brigade's First Graves, Mersa Matruh Sergt.-Major Robert Charles Purkiss; Sergt. Stanley Francis Weir, Corporal Ernest Charles Beresford Wilkinson; Corporal Archibald Woollat; Rifleman John Matthew Todd.

The enemy had received a very severe blow, and it transpired from the reports of deserters that the effects of this reverse, following upon that at Wadi Merjid on Christmas Day, had gone far to discourage the Grand Senussi, and to shake the faith of his followers.

General Maxwell, referring to the success on January 23rd, said:—"Especial praise is due to the leading of Colonel Gordon, who commanded the main attack, and to the gallantry of the Sikhs, South Africans and New Zealanders, who fought with invincible dash and resolution throughout the day."

On January 26th, warning was received that the Battalion was to leave Mersa Matruh to rejoin the New Zealand forces elsewhere, and next day the following General Order was issued by Major-General Wallace, C.B. Commanding the Western Frontier Force:—"On the departure of the New Zealand Rifle Brigade, the General Officer commanding desires to place on record the universal regret of the Force at losing the comradeship of a reliable body of men of whom England may well be proud." The weather, however, proved unfavourable for a move, and then the departure was postponed to permit of the Sikhs going first.

The power of the Senussi having been so broken in the engagements of Christmas Day and January 23rd that any fear of danger to Matruh was practically at an end, it was now decided to clear the enemy from the coast westward, and re-take Sollum. In connection with this scheme the 1st Battalion, with a huge camel transport, moved out with the object of establishing an advanced station in the direction of Sidi Barrani. Starting at 9.30 on the morning of February 13th, and proceeding along a camel-track near the coast, the column reached Zowiet Um Rakhum and bivouacked at 3 p.m., after an interesting march of fifteen miles. While here we received instructions that we were to go back to Alexandria for a destination unknown. On the following day we were relieved by the 1st South African Battalion, and commenced our return march at 4.40 p.m. We had a delightfully cool moonlight night, and reached Matruh comfortably by 9.30 p.m. Our recall was a great disappointment to all ranks, as we had been looking forward to participating in the taking of Sollum, which would have been a fitting climax to our work with the Western Frontier Force.

The concluding stages of the campaign followed rapidly. As the force moved westward it was strengthened by the arrival of the remaining battalions of the South African Brigade. The Senussi forces were badly beaten again near Barrani on February 26th and Sollum was captured on March 14th. Pushing on for twenty miles beyond Sollum the Armoured Car Detachment captured all the enemy's guns and machine guns; and by a bold dash on an enemy camp forty miles still further westward rescued the survivors of the crew of the torpedoed Tara.

The return to Alexandria commenced on February 15th, and by the 18th we were settled down in the Rest Camp at Matras. On the night of February 28th the Battalion left Alexandria, rejoining the Brigade at Moascar Camp, Ismailia, on the following day.

Chapter IV.The Work of the "Philomel." By Captain Hall-Thompson, C.M.G., R.N.

The commencement of the great war caught New Zealand at a very precarious moment, so far as her naval preparations were concerned. At the beginning of 1914, after much argument and deliberation, it had been decided that New Zealand would make a start to train her own personnel, with the object of manning her own ships in the near future as an adjunct to the great Imperial navy. A Naval Adviser had been appointed for New Zealand to take charge of the necessary organisation for training, etc., and to advise the government on naval matters. He had arrived in June, 1914.

On the 15th July H.M.S. Philomel was commissioned as New Zealand's first naval unit with a nucleus of officers and men lent from the Royal Navy, and arrangements were made and authorised for commencing the system of training New Zealand boys, by entering some sixty or seventy to complete the full complement of the ship.

On the 30th July the ship left Wellington for Picton for steam trials, drills, etc., and to give the men an opportunity to shake down previous to enlisting the boys for training. However, events moved rapidly. On the night of the 30th, whilst at Picton, a message was received from the Admiralty indicating that war appeared imminent. All ideas of the training scheme had to be at once abandoned, and the ship prepared for war with the utmost rapidity.

At 7 a.m. on the 31st July the Philomel sailed again for Wellington, and every effort was made to complete her with men and stores at the earliest possible moment. Reserves and volunteers were called for to complete numbers, and these responded to the call, and were enlisted for the period of the war. The ship was able to leave Wellington as fully equipped as possible by the 8th August, 1914, in order to meet H.M.S. Psyche and Pyramus at Auckland, and to prepare for any eventualities that might occur.

Arrival of Samoa Expeditionary Force off Apia.

Even in those early days New Zealand had received a request from the Imperial Government to effect, if possible, the capture and occupation of Samoa. This request was promptly acceded to, and on the 15th August Philomel, Psyche, and Pyramus sailed from Auckland, convoying the steamers Moeraki and Monowai, which carried the expeditionary force destined for Samoa. At this time it was known that a large German naval force was in the Pacific, although its exact location was uncertain. Had they become aware of the expeditionary force leaving New Zealand the strength of the convoying ships would not have been sufficient to resist the Germans for five minutes. Consequently, with a large number of untrained men forming part of the complement, times were somewhat anxious; but Noumea was safely reached on the 20th August, when the convoy was brought up to the necessary strength by meeting the Australia, the Melbourne, and the French cruiser Montcalm. With this addition to our strength, and having coaled, the squadron sailed on the 23rd for Fiji with considerably more confidence. After calling at Suva for coal the squadron arrived at Samoa, without further incident, on the 30th August. As is well known, Samoa surrendered without fighting. The troops were landed, and the majority of the squadron sailed again the same evening for other duties, leaving the Philomel and Psyche at Apia.

On the 31st the Psyche sailed for Vavau, followed later by Philomel at high speed, owing to the reported vicinity of the German cruisers Scharnhorst and Gneisenau. After coaling at Vavau Psyche sailed for New Zealand, and Philomel proceeded to visit other islands of the Tongan Group. The object of this visit was to inform the King of Tonga the nation was at war, of which no information had, up to that time, been received, the opinion of the people in the island being that probably a strike in New Zealand had delayed the arrival of their ships and stores. The consternation of the German merchants, who had practically the monopoly of the island trade, was very marked, the price of copra falling from about £20 to about £5 a ton in six hours.

On the arrival of the Philomel at Nukualofa on the 3rd September, the King of Tonga at once proclaimed his

Seizure of Samoa—Landing Party from the Psyche.neutrality, and invited the officers of the ship to a grand banquet and dancing entertainment to be held on the 7th September, to show his sympathy with England. However, on the morning of the 7th a suspicious wireless signal was intercepted, which tended to indicate that the German cruisers were in the vicinity. As the harbour is entirely unguarded and open to the sea, we sailed that day with the utmost despatch possible.

Auckland was reached on the 12th September when the ship was again coaled and docked, and all possible repairs necessary undertaken.

The first expeditionary force to Europe was now nearly ready, and on 24th September H.M.S. Philomel in charge of transports Nos. 8 and 12 left Auckland to meet the remainder of the convoy in the Tasman Sea. Owing, however, to rumours of enemy danger in that sea the convoy was ordered to return during the night, and arrived again in Auckland the next day, much to the astonishment of the soldiers aboard, who had no idea that they had been turned round, and who again found themselves in Auckland, instead of well on the way to France. It is now known that the rumoured danger did not exist and that the German cruisers were nowhere in the vicinity. After this scare it was thought necessary to increase the strength of the convoying squadron, and the Philomel with her two transports returned to wellington to join up with the remainder there; but it was not until the 16th October that the expeditionary force finally left Wellington, convoyed by H.M.S. Minotaur, Psyche, Philomel, and H.I.J.M.S. Ibuki. A course was set for Albany. At Hobart, H.M.S. Pyramus joined the convoy, and, proceeding on, Albany was reached on 28th October, when the Philomel and Pyramus parted company with the convoy. They kept an easterly course, making for Singapore, and at the same time endeavouring to discover the whereabouts of the German cruiser Emden, which was known to be somewhere in the southern portion of the Indian Ocean. With this object in view the two ships were approaching Christmas Island in the hope of finding the Emden possibly anchored there, when we became aware that she had been sunk by the Sydney off Cocos Islands, about 200 miles to the westward. Had the Emden been met at sea it is doubtful whether two such old units as Philomel and Pyramus could have done much good beyond indicating her locality, as her superior speed would have enabled her easily to avoid action had she so desired, and in the light of future events, perhaps, her more modern guns would have enabled her to carry out an action when entirely out of range from the Philomel and Pyramus. Had we found her unprepared, however, and at anchor, there might have been some chance of destroying her.

The ship proceeded to Singapore, arriving there on the 12th November. Here Pyramus parted company with her owing to engine difficulties. The Philomel proceeded towards Port Said, convoying three French transports returning to France with troops. She took them as far as Aden, the time being fully occupied with examining merchant ships, assisting convoy, etc. After arriving at Aden the convoy was turned over to another man-of-war, and the Philomel proceeded to patrol the Red Sea to check the Turks in making fortifications, to stop their trade, and to hinder as much as possible any effort on their part to re-establish defences at Sheikh Syed (opposite Perim Island), recently destroyed by landing parties from other vessels.

At 11 a.m. on the 9th December the first shots in anger were fired from the ship when a large number of dhows were found building and repairing at Mocha. These dhows were destroyed, but the village was undamaged, although all the inhabitants fled inland.

It was rather an interesting sight. As the ship approached the village the whole of the inhabitants in one body departed carrying their children and goods with them, and, as the back of the village consisted of high sand hills, the whole thing could be seen. Immediately the ship turned to leave, all the inhabitants came back in a body, and, in order to see the result, the ship was again turned round, when like a regiment of soldiers, they again did a right about turn.

After patrolling the Red Sea, and boarding and examining and, when necessary, sinking enemy dhows, the Philomel arrived at Suez on the 12th December, intending to go into dry dock for cleaning and repairs. By this time the ship, which had practically before the war become entirely out of date for warlike purposes, was sadly in need of a general overhaul to make her more efficient for the service for which she was destined, and to bring her up to date in regard to her engines, and in other respects. The docking facilities at Suez proved unsuitable for the large repairs required, and it was decided to leave them until the ship could be spared to go to Malta.

On the 20th December an urgent message was received stating that an attack of the Turks in force on Tor, a large British quarantine station on the Sinai Peninsula, was about to take place. On our arrival there that night the quarantine authorities were found to be anxious and expecting an immediate attack, and a party of thirty men with two maxims was landed and located in the best positions for the protection of the buildings, the ship herself being moored in a position to support the defence with her guns. However, nothing occurred, and on the 23rd December, the news being more reassuring, and the ship being urgently required at Port Said, the landing party was re-embarked and the Philomel sailed, arriving at Port Said on the 24th.

On Christmas Day we sailed for Malta, this time forming the only escort to nine large transports, of which the Royal George was one, a vastly different escort from those which were required in the later days of the war in these waters. On arrival off Malta the convoy was turned over to another vessel, and the ship proceeded to Malta for docking and repairs.

The appearance of the Malta harbour, to one who knew it well in peace time, was extraordinary. It was full of men-of-war of every sort and description, but amongst them all the Philomel was the only one flying the White Ensign, the whole of the remainder being French ships under repair, or giving leave, etc. In dock was a modern French dreadnought with a large hole in both sides of her bows, caused by a torpedo in the Adriatic. Malta at this time was the headquarters of the French Fleet operating in the Adriatic. The Philomel remained there one month, during which time the dockyard hands worked on her night and day to bring her up-to-date with fighting tops, anti-aeroplane guns and other requirements, and also in giving a thorough overhaul to her engines and machinery. This was perhaps the pleasantest time for the officers and men during the whole period of the war. Every opportunity was taken to give them as much leave and recreation as possible; and the weather was cool and pleasant.

On the 29th January, 1915, the Philomel sailed again for Port Said. Immediately on arrival there she was ordered to patrol the coast to the eastward, and proceed, via Cyprus, to the Gulf of Alexandretta to take up the duties of patrol in that locality, and to harass the Turks as much as possible. Agents and intelligence officers were embarked at Cyprus, and the ship arrived off Alexandretta on the 5th February. During the voyage a suspicious ship was observed, which, owing to failure to answer signals, was nearly fired upon. Fortunately, at the critical moment, we realised that she was our own aeroplane carrier, who in the dusk had not observed the signal.

Alexandretta at this time was a place of some considerable importance as the idea was to effect a landing in force there in order to cut the Bagdad railway, and divide the Turkish Empire into two parts. This, if carried out, would have rendered the Gallipoli campaign unnecessary. Operations in the Gulf of Alexandretta were extremely interesting: efforts were made to destroy the telegraph wires, and continual bombardment every day took place to stop the Turks in their efforts to make fortifications and dig trenches, and generally prepare themselves for attack. The town of Alexandretta itself, being unfortified, was considered sacrosanct, so long as no effort was made from there to attack the ship.

Some interesting episodes occurred here. For instance, the Turks were ordered to deliver up engines and rolling stock at Alexandretta. This they agreed to do, but stated that they had no explosives available by which they might be destroyed. A landing party from the Doris was therefore landed under a flag of truce; the engines were run out about one mile from the town, and with rolling stock, were blown up by British blue-jackets in the presence of the Turkish Government officials. On another occasion it was understood that a large train-load of Turkish troops was coming into Alexandretta. A landing party, therefore, went ashore in the night and cut the line, then re-embarked to await results. Later the train was seen approaching, and everyone was looking for a "lovely accident." The "accident" came in excellent style, but unfortunately the train only contained camels! The troop-train was following behind, and, seeing the disaster, got away.

Many communications were held with the Turkish Governor and General under flags of truce at Alexandretta, and it was very irritating, as soon as a flag of truce was hoisted, to see German officers swaggering about on the quays. They were seldom, if ever observed except when the flag of truce was hoisted. Some of the correspondence was interesting. On one occasion the Turkish Governor threatened to murder five British prisoners drawn by lot from amongst those held at Damascus, as a retaliation for the killing of some of his people by shells from the Doris, our predecessor in those waters. This was stopped by a letter from the ship stating that in the event of the British hostages being murdered the life of the Commandant (Rifat Bey), and also those of the Commander-in-Chief of the Ottoman Army in Syria (Djemal Pasha), and of all persons concerned would be forfeited without fail. He replied that he would pardon the five Englishmen provided the captain of the Doris was delivered to him, or that he received an assurance that the captain of the Doris had been shot. The correspondence continued some time, but the hostages were not shot, and the Turkish Commandant strongly suggested that H.M.S. Philomel should leave them alone and go and look after our own islands, which were in danger.

During this time a somewhat serious reverse occurred to one of the landing parties of the Philomel. On the 8th February a large number of pack animals were seen on the road to Alexandretta, and in order to examine these packs a party of two officers and fifteen men was landed to intercept them and find out what they contained. The place where they were to land was first swept by shrapnel, and no great resistance was anticipated, as in the usual run of events at that time the opposition only consisted of a few gendarmes, who generally put up no strong opposition before leaving. On this occasion, as bad luck would have it, unknown to us, there was a party of about three hundred Turkish regulars making their way behind the hills and through the thick trees adjoining. Our party was allowed to land without opposition, but when well away from the boats a heavy musketry fire was opened upon them from several directions. The party had to retreat along a dry river-bed, which was fortunately there, and which could be covered by the guns of the ship. The party retired to near the mouth of the river-bed, carrying all their wounded except one; but it was impossible for them to approach the boat as every man showing himself was at once shot, and they had to lie there to await darkness. It was here, I think, that the first New Zealander belonging to a regular New Zealand force and recruited in New Zealand (Able-Seaman Knowles, R.N.R.), was killed by the enemy. After dark the party managed to embark and return to the ship, bringing their dead and wounded with them, with the exception of one man. The casualties it was found only amounted to three killed and three wounded, which was very fortunate under the circumstances. Agents stated that the Turks reported having killed ten of our men, captured one hundred, and also three boats. Agents also reported that the Turkish casualties from the ship's fire were very large, amounting to over one hundred killed, of whom over seventy were understood to have been killed by a fortunate high explosive shell, whilst they were taking refuge in an old castle. The spot where this incident occurred is known as Jonah's Pillar, where a pillar is erected to mark the reputed place where Jonah was cast up by the whale.

The man left behind was thought by everyone to be dead, as he had been seen from the ship to be shot while running across a field, and not to move again. However, when searching the coastline after dark with searchlights this man was observed to be alive. At once a rescue party volunteered, and asked to be allowed to go and recover him. In view of the known presence of large bodies of the enemy on shore it was some time before permission was given, but eventually the men were authorised to make the attempt. Searchlights had to be turned off so as not to reveal their presence, and a boat was sent away with muffled oars. The party landed as near as possible to where the man lay, some distance back from the beach. After searching in the darkness for some time (fortunately it was a very dark night with no moon), the party had to return to the ship without him. Searchlights were again turned on, and again the man was seen moving. Nothing would do but that a second attempt must be made, and on this occasion the man was recovered and brought on board. The search party had been on shore altogether about four hours with the enemy all round. Unfortunately the man was dangerously wounded, and he died two days later.

The time at Alexandretta was very interesting as there was fighting of sorts every day, and the embarkation and disembarkation of our agents was always exciting, as it had to be done in absolute darkness on an uncharted coast. On one occasion, on endeavouring to embark some of these men at daybreak, it was found that the ship would not move and it was later discovered that she was softly aground on sandbanks. However, by getting all the crew to dance in time on the afterpart, and going full speed astern, she eventually slid off without damage, and the agents were embarked later. It was lucky that the ship got off at daylight, as otherwise it would have been distinctly uncomfortable being aground, and open to enemy gunfire, within 100 yards of a hostile coast.

After leaving Alexandretta, on being relieved by the Bacchante, the Philomel again proceeded to Port Said, and from then on spent some time in and about the Suez Canal, where the Turks were threatening in strength. The patrol of the entrance to the Canal was an uninteresting and rather anxious task; and a good deal of time was spent in patrolling the Great Bitter Lake and its vicinity. It was at this period that the Turks succeeded in laying some mines in the Canal, one of which is strongly suspected to have been bumped by both the Bacchante and Philomel; fortunately, if such was the case, it did not act, and when picked up it was found to be faulty. Luck was not always this way, however, for the Turks did succeed in blowing up one large merchant ship in the Canal with the object of blocking the passage, but the ship was afterwards salvaged, and the interruption to traffic was removed in twenty-four hours.

About this time the situation in the Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia was becoming serious, and all the small craft possible were required for work on the River Tigris. The Philomel was ordered to attempt to tow two flat-bottomed Nile gunboats to Mesopotamia. As bad luck would have it, heavy weather was met just after leaving Suez, and the gunboats, being of very light build and only meant for river work, both sank incontinently.

View of Aden.

The ship arrived at Aden on the 28th April, and was interrupted in the proposed cruise of the Persian Gulf by orders to organise and undertake an expedition against the Mad Mullah in Somaliland, who had been giving trouble. This caused great disappointment at the time as, after receiving special mountain guns, having trained camels and the men to ride them (an amusing interlude), and having everything prepared for an expedition on a fairly large scale to a very hot country, at the last moment a telegram was received that this expedition was to be abandoned. The ship proceeded to the Somali Coast with the High Commissioner of Somaliland. Berbera was established as our headquarters and various negotiations were carried out for placating the tribes, principally those at Lachorai and Has-al-Mait. The former place was afterwards the scene of the Mad Mullah's serious set-back by one of His Majesty's ships, which completely routed his Dervishes.

An interesting episode in connection with this visit was the landing of 100 native levies collected from the bazaars of Berbera. They were the dirtiest tribe ever seen, I should imagine, on board a man-of-war since the slave days, and were armed with muskets of a generation ago. Lack of sights or even bolts to their rifles did not seem to worry any of them so long as they were the proud possessors of a gun. They were taken from Berbera to Shallub and landed there through the surf, carrying all their possessions on their heads, but I doubt if they ever did much damage to the Mullah and his dervishes.

At the conclusion of this cruise (the High Commissioner having disembarked), the ship was again urgently needed at Port Said to take charge of the patrol of the North African Coast to the westward of Alexandria, where enemy submarines where showing signs of activity, and where it was thought that depots for their supply were being organised.

During June and early July this work was carried cut, but no submarines were seen. At this time the headquarters of the Senussi were close to Sollum, and a curious situation developed. Italy was in the war as our Ally, but was at war also with the Senussi. The latter at that time were supposed to be our friends, whom it was desirable to placate to avoid further trouble in Egypt. It will readily be seen that negotiations had to be conducted somewhat delicately. It will be remembered that afterwards the Senussi took action against us, and had to be punished.

About the middle of July, Perim was again threatened by the Turks, and the Philomel was withdrawn from the Mediterranean patrol and ordered at once to Aden. Shortly after the Philomel left Sollum two Egyptian gunboats, and an armed boarding-steamer, were blown up by an enemy submarine at that place, thus showing that our patrol had been very necessary. The Philomel proceeded to Perim and arrived there on the 18th July. We found that the Turks had established a mobile battery somewhere about Sheikh Syed, and had been bombarding Perim, with apparently the particular intention of destroying the lighthouse and the coaling station. It proved impossible to locate this battery as it moved daily and would never open fire when any man-of-war was in sight.

At this time Aden was undoubtedly in considerable trouble. The Turks had arrived in force in the hinterland behind the town, and had succeeded in driving in our troops to the fortress. At one time they had actually occupied Sheikh Othman, a suburb of Aden beyond the Peninsula, from which a large proportion of the water supply is drawn. However, they had been driven out of that, and they retired again towards the hills at Lehaj. Our troops had endeavoured to occupy Lehaj, but had been repulsed by very superior forces—which resulted in a somewhat disastrous retreat with the loss of many men, principally due to heat. The whole of the hinterland of Aden up to and beyond Lehaj, and along the coastline to the West, is really a British Protectorate, but when the Turks came into the war the garrison of Aden had been insufficient to hold this large area, and had had to concentrate for the defence of the British coaling station—Aden itself. The Turks thus occupied a large part of what was really British Territory.

When the Philomel proceeded from the Mediterranean to Perim, General Younghusband was a passenger on board. We were taking him to Aden as the new British Resident and Commander-in-Chief. The Turks were again threatening, and the greatest vigilance was demanded of the garrison to hold the lines outside Sheikh Othman. Such was the position when the ship reached Perim. She remained patrolling in that vicinity until about the middle of August, 1915. Many endeavours were made to tempt the Turks to reveal the situation of their batteries by the Irishman's method of trailing the tail of your coat before them, and by chasing their dhows close in to the shore, but they refused to be tempted.

At the beginning of August the situation at Aden had become more urgent, and the ship was recalled there to co-operate with the army in its defence. A machine gun detachment with wireless apparatus, under one of the ship's officers, was landed, and sent into the trenches with the army, and the ship herself stood by to co-operate on the flanks. However, only various small skirmishes resulted. The weather was extremely hot, and this heat in the hinterland behind Aden was too much even for the Turk. The country in that region is abominable, with hot sand and absolutely no shelter and water.

However, on the 25th September a reconnaissance in force was decided upon by the military authorities with the intention of endeavouring to turn the Turks out of the village of Waht, about eleven miles from Sheikh Othman, and the naval machine gun section took part. The object was accomplished in the early morning, and the order was given for the men to remain in the village until the evening, and then again retire on Aden. But about mid-day the Turks attacked in force, and it became necessary for the party to retire. During this retirement three of the best men of the Philomel fell, and met their death. The casualties were due entirely to heat. In the middle of the day, in the full power of the sun, it became impossible for white men to march. Their strength left them, and once they sat down on the sand they could not get up again. Many men of the white regiment of the Buffs also succumbed in the same way. The military officer's report on the naval detachment on his occasion states: "Apparently in their keenness to get into the firing line the whole detachment doubled some distance in the sun, and this, added to the long march, knocked them out. The sand was so hot that one felt it burning through the soles of one's boots, and men crumpled up in a minute. The whole detachment has borne its trials in this abominable spot cheerfully, and has all along been keen to do its duty. I know you have lost three excellent men. They have set a magnificent example to the Indian troops in whose section they have been living. An example like this has a wonderful effect on the Indian soldier, who then realises the stuff of which the Britisher is made."

One of the men who died on this occasion had already been recommended for his gallantry in Alexandretta, where he worked a maxim gun, not fitted with a shield, from the bows of the boat which was lying on the beach—in the action already described. He did so during the whole action in the midst of a storm of bullets, and in some miraculous way escaped being hit.

The ship continued in the vicinity of Aden until about the 30th October. Then the situation in the Persian Gulf became urgent, and we were ordered there with all speed. The German agents in Persia had been within an ace of getting the Shah into their hands, and operations became very necessary to impress upon the latter the power of the British, and also to ensure the safety of the Mesopotamian Expedition, which would have been seriously imperiled had Germany obtained control of Persia. Moreover, all the telegraph lines to Mesopotamia run along the northern and eastern coasts of the Persian Gulf, where various stations are established on British concessions. Bushire, principal port of Persia, was taken, and occupied, by British land and sea forces. All telegraph stations on the coast contained British detachments of Indian soldiers, and it became necessary for constant naval patrols to attend to and hold the whole coast, in addition to protecting and rendering assistance to transports, and the many hundreds of small craft which were being hurried to Basra. It became the Philomel's duty to assist in these operations, but the major part of her work was to take charge of operations in the lower portion of the Gulf, including the Mekram and Oman coasts, and their vicinity.

One now began to realise what heat on board a ship can mean, although one would have thought that our experience in the Red Sea and the vicinity of Aden had hardened us to anything possible in this repect. The men's clothing was reduced to vests, helmets, backpads, and short white pants. Double awnings had to be set fore and aft, and even then the heat was insufferable. Men appearing outside the awnings without backpads invariably suffered, and practically the whole ship's company endured torment from prickly heat. In accordance with the usual practice in the service, a body of Somali boys was engaged to do the work outside the ship during the time the sun was up. Some idea of the heat may be gained from the fact that the temperature of the sea in and about Muscat in the summer was 96 degrees whilst on occasions that of the air was 105 degrees at midnight. The atmosphere in the daytime was very humid, which added greatly to the distress of human beings. However, such conditions have to be experienced to be realised.

It might, perhaps, be interesting to mention the nationalities which at this time were actually serving on the ship. In addition to the New Zealanders there were English, Scotch, Irish, Australians, Newfoundlanders (2), Maltese, Somalis, Abyssinians, and Arabs.

While we were in the Persian Gulf we again met the Pyramus. She formed one of the Philomel's Patrol Squadron, with two other vessels, and continued to cruise in this vicinity until the end of the year, visiting all telegraph stations continuously. A British-Indian regiment was landed at Muscat where it entrenched behind the town which the Arab tribes were threatening, and one ship had usually to be in that vicinity ready to co-operate if necessary.

On the 24th December, 1915, the Philomel left for Bombay, as it had become necessary for her to dock and repair again, and her second Christmas was thus also spent at sea. She remained at Bombay for a fortnight, giving leave and recreation for the men as much as possible. During the time a ship is in dock it is impossible for the men to remain on board, and therefore all were landed, and they lived for the fortnight in the Sailor's Home ashore; and a welcome change it was found, as Bombay at this season has a healthy and moderately cool climate. All hands were naturally glad of the short respite, for there had been no opportunity for them to land for recreation at any of the ports in the Persian Gulf.

On the 13th January, 1916, the Philomel left Bombay, and

General View of Muscat.proceeded to her old station, but at the end of the same month it became necessary to take some lighters to Mesopotamia, and we proceeded to the Shatt-al-Arab with them in tow, a job which is particularly loathsome to all seamen.

On the 6th February the tribes behind Bushire became rebellious. This place had been returned to the Persian authorities by Britain on the declaration of the Shah that he would remain friendly, but the British detachments had continued there, holding the peninsula. As they had been attacked on two or three occasions it had become necessary to land guns and men from the navy. However, nothing eventuated of any consequence; and shortly afterwards trouble in the south again took the ship to her old station. There were massacres and riots at Lingah, a tribal war at Sharja, and, also, the telegraph stations at Charbar and Jashk had been continuously threatened.

The first proceedings here were taken in connection with Jashk, where the British Agent had been murdered under suspicious circumstances. A Persian army under the leadership of men friendly to Great Britain was being organised to proceed into the interior to put down insurrections fostered by German partisans. A large number of rifles and ammunition were carried from Muscat for their use, but beyond doing this the Philomel took no actual action.

On the 17th March the ship proceeded to Sharja on the Trucal Coast, near the great pearl banks, where a tribal war was in progress. This coast is entirely occupied by Arabs who own no allegiance to any King or Sultan, each village or district being ruled by its own Sheik as an independent kingdom. Consequently small wars, like the old border wars in England, are continually occurring between adjacent districts, and this little trouble was one of them.

The villages have large towers of brick and stone which protect the approaches. In this particular case both disputants were short of ammunition, but each had one or two old smooth-bore cannon. At regular intervals one side would fire its gun, and shortly afterwards the other side would reply. After a shot had been fired the villagers would be sent out to collect the round shot which had probably rolled and bounded away into the plains beyond, to use it to reload the gun and fire back again. This was the state of affairs when we arrived.

Having collected the sheiks on board and explained to them that they were under the protection of Great Britain and that this sort of thing could not be allowed, they were given a week to settle their troubles, and the Philomel proceeded to Charbar. The latter station had telegraphed that the adjacent village was occupied by a large armed party of natives who intended to capture and destroy the telegraph station. Proceeding at full speed the ship arrived there before daylight. A party was landed, consisting of one officer with sixty men and two maxims. Acting in conjunction with the detachment of an Indian regiment stationed there, the force surrounded the village or as nearly so as possible, and at daylight called upon the hostile force to surrender. This they refused to do, but after the Philomel had fired a few rounds of high explosive shell from heavy guns, at the same time gradually approaching the village, the party surrendered with all their arms, and were imprisoned in the telegraph station until such time as the Philomel could transport them elsewhere.

The ship then returned to Sharja in company with the Clio, and found the tribal war still continuing there with added vigour. On this occasion both Sheiks were brought on board, and were told that they must settle their differences before leaving the captain's cabin. After wild gesticulation and talk for about three hours no decision had been arrived at; therefore, the captain of the Philomel having heard all their grievances through the interpreter, wrote out terms of peace and told both Sheiks to sign them under penalty of having all their towers knocked down next morning. This seemed too great a penalty, so both signed and were landed at their respective towns amid the great excitement of the populace. As far as is known they kept these terms of peace and gave no further trouble.

The ship then proceeded to Charbar to pick up her prisoners (Shadullah and his followers), who were eventually sent as captives of war to Burmah.

During the time the Philomel remained in the Persian Gulf it was this type of work in which she was continually engaged, except during the period from 8th May to 12th June, 1916, when, owing to defects in her engine room she had again to proceed to Bombay. One hoped to be able to give the men some recreation and leave. This fortunately was possible, the ship companies proceeding by watches to the hills near Bombay. But at this time of the year—the breaking of the monsoon with warm weather—Bombay is extremely unhealthy, and five men died of tropical diseases, while twenty-one had to be left behind ill, though they later recovered.

The Philomel then returned to the Persian Gulf, continuing the same type of work, arranging coal for transports, lighters, protecting stations; and in the beginning of December she went up the Shatt-al-Arab to Basra, where great preparations for the final advance on Bagdad were proceeding.

After visiting Muhammerah, Abadan, Kuweit, Bushire, and other places the warship again proceeded to her southern station, but at the end of the year her engines began once more to give trouble. She therefore had to proceed in haste to Bombay to dock for worn and leaky stern glands. Her services, however, being urgently needed, she only remained there three days. Reports of enemy mine layers recalled her urgently to her station. The mine layer eventually proved to be the Wolf the enemy vessel which afterwards visited New Zealand waters and did so much damage here.

About this time it became quite apparent that the Philomel must have a long refit, occupying some months, or otherwise she could not continue. The Admiralty, therefore, decided to send her back to New Zealand, pay her off, and send the crew Home. After a voyage without much incident she arrived at Wellington on the 16th March, 1917.

After the return of the Philomel to New Zealand the majority of the Imperial Royal Naval officers and men were paid off. They returned to England where they were

H.M.S. Philomel.dispersed to the various units of the Fleet. Only a "care and maintenance" party was retained in the Philomel. But before she had been back long it became necessary to organise mine sweepers to endeavour to clear up the mines which had been laid in southern waters by the Wolf. Curiously enough the first information concerning this ship's movements came from the Celebes Islands.

The New Zealand trawlers Simplon and Nora Niven, and later the whaler Hananui were chartered from their owners, together with their crews of fishermen, and these, assisted by naval ratings from the Philomel were employed for fifteen months in this work. Considering the small number of craft available they did most excellent work. Forty-seven mines out of a total of sixty, which the Germans now state they had laid, were actually accounted for. The men employed in this work, which was strange to them and to which was attached considerable danger, deserve the greatest credit.

This concludes but a brief account of the work of H.M.S. Philomel. Various incidents of interest have been enumerated without going into detail. The Philomel was the only unit actually owned by New Zealand, but it must be understood that there were a large number of New Zealanders engaged otherwise in naval operations as naval officers and ratings during the war. Amongst them one may particularly mention the old Australasian Naval Force (a body of New Zealanders) who served continuously during the war in the Pyramus and Doris. These men had only one break for a spell of leave in New Zealand. The Pyramus worked in close conjunction with the Philomel for a large part of the time, and the reports of the New Zealanders serving in her, received through her Captain, were most excellent.

In addition a large number of New Zealanders proceeded to England to join the motor-boat patrol service and for naval wireless work; and many seamen resident in New Zealand who previously belonged to the Imperial Royal Naval Reserve, were called up for the war. Reports show that these men conducted themselves as their country would have wished and expected them to do.

The motor-boat patrol saw much active service in the North Sea and on the coasts of England; and several New Zealanders were present in their boats at the celebrated actions at Zeebrugge and Ostend, and in many other minor operations.

It must be a great pleasure to New Zealand to be able to think that all her naval representation in the war was so thoroughly well reported upon, and that the individuals so conducted themselves as to bring the greatest credit to their country.

* * * * * *

Every New Zealander, when leaving his native shores for active service on land or sea, was given a printed slip having upon it special messages from Earls Roberts and Kitchener, the latter's last message to the British troops, and the following words from the New Zealand Minister for Defence:—"Remember that you will hold the Dominion's honour in your keeping. Remember that both the friends you meet and the enemies you fight will form their opinions of New Zealanders from you; therefore see that you are brave as you are honourable, and modest and courteous as you are brave." Ed.

Chapter V.New Zealand Army Nurses. By Miss H. Maclean, Matron-in-Chief.

The entry of the nurses of New Zealand into the great war dates back to August 15th, 1914, when six of their number were sent with the Advance Expeditionary Force at three days' notice. Eager to go, yet not knowing whither, these nurses set off under Miss Bertha Nurse as matron, and were somewhat disappointed when they found that they were landed far from the fighting front—at Samoa. All however, had afterwards the chance, so hoped for, to go to the other side of the world, and to share to some extent in the dangers and hardships of the troops. For several months it was not thought that New Zealand nurses would be required for our men. The authorities did not then realise the awful need which very shortly arose at Gallipoli for help for the sick and wounded. The nurses, however, made urgent demands to go with the transports, and the New Zealand Nursing Service, which up to the outbreak of war was merely a name, with a Matron-in-Chief as head of a phantom unit, was then rapidly organised, and in a very short time there were hundreds of applications for membership from all over the Dominion.

Many nurses also set off to England and there offered their services, and they, as well as those belonging to the New Zealand Service, did splendid work in many parts of the world. There is not opportunity in this short account to give the history of the many efforts which the nurses made to be allowed to do their share in the national crisis, to accompany the men who were going forth to fight, and to succour them, when sick and wounded.

On April 8th, 1915, the first contingent of fifty nurses under the Matron-in-Chief, Miss Maclean, set sail from New Zealand in the s.s. Rotorua, now at the bottom of the English Channel. A picturesque group they made in their

Matrons of the N.Z. Nursing Service.coats of grey and scarlet, so well known as the British Army Nurses' uniform, varied somewhat to distinguish their special unit, and with a silver badge of fern leaf and a red cross to represent New Zealand. On May 17th this contingent landed in England and proceeded to London, where orders were given them to go on to Egypt to join the New Zealand forces. A busy fortnight ensued in procuring field equipment and again the contingent started off, in the troopship Scotian, in company with seventy Imperial nurses (among whom were two New Zealanders), to be later disembarked at Gibraltar and Malta, with nine hundred troops for Gallipoli. On June 18th Alexandria was reached; and now the nurses felt that their long travel was over and that they would be able to commence the work for which they longed. They had heard of the urgent need of help in the hospitals, which were then filling with cases of terrible wounds, and the most distressing diseases, from Gallipoli.

The party was met at Alexandria by the Matron-in-Chief for Egypt and the Eastern Front, and warmly welcomed by the matrons of the hospitals in Alexandria where the shortage of nurses was very great. The contingent of fifty was then divided between Alexandria and Cairo, and the different Imperial hospitals in Alexandria, the Citadel in Cairo (which is the regular military hospital and which had been the palace of the Empress Eugenie) and the Egyptian Army Hospital, Abbassieh, which had been allotted to the New Zealand troops. It was a surprise to find this hospital run by New Zealanders, and staffed by Australian and English sisters, because the sisters had been so long assured that New Zealand nurses were not needed. This hospital was now staffed by the newly-arrived New Zealand nurses under Miss Bertha Nurse, and here for the next year, were located the New Zealand Nurses' Headquarters in Egypt. The hospital which then provided for only 300 patients, grew until there were 1,000 beds. The nurses had many difficulties to contend with; their quarters were cramped and inconvenient; they were frequently very short staffed, as only a proportion of the nurses arriving subsequently from New Zealand could be sent here; the heat was very trying; and working in tents and pavilions pitched on the sand tested their endurance. The serious cases of dysentery and of enteric from Gallipoli necessitated nursing skill of the highest order, and brought forth all the loving kindness and patience that accompany the skill of a good nurse.

Contingent followed contingent from New Zealand, and during the next few months another hundred nurses arrived and were posted to the various hospitals. One party of thirty-one accompanied the personnel of the No. 1 N.Z. Stationary Hospital to Port Said, and were under the charge of Miss Marie Cameron. There they remained until October under conditions still more unfavourable than at Cairo. Miss Cameron ably managed the nursing in pavilion tents on the sand. The patients were sent there to convalesce, some seriously ill with enteric and dysentery, and some with wounds.

In October they set forth on that ill-fated expedition to Salonika, when on the 23rd, the transport Marquette was torpedoed in the Aegean Sea, almost within sight of Salonika. Ten of the thirty-six nurses were lost, and eighteen of the medical orderlies. This was the greatest disaster experienced by the New Zealand Army Nursing Service, and it was the first of many that during the war befel the nurses of the British armies. Perhaps it was the worst of nurses' experiences not only because of the terrible loss of life in proportion to numbers but because of the long drawn out suffering of those many hours in the water—hours during which strong men succumbed or became raving mad. The accounts given by some of the survivors show the sufferings endured during those awful moments which lasted from 9 a.m. till the time of rescue at 4 p.m. One account by a surviving sister may be quoted:—

"At 9 a.m. on October 23rd," she wrote, "I was on the top deck of the Marquette walking with Captain Isaacs and Sister Sinclair. The morning was cold, and we had our coats on. He exclaimed: 'I wonder what that is coming towards us.' I said, 'It looks like a torpedo, does it not?' Surely enough the crash came then, and we realised what it was (it was just a straight, thin, green line in the water and the swish could be heard distinctly). I should think it was only about fifty yards away when we saw it. We donned our life belts and got to our stations; everyone seemed to be doing the same thing. All realised what had happened and were calm and collected—no panic, no sound in fact, save of orders being given. Luckily the steamer took quite seven minutes to go down. The launching of the boats was a decided failure. On the port side one was launched on top of the other, crushing and injuring some; also, the ship by this time had a huge list to port side. On the starboard side (I was there) the first boat launched tipped, and those who were not shot out into the sea then, had to get out as soon as it touched water, as there was a huge hole in it. People clambered round her from all sides until she finally submerged. Then we all ducked for our lives. I swam about for hours, but as I had crushed my right arm between the boat and the ship somehow or other I was feeling very sick and sore. I really did not mind much what happened. After I realised what was going on I saw some men hanging on to wreckage, and called to them to ask if I might also hang on, and they said it was no good, there were already too many there. Then one of the crew saw me and came along to me with a piece of board, to which I clung for some time. Then he said to me, 'Look out, sister, there is a shark right behind you, paddle for your life.' I did so, though I'd rather drown than be eaten by a shark. I did see the fin of something showing above the water near by; but they have since told me there are no sharks in the Mediterranean. It must have been the ear of a mule, I think. Anyhow we got out of its track, and made for a submerged boat in the distance, where already several men were. We got into this, and immediately it turned turtle, and continued to do so every five minutes of the remaining number of hours we were in the water. My rescuer died soon after this from cramp or exhaustion. I was sorry I could do nothing for him. Sister Rae came up afterwards, hanging to the lifebuoy of one of our New Zealand boys. She asked me if she could come into the boat. I said, 'Yes, sister, but you had better be hanging on to something else, as this boat keeps turning turtle, and it is such hard work clambering over and into it

Miss Cameron, R.R.C.again.' She held out for a while, but soon after showed signs of exhaustion and died. I wondered if I should be the next. Men died on all sides. Some lost their reason and went away from us all. We could see ships pass and repass in the distance, but they took no notice of us. They could neither see nor hear us, but we could not realise that, and thought that because they were neutral they would let us die! Late in the afternoon one stopped and seemed to look at us, turned back, and steamed away, then stopped again and lowered a boat, but picked it up and steamed away.

"Luckily for us our own English patrol boat saw her movements and became suspicious, journeyed over to see, and caught sight of one of our boats in the distance (we were about seven miles from all this.) She then informed two French destroyers; and all three came to our rescue, and soon we all were picked up and looked after well by these kind men who patrol the danger zone every day. Many died even after the boats were in sight; it seemed too much for them.

"We were then transferred to the Grantully Castle hospital ship, in Salonika harbour, where all were goodness itself to us. Some of us who were fit went ashore in Salonika for a couple of days. It is a filthy evil smelling town, and not by any means a desirable place of abode. In two days we were ordered back on board and taken to Alexandria, where we still are, trying to get equipped; but in Egypt that is no easy matter as things are so dear."

Long after, the fate of two sisters was learnt. A boat in which were the bodies of several soldiers and two sisters was found by a British warship, and brought into Salonika, where the dead were given a naval funeral. These sisters were Margaret Rogers and Helena Isdell. The other sisters who were lost were Marion Brown, Isobel Clark, Catherine Fox, Mary Gorman, Mona Hildyard, Mabel Jamieson, Mary Rae, Lora Rattray. All accounts of the disaster emphasise the splendid heroism and quiet obedience of the sisters. A medical officer wrote, "of their conduct as a whole no words can express our admiration. They mustered quietly and quickly at their alarm posts, and cheerfully, and without the least confusion or panic, passed along the deck to their boats, and never once during the long day did I hear any of these sisters who were able to stick it out make any complaint."

When after the rescue and return to Alexandria volunteers were called to start again for Salonika, there was no lack of response, and disappointment was keen when it was finally decided that the nurses after all were not to accompany the Stationary Hospital. But the effect of the long immersion and the shock has never left some of the sisters. The matron, Miss Cameron, has been totally incapacitated ever since and it was with the greatest pleasure that the news of the award to her of the Royal Red Cross was received. With two or three exceptions, the nurses who went through this terrible experience remained on duty for the whole term of the war, some of them serving cheerfully on hospital ships passing over the very waters under which are the bodies of their companions. Several of these sisters have received decorations and have been mentioned in despatches for their good service. In memory of those who lost their lives on this occasion, and of Sister Hawken who died of enteric at Alexandria, of Sister Cooke who was killed by accident, and Sister Lind who died of phthisis contracted on barge duty in France, and Sisters Wishaw and Tubman of influenza, has been established the Nurses' Memorial Fund to help nurses who from sickness or other cause have been unable to provide for their declining years.

Another hundred nurses were sent from New Zealand in hospital ships—the Marama's first commission and the Maheno's second commission—at the end of 1915 and the beginning of 1916. Of these some were landed in Egypt, and some were sent straight to England, where, until the New Zealand Head-quarters were moved to England, they served in Imperial hospitals.

In Egypt the sisters who had first arrived and had been sent to Imperial hospitals had made their mark, and were so valued that they were retained. The British Matron-in Chief, Miss Oram, R.R.C., greatly appreciated the New Zealand sisters: "they were always ready for anything and were so adaptable and resourceful." The surgeons found them well-trained and careful. The nurses were sought after by the matrons of the various Imperial hospitals. When directed to open a new hospital, one British matron said: "I will not mind doing it if I may have some New Zealand sisters." They were given responsible positions and justified the trust thus placed in them. One matron said when so promoting them: "You girls deserve it, for you have helped me through a most trying time and I always feel I can depend on my New Zealand sisters in any emergency. In fact I consider them the backbone of my hospital."

The New Zealand sisters served in virtually all the fields of war. Some were with our own hospitals and hospital ships, and, therefore, their work will be chronicled in other pages; and others were on the staff of many Imperial ships—ships going to the Peninsula, to German East Africa, Mesopotamia; on the run to and from France in all the appalling days of the great fighting; bringing refugees from Siberia; with Indian troops to Bombay; on transport duty to and from New Zealand—on hospital trains in Egypt, and running up to Palestine—fighting against sea sickness, heat strokes, and cold—never complaining. Some were stationed in East Africa; in India; away on the desert at Ismailia; at El Arish. They came back worn and tired, but ready still to carry on. An account by a sister of duty on hospital ship in the Persian Gulf is well worth recording:—

"We arrived at the bar up the Persian Gulf (on the way to Basra), in five days. The heat was intense. The ship drew too much water to proceed further, and we received a wireless saying a small ferry hospital ship would come alongside. There are seven ferry ships 'doing' the river, and embarking to the bigger hospital ships at the rate of one a day. In June, 10,000 sick men were sent from Basra, in July, 15,000, while in August, 10,000 are expected to be sent. We embarked our 500 patients, and 79 of them were put on deck. The heat was appalling, and many men were very, very ill, so that we were taxed to the utmost, and, before we had finished our day's work which was usually at midnight, we were soaked through and through—even our white dresses were wet to the knees. Is there any wonder we were run down in a few days? The men have much to put up with, and we all think it

"Heaven"! A Hut in France.worse than the Peninsula. It is appalling! We had many heat strokes amongst the patients, stewards, engineers, and crew, and the only way to save their lives was to get them into packs or baths, give them plenty of iced drinks, with stimulant, and to keep going till you saw signs of consciousness. We lost twenty-one patients in four days; and some of them were ill only for four hours. In a few days we were very run down. They gave us champagne, and had special beef tea made for us. If we showed our faces for a breath of air, the men would rush and get us chairs and bring cool drinks. We got nasty pains in the left side, and could at times barely lift our feet to get to our cabins to lie down for a quarter of an hour, for otherwise we would never have carried on. The O.C. has a slight heat stroke and has been sent off the ship for six weeks. On our arrival at Bombay we were not fit for much, but very pleased we managed to stick to it. There really was too much at stake: the 500 lives in our charge were more important than our own; and that was the spirit of the nurses on the ship, also of the medical men. In my ward there were 200 lbs. of ice used. My right hand got chilled as a result. Many of the other nurses and orderlies became septic, and had to have their hands opened."

Another sister wrote an account of her work at the No. 15 General Hospital, Alexandria. She was nursing under canvas as supervising sister in charge of tents containing 260 beds, with nine orderlies to help. During the days of the big convoys from Gallipoli they were attending to 166 to 190 dressings a day. Some of the "gun-shot" wounds were terrible, but there was nothing so bad as the frost bite. The hospital was very busy until the evacuation of Gallipoli, and this sister, up to the end of February, 1916, had 3,500 patients in her field of tents.

Another account of hospital ship duty runs:—"We arrived at Gallipoli for the Suvla landing on August 6th, 1915. We could see the fighting quite distinctly, and a few shells burst in the water quite near to my ship, but no damage was done. The hospital ships were used as casualty clearing stations, so you can imagine the state of the patients when we received them. The operating theatre was busy night and day. Hundreds passed through the out-patients' department. We dressed the minor cases and passed them on to trawlers which took them to Lemnos Island. The weather was frightfully hot and the flies swarmed in with the patients. We worked between the beach and Lemnos Island (a distance of 40 miles) with an occasional run to Malta or Alexandria. We found the dysentery cases the most trying to nurse—how those poor men did suffer." In all accounts given at the time by the nurses it was the sufferings of the men that were emphasised; there was never a word of complaint about their own hardships.

A few words about the Serbians from another sister on hospital ship duty:—"We took over 300 sick Serbians, and, oh! the condition of them was pitiful; you could hardly believe men could get so low and live; they were so dirty, too, poor things, and the body lice were awful. I had 62 patients in my ward when we left Valova and three days later when we arrived at Bizerte, there were only 40 left. It was pitiful and heartbreaking—there were over 60 deaths in a three days' run!"

The lighter side of the nurses' work in Egypt was experienced by the sisters at the Convalescent Home at Aotea, where three New Zealand sisters and some V.A.D. workers made a home for the men in Egypt—"The home away from home," which for rest and quiet enjoyment was most highly appreciated by the men. The matron said: "We try to run this Home as far as possible without rules and regulations." The Home was established in 1915 and was closed early in 1919. The sisters always received a warm welcome there to partake of home-made scones and New Zealand butter.

A privilege much enjoyed by the sisters was the opportunity of visiting the places of interest in Egypt, such as Assouan; and, in the later days of their sojourn there many had leave and went to the Holy Land and saw Jerusalem.

In France.

The New Zealand sisters in France had varied experiences, and although most fortunately no casualties occurred among them, they were at times very near the firing line. They had to evacuate at short notice when the Stationary Hospital at Hazebrouck was shelled. They learned to sleep to the sound of the guns and the bombs falling near by, not knowing when their shelter might be hit. A few could not endure the nerve-racking strain, but, none the less, service in France was eagerly sought after. For a time the work at Hazebrouck was very strenuous: 350 cases were admitted during one day and three operating tables were going day and night. The sisters attending had no thought of retiring to bed on such occasions.

During the winter the sisters suffered severely from trench feet. They could hardly carry on their work, but were determined not to give in. It was impossible to put on boots or shoes. Large felt slippers with bed socks and bandages were worn after the feet had had treatment, and thus they went about the hospital regardless of appearance. Many times the sister attending a man with trench feet who was admitted as a patient, could, if she had chosen, show a condition worse than her patient. They were not there as patients, however, and they bore the excruciating pain without complaint.

The sisters' work at casualty-clearing-stations was most interesting. Those stations were staffed by what was known as "surgical teams" consisting of a surgeon, an anaesthetist, a sister and an orderly. They carried along with them all their belongings, bed, bedding, etc., and lived under canvas, which, in the summer, was very pleasant. At times life was very exciting owing to air raids. The enemy planes came over almost every clear night, and at the particular station at which some New Zealand sisters were on duty, Sister Kemp (a New Zealand girl, but not belonging to the unit), an orderly, and two patients were killed, and several were wounded. The sisters as well as the rest of the staff were provided with "tin" helmets and gas masks, and were supposed to go straight to shelter in their dug-out when the noise of the anti-air craft guns started, and, if that was not possible, were advised to lie flat on the ground.

To surgical and medical work, some of our sisters added, after a course of careful training, the duties of anaesthetists. The surgeons were much pleased with their skill and care in

Sisters Mess New Zealand Hospital in France.this responsible work. Several New Zealand sisters qualified as anaesthetists and accompanied surgical teams in that capacity.

An account of life in France under constant aeroplane bombing, sent by a New Zealand sister, gives some idea of its nerve-racking strain and of the spirit of our sisters. After deploring the loss of nine W.A.A.C's (Women's Army Auxiliary Corps) who were killed in a trench, the sister writes:—"If anything happens to us, it is different, for we are doing our own work, and it is 'in the game' for us. We go into trenches at night dressed in tin hats (to keep the falling shrapnel from our heads) pyjamas and bed socks and a few warm coats. The first few nights we simply went like this, but as we got 'blasé' about it, many were the accessories—cushions, rugs, ground-sheets, camp stools, thermos flasks, sandwiches, etc. It might have been just a freak party that an American had thought of. No one showed it even if the 'wind was up'—the only time the chatter would cease would be when the bombs were dropping close, or when we heard a 'dud' shell descending, or, most tense of all, when we looked up and saw the German plane right overhead caught by the searchlight."

In this brief chapter, it is impossible to tell of all that our nurses did to help and comfort the men who fought for us. A few lines written by a New Zealand soldier at the New Zealand General Hospital, Egypt, show the estimate in which they were held:—

"Not even Florence, in the dark Crimea, Tending her stricken heroes, lamp in hand, Surpasses these who came from our dear land To do this work of love and mercy here. Tongue cannot utter, pen may not express, Their sympathy, their kind and gentle care. How oft ascended an unspoken prayer to Heaven For blessing on such gentleness. And e 'en the sentry passing through the gloom Of that dark garden where the nurses slept, Bight glad in heart, proud of the watch he kept, Softly and lightly tiptoed past each room."

On Home Service.

The work of the nurses on Home Service must not be forgotten. In July, 1915, the outbreak of cerebro spinal meningitis at Trentham camp first called for their service. Here, Sister Brandon, just back from Samoa and waiting to join the Hospital Ship Maheno was sent to

On Hospital Ship Maheno (last trip)—Miss McAllum, C.R.R.C., Matron.organise a temporary hospital. Here, she and the few nurses who could be hastily gathered together, brought order out of chaos. They worked day and night and saved many lives, aided by women untrained but eager to help.

Throughout the years of war, too, the nurses in the home hospitals worked splendidly and never more so than in November and December, 1918, when the epidemic of pneumonic influenza played such havoc in New Zealand. At that time when the supply of nurses was not in any way equal to the demand, the sisters at Trentham, Featherston, and at the Rotorua Military Hospitals, showed wonderful endurance, and remained on duty even when seriously ill themselves. One nurse, Sister Wishaw, fell victim herself and died of pneumonia. She was accorded a military funeral, her coffin heading a melancholy procession of six.

On transport duty, when there were outbreaks of illness, the nurses performed splendid service. Sister Maxfield and the staff under her accompanying the 40th reinforcements on the Tahiti, received the highest commendation for their work in the terrible epidemic of influenza, when every doctor on board was ill, as well as the greater number of the sisters. Sister Tubman fell a victim, and she died shortly after reaching England.

Twelve New Zealand sisters gained the Royal Red Cross, 1st class. The first to win this coveted honour was Miss Bertha Nurse, who was Matron, first of the Samoa Hospital and then of the Pont de Koubbeh Hospital, and later of Brockenhurst, England. Others to obtain it were Miss Thurston, Matron-in-chief of the Expeditionary Force; Miss Maclean, Matron-in-chief of the Army Nursing Service, at Head-quarters, New Zealand; Miss Brooke, Miss Wilson, Miss Vida Maclean, Miss McNie, Miss Ingles, Miss Pengelly, Miss Price, Miss Anderson and Miss Clarke. Sixty-four gained the second-class of this order. Many sisters were also mentioned in despatches.

A branch of the Army Nursing Service was the Massage Corps. This was established when the need for such treatment was demonstrated, and there were among the 579 members of the Nursing Service thirty-one masseuses. The masseuses performed splendid and valuable work in aiding the recovery and restoration of the men to normal life.

On the termination of the war, the nurses as they returned to New Zealand, were either retained for home service in the military hospitals and wards, or were demobilised and placed on the Reserve. They were given twenty-eight days' leave, and, a privilege which was much appreciated, a twenty-eight days' pass on the railways. Those unfit for service were given a pension. The Nursing Service, represented by a large contingent returning on the Tainui and by those who had already returned and could be gathered together, were given a hearty welcome and were entertained at a very pleasant function at Parliament Buildings by the Acting-Prime Minister and Minister of Defence (the Hon. Sir James Allen), who paid a fine tribute to what they had done on active service.

Here, I think, we may leave the New Zealand Nursing Service, so hastily formed but so well established. The services of our devoted nurses will not be soon forgotten by the men who came under their ministrations.

Miss H. Maclean, Matron in Chief

Chapter VI.

The New Zealand Stationary Hospital at Salonika. By Brig.-Gen. Sir D. J. McGavin, Kt., C.M.G., D.S.O., D.G.M.S.

Salonika which was founded about 300 B.C. was named after Thessalonike, a half-sister of Alexander the Great, who married Kassandra the founder of the City.

The city has been successively in possession of the Romans (148 B.C.), Saracens (904 A.D.), Normans (1185), Boneface (1204), Epirotes, Venetians (1423), and Turks (1430). On November 8th, 1912, Salonika, with a Turkish garrison of over 20,000 men surrendered to a Greek army attacking from the West. Bulgaria desired the possession of the city, but in the Balkan war, which arose over the division of the spoils, she had to concede this part of Macedonia to the Greeks. The present population is given as 180,000 of which half are Jews, one-fifth Greeks, one-fifth Turks, 10,000 Bulgarians, and the rest western Europeans and others.

The city presents a striking appearance from the harbour. Numerous graceful white minarets arise in the city, the

N.Z. Stationary Hospital at Port Said.White Tower forms a prominent object on the water front, while on the hill behind is the old Citadel with its ancient walls. The main street, which runs along the water front, is a fine broad avenue; but most of the streets are narrow and dirty.

The New Zealand Stationary Hospital had been established for a little more than three-and-a-half months at Port Said when the welcome order to proceed to a "certain destination near the sea and with a mild, equable climate" was received. The unit sailed from Alexandria on October 19th, 1915, on H.M.T.S. Marquette. On the Marquette was also the 29th Divisional Ammunition Column, with its transport and animals. The vessel took a devious course, and on the morning of October 23rd, when entering the Gulf of Salonika, was torpedoed. The vessel sank rapidly—the time was estimated as seven-and-a-half minutes from the striking of the torpedo. Of the whole ship's complement about 170 were lost, amongst whom were the following "personnel" of the hospital: 10 sisters of the N.Z. Army Nursing Service; 22 other ranks of the N.Z. Medical Corps (four of whom were "B" men attached) and four native Egyptians, attached.

The most distressing feature of the sinking of the Marquette was the loss of the sisters. The alarm post for these ladies was the saloon companion way, and the boats allotted to them were the forward port and starboard boats. Almost immediately after being struck the vessel listed heavily to port. This rendered the lowering of the boat on the starboard side difficult, and the difficulty was made an impossibility by the presence of an open iron door on the mule deck below, which projected just underneath the davits. A few nurses got into this boat, but were thrown into the water when it struck the door. The forward port boat was filled with occupants and was lowered into the water according to programme. There were, however, a number of sisters still in the ship to be rescued. The second port boat had been lowered and though still in the falls appeared to be resting on the water. Someone by reaching out secured a loose rope attached to the davits, and the remaining sisters were by this means enabled to slide down into the boat. As the ship sank the list was corrected, but she gradually went down by the head, and the second boat, being still attached to the davits and evidently free of the water, came forward under the influence of gravity as the bows of the vessel went down, and fell on the first boat. Some of the nurses were injured and both boats were damaged and rendered unseaworthy.

A fact generally overlooked when a vessel was torpedoed was that the impetus she had when struck carried her some distance before she sank. Consequently those who remained late on the ship had the advantage of such flotsam as boats carried free, rafts, hatches, deckhouses, etc.. On the other hand those who left the ship early dropped behind out of reach of this wreckage. The fear of being sucked down by the sinking vessel appeared to be largely unfounded. Only one instance of this having occurred came to notice, although, of course, there may have been other experiences.

The vessel was struck about 9.15 a.m. Many of the survivors remained in the water until picked up late in the afternoon by a French destroyer (the Tirailleur) and a British mine sweeper (the Lynx). One party in boats reached the coast of Greece, and some of them were later taken off by the Lynx though others who had gone inland to search for food and shelter were conveyed down to Larrissa, and thence to Volo until finally they succeeded in returning to Salonika on the 27th.

Salonika at this time was greatly congested. Three French and two British divisions (subsequently increased to five divisions each) were quartered there, and several divisions of Greek troops had also been mobilised in the locality. The streets were crowded with human beings of many races. German and Austrian officers were among them. The unloading of British and French ships was carried out at one small wharf, which was totally inadequate for the purpose. Transport was scarce and confusion prevailed generally. The "obstruction" of the Greeks was obvious at every turn. Later this "obstructiveness" almost developed into active hostility. Many British soldiers were stabbed.

On October 29th the nursing sisters sailed on the hospital ship Grantully Castle for Alexandria, and I might state here

Views of N.Z. Stationary Hospital at Salonika.that they did not return. The wisdom of sending them back was amply confirmed later when we experienced very severe weather and numerous other discomforts. Two officers were also sent back to procure hospital and personal equipment as, of course, everything of this nature had been lost in the Marquette. A few orderlies were also returned on duty on the Grantully Castle.

The unit, which had been billeted in the city, moved out to Lembet camp about three-and-a-half miles away where the French and British troops were quartered. On November 12th it took over the site and tents occupied by the 25th C.C.S. On November 19th the officers who had gone to Egypt returned with equipment and reinforcements, and the construction of the hospital went rapidly forward. The tents sent over from Egypt for the hospital were large marquees of the E.P.I.P. pattern and formed excellent hospital accommodation.

From November 27th-30th the weather was very cold with strong winds, sleet and snow, described locally as a "Vardar blizzard" because it came down the valley of the Vardar River. It was this blizzard which swept over Gallipoli and caused so many casualties there.

A few days later a number of severe cases of frost bite were admitted to the hospital, from a little north of Doiran, where the front line then was. These men stated that they had been standing in trenches with water over their boot tops, and that during the blizzard their blankets and great coats had been frozen rigid. As the 10th Division had only recently arrived from Gallipoli, where most men had suffered from dysentery, this violent change of climate had naturally had a very severe effect.

The news from the front at this time was vague and uncertain but it appeared quite clear that our troops were retiring and that a line of trenches was being constructed on the other side of the crescent of hills, which on the north, bounded the flat land on which Salonika and Lembet were situated. This defensive line was then occupied by the British as far as Stavros on the Gulf of Orfano. The requirements for the defence of this line were minimised by the inclusion in it of the Lakes of Langaza and Beshik. The British left flank joined the French, who carried the line to the Vardar River and thence down the river to the marshes at its mouth. In front of the British three lines of trenches and entanglements was the Langaza Plain, seven to nine miles wide. The enemy was said to be about to attack almost daily, but this part of the line was never attempted.

On December 30th the camp was visited by enemy aeroplanes which dropped numerous bombs. As a protection against further raids a large red cross 30 yds. by 20 yds. was painted on the ground on each side of the ridge on which the hospital was situated, and it is only fair to say that, although enemy aircraft frequently came over afterwards no bombs were dropped as close to the hospital as on the first occasion. A further precaution adopted was the discolouring of all the tents with mud. Later, in France, a stain was provided for this purpose, but the mud served us admirably though the rain washed it off and it required to be reapplied. Potassium permanganate solution was used by some units, but it made the canvas almost black and rotted it.

On December 31st the German, Austrian and Turkish consuls were arrested and placed on a French warship, because the Allies "regarded the bombing of Salonika as a violation of Greek neutrality and an act of war." A number of other Germans and Austrians were also arrested and deported. On January 7th, 1916, however, the camp was again severely bombed, causing a number of casualties, and about 3 a.m. on January 31st Salonika was visited by a zeppelin which dropped many bombs on the city and in the harbour, and a few on Lembet Camp.

On February 10th a sergeant of the N.Z. Ordnance Department arrived from Egypt on the Achaia with a large quantity of gift material from New Zealand, but during the night a fire broke out on the ship and destroyed it all. We later received much gift material from New Zealand, and needless to say it was always most welcome and useful; but it is doubtful if we ever required it more than on that occasion, and to lose it when it was actually at our door was bitterly disappointing.

On March 1st we were notified that the unit was to proceed to Egypt on H.S. Lanfranc. Two days later the vessel arrived with the No. 1 Canadian Stationary Hospital which was to relieve us, and on the 7th we left for Port Said. It was with great regret that the unit left Salonika. It had observed order grow out of apparent chaos, defensive positions constructed, positions said to be capable of with-standing any onslaught likely to be made by the enemy; it had made many friends, and as a unit it had become one of the oldest inhabitants.

We had accommodated our patients in the large E.P.I.P. tents, with tarpaulins for flooring. Around the marquees were deep trenches, and the heating was with oil stoves. In fine weather the sides of the tents could be easily taken down to admit the sun; and, periodically, all patients were removed, the tarpaulin lifted, and the sides thrown open. The operating theatre was one of these tents, but with a raised wooden floor, and strong incandescent light. Many operations were done there. An X-ray room was also built, and the plant was in working order some time before the unit left. All paths had been gravelled and a road built up to the hospital. All water had to be carted up. For the nursing sisters a compound bad been made by erecting tents on terraces on the hill-side, and dug-outs were constructed for protection against bombing and possible shelling.

That the unit was efficient and did work of considerable value in Salonika was the opinion of others as well as of itself; and the D.M.S. at Salonika, Surgeon-General (now Sir William) MacPherson, C.B., expressed his great appreciation—an appreciation to which he gave very practical expression in the great kindness he showed the unit subsequently in France. Others also expressed their admiration of the unit's work, and that at a time of stress when compliments were not thrown about freely. The efficiency, which the unit justly claimed, was to be attributed almost entirely to the careful selection of the staff, in which the principle followed was to employ men in their military capacity in positions for which their civil occupation fitted them, giving each man so employed an understudy similarly qualified. A number of expert clerks, able to write shorthand and to typewrite, some of them from responsible positions in good business houses, proved invaluable in the orderly room. Expert carpenters and plumbers were made most useful everywhere. The cooks, although trained in well-appointed kitchens, worked with wonderful efficiency under, often, very adverse conditions.

Of the technical work done by the hospital at Salonika, the medical portion was by far the most important. It comprised chiefly the treatment of cases of typhoid, para-typhoid, dysentery, trench-fever and frost-bite. Para-typhoid at this time was recognised as a definite entity, and, as such, the cases were treated in separate wards. The cases of dysentery sent to us had occurred chiefly among the 10th Division, transferred from Gallipoli to Salonika. Trench-fever was identified at Salonika as a separate affection first of all by the Staff of No. 1 New Zealand Stationary Hospital, and this matter formed the basis of a discussion at one of the first meetings of the Salonika Medical Society. During the retreat of the 10th Division from Serbia many cases of severe frost bite occurred, and the hospital received several hundreds of them. The majority of the cases required evacuation by hospital ship for further treatment elsewhere.

During the latter portion of the stay in Salonika laboratory facilities became available. This, needless to say, was of the greatest possible assistance in the exact diagnosis of the enterica and dysenterica groups of intestinal disease. Surgically, during the greater portion of the stay of the hospital in Salonika, the work consisted of the ordinary treatment of adult civilian life, with a large proportion of accidents. In addition to these we had cases of wounds received as a result of the many enemy air raids which took place.

During the months the hospital spent at Salonika, the formation of the Salonika Medical Society with the Director of Medical Services, Major-General Sir William MacPherson, K.C.M.G., C.B., as its President was of the greatest possible value in promoting and stimulating interest upon the many subjects which presented themselves for decision, and the Society was undoubtedly a very valuable means of affording the medical officers belonging to the different services opportunities of seeing each others' hospitals and, thereby, having a variety of interests provided for them which ordinarily would not have been available.

New Zealand Hospitals in Egypt. By Major Bowerbank, O.B.E., N.Z.M.C.

The history of New Zealand hospitals in Egypt commenced with the arrival of the two New Zealand Stationary Hospitals in June and July, 1915, respectively. As little provision had been made for the separate treatment and disposal of the New Zealand sick and wounded, they were admitted to the British and Australian General and Convalescent hospitals until, in April, 1915, the Egyptian Army Hospital, Pont de Koubbeh at Cairo, was very kindly offered by the Sirdar for the use of the New Zealand force and was staffed by R.A.M.C. and N.Z.M.C. officers, nurses and men.

It was a large stone building, two stories high, with deep verandas, and was erected during Lord Kitchener's tenure of office in Egypt. Though there was only accommodation in the building for about 250 patients, it had a large quadrangle which, when taken over by the No. 2 N.Z. Stationary Hospital, was covered with marquees.

These two stationary hospitals—the only complete medical hospitals which left New Zealand, and from which were drawn officers, nurses and men for such units as the No. 2 and 3 N.Z. General Hospitals and the 4th Field Ambulance—have been likened to Mary and Martha, and it was certainly an excellent analogy. The No. 1 N.Z. Stationary Hospital, which became the N.Z. Stationary Hospital, remained as such until after the Armistice. This hospital had a long and interesting history; and, though it was enlarged and its personnel changed, there always remained a nucleus to instil into the newcomer, whether M.O., nurse, or orderly, that esprit de corps which upheld its characteristic individuality. Its establishment consisted of seven medical officers, one quartermaster, and 86 other ranks, and it had provision for two hundred beds; but after its arrival in Port Said nurses of the N.Z.A.N.S. were attached and the accommodation was increased to 600 beds. The hospital was beautifully situated on the promenade facing the Mediterranean. It comprised the buildings of the American Mission School, for surgical cases, and marquees for the less severe medical cases and convalescents.

The No. 2 N.Z. Stationary Hospital, immediately on its arrival in July, 1915, took over Pont de Koubbeh, including 25 N.Z. Army Nursing Sisters, who had been attached there for duty some weeks previously. It was rapidly enlarged to 500 beds, but with the heavy casualties during the August advance the number was constantly increased. Later, to the chagrin of the staff, it was eventually transformed into a base hospital of 1,040 beds (for 40 officers and 1000 other ranks), and its name changed to that of the No. 1 N.Z. General Hospital; and in June 1916, the staff and a large part of the equipment were transferred to Brockenhurst, England. This rapid expansion threw a very great strain upon the staff, and the work was extremely arduous especially as the wounds, practically without exception, were septic. Indeed, during August 1915, cases arrived at the hospital from Gallipoli with the first field dressing still on.

The need for convalescent hospitals was first realised in May, 1915. A house was taken over at Zeitoun, Cairo, but as it proved quite inadequate to accommodate the rapidly increasing numbers, a convalescent hospital was opened by Lady Godley in Alexandria, where the men could have the benefit of the more bracing sea breezes.

Aotea Convalescent Hospital at Heliopolis.

In October, there arrived in Cairo the Aotea Convalescent Hospital, equipped by the residents of Wanganui. A house was taken at Heliopolis, a suburb of Cairo, and even though the accommodation was raised to 80, and later to 100, the establishment was always taxed to the utmost. This hospital remained after the Division had embarked for France, and was the convalescent centre for the N.Z. Mounted Brigade until the Armistice. It was in every respect an ideal establishment, and was thoroughly appreciated by the "diggers," especially after the departure of the N.Z. General Hospital and the closing down of the other convalescent hospitals.

It was only after the later experience of hospital methods and administration in England and France that one could realise the tremendous difficulties which beset those who bore the burden of the day in Egypt during the summer of 1915. In those days there was a shortage of drugs, and of equipment, and though the glory of the battlefields was not the lot of those who worked in them, yet these New Zealanders by their enthusiasm and devotion to duty established and built up an organisation which proved to be, then and later, of inestimable benefit to their sick and wounded countrymen.

New Zealand Hospitals in the United Kingdom. By Lieut.-Col. Myers, C.M.G., N.Z.M.C.

It seems fit that sometimes we should look back and ponder over the many interesting and sometimes pathetic or stirring events which took place during the years of the war. The story of the New Zealand Medical Corps in the United Kingdom is not without its interest in this respect. Indeed, looking back upon the many incidents that are recorded in its annals during the war the story would seem more like a romance if the facts interwoven with sentiment, suffering, hope and imagination, connected with the hospitals in Britain did not compel stern realisation. Life and death were often in the balance, skilled treatment and time aided the sufferer; and now, walking once more through the streets of New Zealand we find many a once dangerously ill man back again well and strong among his people in this distant

Winter at Mount Felix Hospital at Walton-on-Thames.land. Some, unfortunately, are still far from well; and some have made the greatest of all sacrifices..

It is difficult to realise that until only a comparatively few months ago the New Zealand Expeditionary Force had three large general hospitals, a section of a special jaw hospital, a convalescent hospital, and officers', and also a nurses' home in the United Kingdom! …. Yet if we look back we can remember how each of these units from time to time was the scene of great activity, anxiety, and ceaseless toil,—when the inspiration, hope and brightness of officers and nurses had a most cheering and stimulating effect upon the patients.

Immediately after war was declared many hundreds of New Zealanders living in the United Kingdom offered their services to their country and were examined by New Zealand medical officers resident there. No separate New Zealand hospital however was yet required. The first of our hospitals to be founded there was the New Zealand War Contingent Hospital at Walton-on-Thames, which opened its doors to receive New Zealand patients on 1st August, 1915.

Its first cases arrived within two days of its establishment, consisting of men from Gallipoli. Never will those who saw the admission of these men forget the delight they exhibited when they found that they were within a hospital which bore the name of their own country, was officered and run by New Zealanders, and, above all else, had a New Zealand "atmosphere" permeating its wards and surroundings. From then onwards, until the closing of the institution, Walton-on-Thames became one of the "big homes" in the United Kingdom for New Zealand soldiers.

After the first convoy, fresh cases arrived almost daily. As many of our lads as possible were transferred there, also, from British hospitals to which they had been sent, more especially from those institutions in outlying places away from London. Priority was always given to solitary men, or those in other hospitals in small numbers. Those who could not enter Walton were, as far as possible, concentrated in the Second London General Hospital.

The grounds at Walton were delightful with beautiful walks, flower beds, and green fields. The garden was well kept, and the fine old English cedars and other trees lent a peculiar charm to the surroundings. On one side of the ground the banks were swept by the Thames, and the delight of our lads in watching the river with the numerous boats constantly passing up and down never dwindled. Boating on the river, and swimming, became favourite pastimes. But the New Zealand atmosphere of the institution, perhaps after all, appealed to the lads more than anything else, and they were very sorry when, cured of their complaints, it became necessary for them to be transferred—in the early days to Weymouth, and, at a later period, to Hornchurch. People living in the neighbourhood were, from the opening day of the hospital, anxious to show hospitality to the patients, and we all feel grateful for the numerous acts of kindness which were bestowed upon the men by the residents. Boating parties, picnics on the river, theatre parties, and visits by motor to Windsor and other important places left no time for a man to be dull or homesick. The constant invitations to local homes from some of the best people in the neighbourhood, made for mutual understanding and kindly feeling.

New Zealanders living in the United Kingdom early learned to look upon Walton as the centre at which they were likely to find sick or wounded New Zealanders who had been transferred to the United Kingdom, or where they would be most likely to hear of the whereabouts of their soldier friends who were still in Imperial hospitals.

Some very serious cases were early admitted. One was a man who had some forty wounds. He did well, but unfortunately, after some four or five weeks of hope and confidence he suddenly sank and died. He was the first New Zealander to die in a New Zealand hospital in the United Kingdom.

One funeral, the fifth to take place in Walton, will always remain a vivid picture in the minds of those who attended. It had been agreed to bury our dead in the Walton Cemetery, portions of which contiguous to each other had been allotted to those belonging to the Church of England, and the Roman Catholic, and Non-Conformist faiths, the intention being that at the end of the war a commemorative monument should be erected in the grounds. However, in this particular instance the relatives of the man wished the body to be sent to Scotland. It was a day of heavy snow, and the gun-carriage and military band were prevented from arriving at Walton at the agreed time. We, therefore, requisitioned one of our ambulances and placed the coffin upon it. The procession to the railway station which was about one and a quarter miles distant was most impressive. Behind the snow-covered ambulance marched the men in their blues, their hats snow-laden; the trees and buildings along the route were all white, and from 12 to 15 inches of snow lay on the road. Nought was to be heard except the muffled sound of the wheels. We marched slowly along and at last arrived at the station white in its pall of snow. The coffin was reverently placed in the special van and was taken by rail to the relatives in Scotland. Every man present felt particularly sad.

The name of the hospital was changed after a few months to the New Zealand Military Hospital. Later, when the N.Z. Expeditionary Force took it over from the New Zealand War Contingent Association, it became known as the No. 2 New Zealand General Hospital. At that time the accommodation was for about 350 patients, the hospital building holding about 100, and the annexe over 200. There was also a special ward for infectious diseases. The annexe had been built in such a manner that if necessary additions could be made to bring the number of beds up to 520. These additions were found advisable immediately the military took over the hospital. After a while, still further accommodation being required, the large hotel at Oatlands Park was taken over and altered to make a section of the hospital. Oatlands Park was specially used for medical, limbless, and tuberculous cases. Altogether, toward the end of 1918, Walton Hospital was able to accommodate nearly 1,900 patients. Various alterations were necessary from time to time, and accommodation was also made for 50 officers.

The surgical and medical work was of a high order, and the administration continued to be fully satisfactory. The special departments—eye, ear, throat, and nose, the treatment

Crey Towers—The Main Building of HorncHurcH Convalescent Hospital.of limbless soldiers, X-ray and bacteriological work, massage, and medical electricity—were, in each instance in charge of doctors well versed in the particular work, and, the institution therefore, was carried on to the greatest benefit to the men and to the credit of the force. The work of the medical officers and of the New Zealand Army Nursing Sisters in our hospitals compared very favourably indeed with that performed in similar units of the Imperial army. The food and cooking received special attention, and it is only necessary to question any New Zealanders who were patients in the hospital to ascertain whether they were not well satisfied with the meals supplied to them! The educational classes at Oatlands Park were valuable in many ways, not only in employing the men usefully, but in instructing them in knowledge which should be of distinct use to them in after life.

It is also a source of gratification and pride that the people of Walton have been good enough to say very kind things concerning the New Zealanders, who, with indeed very few exceptions, behaved in the most creditable way.

Brockenhurst Hospital.

Brockenhurst Hospital was taken over by the New Zealand authorities from the War Office in June, 1916. It had previously been a hospital for Indian soldiers. Brockenhurst consisted of the main section known as the Lady Hardinge Hospital, and two minor sections, Balmerlawn and Forest Park. There were also several auxiliary hospitals attached, all of which, together with the sections and main hospital, were administered by the Officer Commanding No. 1 New Zealand General Hospital, by which name the whole establishment was known. Although there were only a few hundreds in the hospital during the earlier months it proved its efficiency when, after the first big "push," the wards were completely filled up. During 1918 there were occasions when nearly 1,600 patients were accommodated there. This number included 100 officers located at Forest Park, and about twenty officers at Lord Manner's Convalescent Home a few miles distant. As at Walton, the local people came forward and offered every hospitality to our officers and

N.Z. Stationary Hospital at Wisque, France.men, and very materially helped to brighten the lives of the patients during their sojourn there. But yet of all people there appeared, from one's experience, to be none more clannish than New Zealanders, and the delight of our lads in meeting their old friends in New Zealand hospitals was always evident.

The main surgical work for "other ranks" was performed at the Lady Hardinge hospital, Balmerlawn being used for medical cases. The administration of this hospital was most satisfactory. The work of the medical officers, the nursing sisters, medical orderlies, v.a.d's., and all those connected with the hospital, was, at Brockenhurst, as in all New Zealand hospitals, of a very high order.

Codford Hospital.

Codford hospital was taken over by the New Zealand authorities a few months after Brockenhurst and was known as No. 3 New Zealand General Hospital. Its situation in the Salisbury Plain area enabled it to afford accommodation for the sick from Codford Camp just opposite, and Sling Camp a few miles away by road. As the New Zealand Command Depot at Codford accommodated 2,500 men it was obvious that a hospital in the immediate vicinity was required. This hospital was nearly as completely equipped as its sister institutions, but obviously the cases received were not, for the most part, as serious as those admitted from France to Walton-on-Thames, or Brockenhurst. Certainly many bad medical cases gained admission and occasionally surgical ones.

Hornchurch Convalescent Hospital.

Hornchurch was originally a camp for convalescent New Zealand soldiers who had been in hospital. Upon the formation of the N.Z. Expeditionary Force Headquarters in England, however, it was found necessary to form a convalescent hospital, and Hornchurch was chosen as the site. It was designated the New Zealand Convalescent Hospital. Necessary alterations were made and accommodation was untimately found for 2,500 patients. In the treatment given at Hornchurch, massage and medical electricity held important places. Each department of the hospital was

Staff of N.Z. Stationary Hospital, Franceequipped with all the latest and best appliances. Later a gymnasium was added. The curative work performed in this unit was commented on favourably by the War Office. Medical cases requiring no further active treatment at the big general hospitals were transferred to Hornchurch for convalescence. Surgical cases were sent there when the wounds were nearly healed. Each man was given the necessary massage, medical electricity, remedial exercises, or such other treatment as was deemed suitable. From Hornchurch the men were transferred to the Command Depot Codford to be rendered fit again for service.

The surroundings of the hospital and huts were healthy, and in some parts were made beautiful by well-laid-out gardens. The parade ground was sufficiently large for all necessary purposes. The New Zealand War Contingent Association, here as elsewhere, built a hall for the accommodation and amusement of the men. The New Zealand Y.M.C.A. also erected a fine edifice. The deepest gratitude was felt by all medical officers towards these two bodies for their assistance in the edification and comfort of the New Zealand sick and wounded.

Brighton Convalescent Homes.

Two New Zealand officers' homes, run conjointly, were instituted at Brighton, that great seaside resort dear to the hearts of all Londoners. The two houses at Lewes Crescent which were used for this purpose, were offered gratuitously by Mr. and Mrs. Knight the owners, to whom New Zealand owes a debt of gratitude. They were excellently situated overlooking the sea with magnificent gardens attached. The furnishing of the houses was arranged in the most tasteful manner. In front was a greensward with tennis grounds, and, at the foot of the sea-cliff, facilities for sea bathing and boating. Although the houses provided for 50 convalescent officers, there were occasions when the accommodation was severely taxed. It was always a great pleasure to visit the home and see the happiness and contentment written on all faces. The air was good, while the care and attention given by the medical officer and nursing staff, together with the massage treatment, soon made sick-looking officers appear once more robust.

There was also at Brighton a Convalescent Home for the New Zealand Army Nursing Sisters. It answered a similar purpose to that of the officers' home, and was excellently run.

From May 1st, 1916, to the time when the New Zealand hospitals were closed there were about 70,000 admissions of New Zealanders to New Zealand and Imperial hospitals in the United Kingdom. Walton-on-Thames admitted over 25,000 patients, and Brockenhurst well over 20,000.

Looking back over the period of their existence one might safely say that the New Zealand hospitals in the United Kingdom fulfilled their purpose. They accommodated and gave the necessary treatment to the vast majority of New Zealand officers, nurses, and other ranks. In them was created perhaps indefinably a New Zealand "atmosphere," and this gave to the men a feeling of contentment, assurance and happiness. The medical officers, nurses, v.a.d's., and all the other men and women, who in various ways contributed to the care and happiness of the patients, gave of their best; and the high order of the giving was always fully appreciated by the patients.

The work performed at New Zealand Medical Headquarters, London, where were carried out the organisation, equipment, and administration of the New Zealand hospitals, and other details, the framing of the general medical policy, the compilation of statistics, the arranging of medical boards, hardly comes within the scope of the present chapter which deals with the hospitals only.

Chapter VII.The New Zealand Hospital Ships. By Lieut.-Colonel J. S. Elliott, N.Z.M.C.

In a great war waged overseas it is obvious that an important part of the medical service is the sea transport of sick and wounded soldiers. The high importance of hospital ships was not sufficiently recognised in the earlier stages of the Gallipoli campaign, but when the need became generally known there was a magnificent response in New Zealand to the appeal of His Excellency the Earl of Liverpool, Governor-General of the Dominion, for funds to equip the New Zealand hospital ship Maheno; and more was forthcoming when, later. a larger vessel—the Marama—was fitted out as a hospital ship. The money donated amounted altogether to £66,000; and also a vast amount of equipment and material in the nature of Red Cross stores was freely given. In addition, two motor launches were donated, one at Wellington and one at Auckland, and proved of great service, especially at Gallipoli.

The Maheno had eight wards and two operating theatres, an anaesthetising, a sterilising, and an X-ray room, a

The N.Z. Hospital Ship, Maheno.laboratory, a laundry and drying-room, steam disinfector, dispensary, telephone exchange, and two electric lifts each of which took two stretchers at a time. In short, she was complete in every detail. The result was that the New Zealand hospital ships were so well supplied and equipped that they had no superiors in any seas; and patients could be as well cared for aboard as in hospitals ashore.

Some of the special dangers and difficulties incidental to hospital ships may be here mentioned. Besides the ordinary perils of the seas, they were endangered during the whole war by floating mines. In March, 1916, the Russian hospital ship Portugal was deliberately torpedoed and sunk; so also was the Britannic, under the pretence that she carried reinforcements, and without the right of search having been exercised; and the Braemar Castle was sunk by mine or torpedo. When the German government announced the unrestricted submarine campaign early in 1917, their submarines made open war on hospital ships and soon added further unspeakable crimes against law and humanity to the long list which disgraces their record. Within a few months, with considerable loss of life in patients and personnel, there were sunk by submarines the hospital ships Asturias, Gloucester Castle, Donegal, and Lanfranc; and the Salta struck a mine in the English Channel and sank. The special difficulties belonging to hospital ship work were cramped space, rough weather, and a staff necessarily restricted in numbers and not easily reinforced.

On July 11th 1915, H.M.N.Z. hospital ship Maheno sailed from Wellington. Colonel the Hon. W. E. Collins was in military command, and the personnel included a matron and thirteen nursing sisters, five medical officers, a detachment of sixty-one orderlies of the New Zealand Medical Corps, and chaplains. Captain W. Maclean was captain of the ship. During the voyage preparation of material and the training of the orderlies were continued. Sixty-four nurses travelled from New Zealand on the ship as far as Egypt. At Alexandria, orders were received to proceed to Mudros. The Maheno arrived there on August 25th, and left on the 26th, arriving the same day at Anzac to find a cruiser and a destroyer in action near by; and a few bullets fell on the deck of the Maheno which served to indicate that she was now actually in the war zone.

The sight of the ship was an encouragement to our New Zealand soldiers who had wrested from the Turk a precarious footing on the hill sides opposite. During the next afternoon, the battle of Hill 60 was fought, and in the evening the wounded began to arrive at the ship. The severely wounded were sent to the wards at once, and the lightly injured were fed and surgically dressed on deck and sent in lighters to Mudros. The two operating theatres were in constant use from the evening of the 27th to the morning of the 29th.

Embarking Patients at Gallipoli

The Maheno left on the 28th with 445 patients for Mudros, where they were discharged into a hospital carrier,—formerly the German ship Derfflinger—and the ship's crew assisted in the arduous work. The wounds were severe, and deaths occurred during the short voyage. The ship was cleaned and refurnished—a heavy task—and she left Mudros for Anzac on the 30th, and there embarked 422 cases on 2nd September, including a large number of cases of dysentery; and all the patients were transferred to the Nile at Mudros. The Maheno departed again on September 7th for Anzac, where about 1,000 patients were attended to including 400 embarked on the ship. The others had wounds dressed and received medical treatment aboard, and returned again to the beach. Several of the personnel of the ship contracted dysentery, and all were more or less exhausted. The ship returned on the 11th to Mudros and was ordered to Malta, arriving at Valetta, where the patients were disembarked. At Anzac again, several days later, the Maheno took on board a large draft of sick and wounded who were disembarked at Malta. She returned twice again to Anzac, disembarking the patients each time at Alexandria.

On October 8th, the Maheno sailed for England, and on arrival at Southampton was taken over by the Admiralty and docked. The vessel left again at the end of the month. On November 11th, she was at Anzac for the last time carrying thence wounded and sick to Alexandria. At the time of this visit suitable hospitals had been erected ashore, and a hospital barge was in use which could accommodate from 200 to 300 patients. The Maheno proceeded to Malta, where orders were received to return to New Zealand. Patients were carried from Malta to Port Said and to Suez. New Zealand patients were embarked at Suez, and the ship arrived at Auckland on January 1st, 1916, with 319 patients aboard, most of whom were convalescent.

The Maheno was refitted at Port Chalmers, and re-commissioned under Lieut.-Colonel J. S. Elliott, with Captain Maclean again as Commander. She left Wellington on January 26th 1916, and carried, in addition to her usual complement, 53 military nurses for the hospitals in Egypt. After the evacuation of Gallipoli it soon became necessary to clear the Egyptian military hospitals of patients likely to undergo a tedious convalescence, and so the Maheno was sent back from Suez with 321 patients on board for New Zealand. In the Red Sea, the Maheno answered calls for help from the Orissa, a ship carrying military invalids, disabled by the loss of her propeller, and drifting ashore in a heavy sea. She reached her and towed her towards and near Aden. More patients were embarked at Colombo, and the Maheno arrived at New Zealand in the middle of April. She sailed again on April 28th. Naval patients from the Persian Gulf were embarked at Colombo, and on June 9th, the ship reached Suez, there to await orders for eleven days with the thermometer registering 110 degrees day and night.

To the great joy of everyone on board, orders to proceed to Southampton via Alexandria were received. About 300 patients were embarked at Alexandria. As showing the Imperial nature of the work of the Maheno, it might be stated that a large proportion of the patients were Australians, and the rest British soldiers from the United Kingdom who had come from fighting in Gallipoli, Egypt, and Mesopotamia. After a very quick passage, the Maheno was at the quayside at Southampton on July the 3rd.

The Cots.

The great offensive on the Somme had just begun, and she sailed for Havre where hospital trains were bringing in wounded in immense numbers. The ship was filled 'from stem to stern'; and the decks were converted into wards by hanging up canvas screens all round the ship. Literally no space was left vacant that could be made at all available for a wounded man.

Feeding the multitude, dressing the hundreds of wounds, and preparing the necessary statistics was a work of great magnitude. There and then began labours that never ended night or day, with irregular meals and short hours of sleep for the staff. The Maheno sailed with no less than 1141 patients aboard, with nearly every famous regiment of the British line represented, and soldier patients from the four corners of the Empire.

After disembarking at Southampton, the Maheno was sent to Boulogne and she loaded, in difficult conditions, 570 severely wounded. In the early days of the cross-channel voyaging, structural alterations had been made in the ship at Southampton, and the cots had been increased to 440. Waterproof mattresses were procured for use on deck. Space will not permit of a detailed description of each journey. Suffice to say that the Maheno was engaged in carrying wounded in the two great phases of the Somme offensive; and from the beginning of July, 1916, to the end of October, 1916, the following patients were on board, excluding 53 New Zealand Sisters, about 500 Australians and 1,000 New Zealanders who were on the Maheno at other periods of the second commission:—

Synopsis. Officers Sisters O/Ranks Total United Kingdom 724 1 11,340 12,065 Canada 55 941 996 Newfoundland 1 25 26 South Africa 1 26 27 Australia 24 9 572 605 New Zealand Sisters 53 53 Advance Party No. 2 Field Ambulance to Egypt 1 6 7 New Zealand 41 1,029 1070 Wounded German Prisoners 37 936 973 884 63 14,875 15.822

Frequently, the patients were on board for three days at a time, and the navigation was often difficult and dangerous, except when a destroyer was ahead as a pilot ship.

It was curious to observe that many of the German wounded honestly believed that their fleet had command of the Channel; and they wondered how the hospital ship could get across. On one occasion, the Maheno lay in an area attacked by a zeppelin.

On October 28th, 328 New Zealand sick and wounded were embarked at Southampton, and voyaged home uneventfully except for delay at Albany, due to a coal strike in New Zealand. The ship returned at Christmastide.

During the second commission, the Maheno steamed 52,229 sea miles, passed four times through the tropics, and carried almost 16,000 patients. Many operations were performed and surgical dressings innumerable.

In September 1915, during the first commission of the Maheno, the War Office accepted an offer from the New Zealand Government to provide a second hospital ship and the

The N.Z. Hospital Ship Marama.Marama, a much larger vessel than the Maheno, was selected, was fitted with 600 beds, and equipped in no way inferior to the Maheno in the wonderfully short period of twenty-three days. Hundreds of workmen were employed night and day during that period. She sailed from New Zealand on 5th December, 1915, under the medical and military charge of Lieut.-Colonel P. R Cook, N.Z.M.C. Captain B. M. Aldwell was the ship's commander.

At Alexandria, about 500 patients from Gallipoli and Salonika were embarked for Southampton. She returned to Alexandria, and after some days was sent to Marseilles, coaling at Cette, and then proceeding to Salonika and to Stavros upon which the Eastern flank of the British forces in the Balkans at that time rested. Here the ship was used as a base hospital until she left with patients for Malta. A full complement of sick was taken again to Southampton, and the Marama returned to Alexandria where she was delayed for three weeks until orders were received to embark the New Zealand General Hospital for Southampton, where she arrived in time for the Somme offensive. She then crossed to Boulogne.

From this time the Marama and Maheno were part of the White Fleet which carried the wounded from that great battle without delay to the hospitals in England.

The Marama on one occasion bore no less than 1,636 patients from Havre. Many of the wounds were of a terrible nature; it was marvellous that men so hurt could survive. Shell-shock was a very frequent trouble, and many patients on board had lost their reason. Patients came on the ship within twelve hours of their being wounded in the trenches. The speed with which the wounded were brought in from the trenches by the bearers, attended to in clearing-stations, sent to hospital trains which ran behind the lines, and brought on board the hospital ship was a remarkable tribute to the organisation of the R.A.M.C., which was one of the wonders of the war. It was found that by the time the patients reached the ship, even after twelve or eighteen hours, their wounds were in most cases septic and often offensive. Sisters and orderlies were engaged all day and all night dressing wounds. Walking patients, of whom there were frequently four or five hundred, went to the dressing room, and there was always a long queue waiting outside this room.

It should be explained that walking cases do not necessarily mean the slightly wounded as, owing to the difficulty of transport, cot cases in war are reduced to the absolute minimum. If a man is able to walk at all, no matter how badly he is wounded in the arms, body or head, he is classified as a walking case. Many of the "walkers" were very severely wounded. Some patients fell down asleep from utter exhaustion as soon as they reached the deck—the fact that here was a warm and dry spot was all that mattered. It was a luxury for the wounded even to get away from the terrific din of the battlefields, and merciful Providence had endowed them with the faculty of not looking too far ahead or behind. They were children of the hour, for the immensity of the conflict had dulled the mind, which shut out all considerations except the most pressing and immediate.

On August 25th the Marama was recalled to New Zealand, and she sailed with about 500 New Zealand patients.

One of the Wards.

During this commission, the Marama steamed 52,251 sea miles and carried 12,639 patients and 580 hospital passengers.

For the soldiers on the Marama and Maheno the glamour of the fighting was over; the wreckage of war was drifting homewards. These men were great in battle; they were equally great in suffering. Not once in all the channel voyagings was heard one word of complaint.

The Marama and the Maheno proudly shared with the other hospital ships the thanks conveyed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty and by the Commander-in-Chief.

The Marama under Colonel Collins sailed on her second commission on November 12th, 1916, via Bombay, and from that port she carried patients to Suez and proceeded to Southampton, where 540 cases were embarked for New Zealand. A few days out from Southampton, the Marama rescued survivors from a torpedoed ship, and had an unpleasantly close view of a German submarine. After arrival at New Zealand, the Marama sailed again for England on March 22nd, 1917. From Bombay she carried patients invalided from Mesopotamia to Suez, where orders were received that the Mediterranean was unsafe. The nurses were ordered to disembark, and a course was set for Durban. In the absence of the nurses, the orderlies were put to a considerable test in nursing severe cot cases, but they rose to the occasion and succeeded reasonably well. After leaving Durban a fierce storm arose; one large wave swept the decks and a patient and an orderly were washed overboard and drowned, and several others were injured.

After calling at Capetown and at Sierra Leone the Marama continued her voyage to Avonmouth and returned with a full complement of patients to New Zealand via the Panama Canal.

From the time of this commission dental officers were carried on the hospital ships and did excellent service. In every charter the massage work was exceedingly well done. The masseuses worked very long hours and were rewarded with the results they obtained.

The Maheno was re-commissioned for the third charter under Lieut.-Colonel R. Anderson, and the Marama for the third charter under Lieut.-Colonel Cook. The Marama was under Colonel Collins for her fourth commission, and the Maheno was re-commissioned a fourth and a fifth time under Colonel Tracy Inglis and Lieut.-Colonel Gunn. During each commission, two voyages were made to England for the purpose of clearing the New Zealand Hospitals in the United Kingdom, and patients were carried to various ports en route as necessary. The voyages differed little in detail.

The balance of the money remaining at the end of the war to the credit of the Hospital Ship Fund, with the approval of the Government, was expended for the provision of a Medical Students' Hall for the Medical Students' Training-Corps at Dunedin. This hall, equipped with the latest medical appliances, will benefit both the civil and the military training of medical students, and will be of great value to the community at large. It will also be a memorial to the work of the New Zealand hospital ships.

Chapter VIII.New Zealand Dental Corps. By Lieut.-Colonel T. A. Hunter, D.D.S., N.Z.E.F.

New Zealand holds the proud position of being the first to recognise the necessity of, and to arrange for, the systematic dental treatment of its expeditionary forces. The then Minister of Defence (the Hon. Sir. James Allen) is to be congratulated upon having taken the responsibility for such an innovation. It was a step without precedent, but the results proved beyond all doubt its value.

On the outbreak of war two dental officers were appointed to the Medical Corps, and accompanied the Samoan expedition. A dental officer attached to the Medical Corps was also detailed for duty on each of the ten transports which sailed with the troops forming the Main Body. Owing to the short interval between mobilisation and embarkation very little treatment could be given in New Zealand to these troops, and as the amount of work necessary was considerable, the dental officers were kept very busy during the voyage to Egypt. Civilian dentists in various parts of New Zealand, meanwhile, did a great deal of work for the troops in camp, and also prior to mobilisation, and they did it either gratis, or at reduced fees, which were paid by the recruits themselves.

But in spite of what was then being done, a large percentage of recruits who were otherwise fit were rejected on account of dental defects. In June 1915, therefore, the N.Z. Dental Association made a patriotic offer to the Government to treat all recruits free of charge as far as time permitted, between enlistment and being called into camp, provided the Government reimbursed members for the material used. The offer was accepted, and for over two years this arrangement materially assisted in making the majority of the men of the reinforcements dentally "fit."

At a later period it was decided to undertake all treatment in the camps.

When Mr. T. A. Hunter and Dr. H. P. Pickerill were in Wellington in June 1915 in connection with the Association's offer, they were asked by the Government to inspect and report upon the dental treatment then being given in the camps in New Zealand. Their report indicated that if all the troops were to be sent away dentally fit it would be necessary to establish and maintain a large and properly organised military dental unit to operate both in New Zealand and over-seas. Decision was deferred pending the arrival from England of Surgeon-General Henderson, D.G.M.S.

General Henderson approved the scheme and it was at once inaugurated, and steps were taken to establish the New Zealand Dental Corps. It came into existence in the closing months of 1915. The dental officers attached to the N.Z.M.C. were transferred, and additional officers were appointed in New Zealand, the body being a separate unit with a director and two assistant directors. The Corps in its early days was greatly indebted to the valuable assistance and advice of General Henderson.

The Corps was established in a small way. It was impossible to determine even approximately the number of officers and mechanics that would be required to cope with the work in the camps in New Zealand. A lapse of time was necessary before anything like reliable data could be secured regarding the average amount of work being done for reinforcements by civilian dentists prior to the men proceeding to camps. But small as the corps was its aim from the first was to send away every member of the Expeditionary Force with an efficient set of teeth. It is interesting now to measure that task to ascertain the extent to which the Corps succeeded.

The 9th and 10th Reinforcements were in camp when the members of the N.Z.D.C. began their work. The principal dental officers at Featherston and Trentham were soon compelled to ask for more help and the personnel of the Corps was accordingly increased. But it was not merely a matter of sending in more dentists. Special buildings had to be erected—surgeries, hutments, workrooms and so on; mechanics and orderlies had to be provided and equipment secured, while all the machinery of the new unit, had to be created as the Corps grew. Standing orders were compiled, systems of charting had to be devised, the calling-up of patients and necessary details for handling thousands of patients in accordance with full military discipline and with the least possible interference with the training of the men, were all matters to be attended to, and it was all new ground. However, all was accomplished satisfactorily and the Corps steadily grew; but it was not until the 17th Reinforcements entered camp that it could be said the organisation in New Zealand was coping satisfactorily with the work. The 17th reinforcements numbered 1,998 men, and the treatment given them by civilian dentists, and in camp by members of the Corps amounted to 6,335 fillings, 5,237 extractions, and 854 dentures; while 371 fillings 48 extractions and 32 dentures still remained to be done on board the transports.

The policy of the Defence authorities was to send away a reinforcement each month numbering approximately 2,000 officers and men. The difficulty of coping with the work may be understood from the fact that the number of teeth requiring treatment varied from 3,016 in one reinforcement to 13,517 in another.

As most of the deck space on the earlier transports was required for the carrying of horses, the dental officers had difficulty in securing necessary accommodation. Cabins on some of the transports, which originally were allotted as dental surgeries, had at the last moment to be taken for the use of officers. On the majority of the transports the accommodation generally was insufficient, but this was only to be expected from the hurried mobilisation of the Expeditionary Force and the limited time available for transforming passenger and cargo ships into transports.

To render the men dentally fit to take the line at once was the particular work of the dentists accompanying the Main Body.

During the voyage to Egypt a dental examination was made of all ranks. It revealed a rather serious condition of things. Patients were called up systematically and according to the urgent nature of the requirements. Fortunately the weather was very good and the sea generally calm, and operator and patient readily adapted themselves to the novel experience of treating and receiving treatment to the roll of the transports.

In Egypt dental officers were attached for duty to the various regiments, ambulances, (1st Field and Mounted) and details. As the Zeitoun camp was situated on the desert and timber and tents were at a premium, accommodation was necessarily very difficult to obtain, and the dental officers were relegated to a "bell" tent without flooring. But they got speedily to work and called up all ranks for examination and treatment. The establishment of the N.Z.E.F. did not provide for dental officers and great difficulty was experienced in obtaining recognition of our requirements. However, commanding officers quickly realised the importance of our work and soon did much to assist us.

The contrast between operating in one's own surgery fitted with modern appliances ensuring asceptic and hygienic conditions, and working in a "bell" tent without flooring, in the desert, can be imagined. The heat averaged between 110° and 120° in the shade, and a continuous plague of flies persistently irritated both operator and patient. Now and then violent sandstorms known as Khamsins swept over the camp and while they raged the tents perforce had to be laced up, thus shutting out the light so necessary. Yet no member of any unit had to be retained in Egypt as dentally unfit when the forces embarked for Gallipoli.

The Australian force, which had not been as fortunate as the New Zealand body in having dental surgeons attached to its medical service, soon realised the necessity for following suit. Although our own officers had more work than they could possibly undertake, the General Officer Commanding generously came to the Australians' assistance by temporarily transferring four Dominion dentists to the Australian hospital and ambulance sections.

The British forces which were camped close to the New Zealand Mounted Brigade constantly reported to our clinics for dental treatment. These men's teeth for the most part were in a deplorable condition, and the gratitude of the "Tommy" after obtaining relief was no less marked than his astonishment at not having to pay for it. The invariable question was: "Is it true you take teeth out here for nothing"? Previous to our arrival the Egyptian dentists were making quite an income out, of the boys from Lancashire, who could ill afford to pay.

When the troops were ordered to Gallipoli the question arose of how many dental officers were to accompany them. Naturally all wanted to go. When it was announced that only four were to embark, two with our own forces and two with the Australians, speculation ran high as to who would be favoured. All doubt and anxiety were ended by the decision of the A.D.M.S. that a ballot should be taken. This, at least, was sporting.

No provision was made for dental transport, and the equipment allotted to each dental officer had to be considerably curtailed to such instruments and materials as were required only for the immediate alleviation of pain. The difficulty of transport was enormous. This applied to foodstuffs, and the troops were compelled to live mostly on hard biscuits and bully beef. It quickly played havoc with the men's teeth. A dental officer was detailed to Egypt to obtain further surgical equipment, trained mechanics and prosthetic equipment so that treatment of a permanent nature, and the making and repairing of dentures could be undertaken. Accommodation was provided at No. 2 Outpost, Anzac, for this purpose, and, after some months the staff was reinforced by five more officers. The hospital did splendid work considering the very adverse conditions that all ranks laboured under. The area was continually under fire, and, owing to the scarcity of fresh water, constant visits to the beach had to be made for sea water for use in the vulcanisers. The danger and difficulties of working under such circumstances can be imagined. But the clinic was the wonder and admiration of the British and Australian forces.

Unfortunately a considerable amount of the Gallipoli equipment was lost during the subsequent evacuation, and this to some extent delayed operations at Moascar. However, with the assistance of the Commanding Officer of the 1st Field Ambulance, to whom we were attached, new outfit was soon purchased and a building erected, and a great deal of work was done during the four months training prior to the formation of the New Zealand Division.

When it was officially announced that the Division was to embark for France, General Godley ordered the re-organisation of the dental service. Capt. Finn, D.S.O. was appointed Administrative Dental Officer and sections were formed consisting of one officer, two mechanics and one orderly. Two sections were attached to each of the three field ambulances, and one to the Mounted Field Ambulance which remained in Egypt.

Soon after its arrival in France the Division took over the trenches east of the town of Armentieres. In order to centralise the dental work, a large building was secured and formed into a dental hospital, the personnel of which consisted of three dental officers, six mechanics, three orderlies, one cook and two fatigue orderlies. The greater proportion of the work at this institution consisted of extractions and the making and repairing of dentures. The surgical operations were carried out by the sections attached to the field ambulances. The dental hospital was established within 1¾ miles of the front line trenches, and this enabled all ranks to have treatment completed without being sent to the base.

At the New Zealand overseas base camp at Etaples two sections were stationed to treat all ex-patients from hospitals in France, and to do work which would accumulate amongst reinforcements waiting to reinforce the Division.

In September when the Division went to the Somme the dental personnel were ordered back to the base. They were disappointed, but the medical ambulance had only sufficient transport for their own requirements

In October 1916, the Division was withdrawn from the Somme. After a short rest we took over the old sector close to Armentieres, and the dental personnel were immediately recalled there. The dental work had accumulated considerably; but although working under adverse conditions, including frequent shelling by day, and bombing by night, considerable progress was made in reducing the accumulation. About this time the morning dental parades were considerably increased by an epidemic of Vincents angina, commonly called "trench mouth." This contagious disease was the cause of much anxiety to the regimental medical officers, whose morning sick parades contained numerous cases in an advanced stage. The ailment was a new experience to New Zealand soldiers. The treating of the patient near the front line by the dentists not only meant a saving in man-power and transport, but also prevented the men from becoming hospital casualties.

In May 1917 the 4th Brigade, which was formed in the United Kingdom, proceeded to France with a complete dental section attached. It was a mobile section—all cumbersome

Dental Mechanics at Work.equipment being curtailed. Two small panniers contained sufficient instruments and materials for all operations. As a matter of fact the actual space taken up in transport during the various moves of the Brigade was only half of a "half limber." From this time to the actual evacuation of the Division, all dental sections were kept fully occupied. They accompanied the troops to the various areas where the Division was engaged.

The New Zealand Stationary Hospital in France, although attached to a British army corps, also had its dental section the staff of which treated not only the British troops but the French and American. In addition they attended to French and Belgian civilians in districts where the dentists were absent on active service. The French soldiers and civilians were greatly surprised, when in answer to the invariable question "Combien s'il vous plaît, Capitaine"?, they were informed there was no fee.

Equipment and expendable material were obtained through the British medical depots in accordance with the contract which was made between the War Office and the New Zealand Government. Although at times, owing to the interruption of transport from the United Kingdom to France, material was delayed, this arrangement on the whole proved satisfactory.

At the Sling depot, on the Salisbury Plain, three dental officers and six mechanics were detailed for duty to complete as far as possible, in the short time at their disposal, treatment required before the drafts proceeded to France. During this period five extra dental clinics were established in the United Kingdom, one at headquarters, London (to attend to the staff and all ranks on leave from France), and one each at the hospitals at Brockenhurst, Walton-on-Thames, Hornchurch and Codford, where treatment as far as possible was completed during the stages of hospital attention, convalescence and light training prior to marching into Sling Camp. The remainder of the work necessary to make the men dentally "A" was done at Sling before they were included in drafts for the front.

In November, 1916 the D.D.S., Lt.-Col. T. A. Hunter, left New Zealand to visit Egypt, England and France to inspect and report upon the work and organisation of the Dental Corps abroad. He found that the establishment was quite inadequate to cope with the work requiring attention. Steps were at once taken to remedy this by sending an officer and mechanic on each transport leaving New Zealand, who were to be retained for duty on arrival in the United Kingdom. As a further result of this visit better co-ordination was obtained between the work of the Corps in New Zealand and abroad.

A New Zealand Dental Surgery in France.

In December, 1916, Major Pickerill arrived in England from New Zealand to take over the jaw fracture cases, of which there were now quite a number in the United Kingdom. These distressing cases were first treated at the Walton Hospital, to which a dental section was attached to assist Major Pickerill. In January, 1918, it was decided to remove this section to the British "Jaw Hospital" at Sidcup, and a dental section was attached to assist with dental treatment and the making and fitting of splints and appliances essential to this branch of special surgery. The combination of oral and plastic surgery with prosthetic devices was one of the features of war surgery. The specimens now in New Zealand of cases treated at Sidcup, show the progress of recovery through the various stages, and form, indeed, a very interesting collection.

During 1917 several additional depots were established in England, viz.—at Grantham, where the Machine Gun Corps were located; at Brocton, the New Zealand Rifle Brigade Camp; at Boscombe (New Zealand Engineers); at Ewshott (New Zealand Field Artillery); and at Torquay (the evacuation camp). The N.Z.D.C establishment had also to be considerably increased. In April, 1918, the Deputy-Director of Dental Services was recalled to New Zealand under the exchange system then in progress, and Major Rishworth, who at that time was attached to the Jaw Section at Sidcup, was placed in charge. Under him the whole establishment was reconstructed and increased, providing one lieut.-colonel (Deputy Director of Dental Services), two majors, 41 captains and lieutenants, one quartermaster (W.O. Class II.), two staff-sergeants, 38 sergeants, 14 corporals, 53 privates—a total of 152 of all ranks.

Early in December 1918, Lieut.-Col. Rishworth was relieved to allow him to visit America to inspect and report later in New Zealand upon school dental schemes in operation there and his duties were undertaken by the Senior Dental Officer.

In the meantime the Director of Dental Services, Lieut.-Col. Hunter, had embarked for England, and on his arrival there he took over the administration of the corps. Nine other officers, who had been sent from New Zealand on his advice, arrived shortly after to assist in the final treatment of the men prior to embarkation, in accordance with demoblisation orders, and also to reinforce the Corps, which at this time was diminishing in numbers on account of dental personnel being sent on duty on transports returning to New Zealand.

There were difficulties even in repatriation. Men longest on service were transported first. This was particularly unfortunate for them as the earlier classes had not had the same opportunity for dental treatment, and consequently, required more. However, as a dental officer accompanied each returning transport, the difficulty was to a great extent minimised. By the time the 1916-17 classes were due for repatriation the labour strikes, which were then general throughout the United Kingdom, delayed the departure of transports for about six weeks. This, though very hard on the men, was a blessing to the dentists for it enabled them to attend to all cases. It was hoped that the whole of the troops thus remaining in England would arrive in New Zealand dentally fit, and this subsequently proved to be the case.

There is little doubt that the dental treatment afforded the New Zealand soldiers was on a more generous scale and of a higher standard than in the case of any of our allies. The standard of treatment was a high one. This not only helped the efficiency of the soldier, but also the professional skill of the officers of the corps. The result, it is believed, has been that the people of New Zealand not only have a more efficient dental service, but the standard of the general health of a considerable number of the male population of the Dominion has been raised. It has, indeed, been stated by the Director General of Medical Services that the dental treatment of the New Zealand troops contributed in no small degree towards the reduction of disease and epidemics in the camps, and in making the soldiers more efficient as a fighting unit, and that it also ensured a more speedy recovery from disease and wounds.

Chapter IX.New Zealand Veterinary Corps. By Dr. C. J. Reakes, Director General of New Zealand, Department of Agriculture.

New Zealand scored strongly in the war with horses as well as with men. The resource and efficiency of the New Zealand Veterinary Corps surprised high officers of the Imperial Army by the low percentage of losses sustained in transportation and on active service.

The New Zealand Veterinary Corps was formed in 1907, but, apart from a nucleus of officers—all qualified veterinary surgeons—it possessed no "establishment." On the outbreak of war immediate calls were made upon the resources of the Corps, for the purchase of military horses, the provision of veterinary officers for duty on transports, and in the training of essential personnel which had to be enrolled for the carrying out of routine duties. To do this it was necessary to utilise the services of all available qualified veterinary surgeons in New Zealand. The majority of those so enrolled subsequently received commissions in the New Zealand Veterinary Corps.

Early in the war the War Office requested the New Zealand Government to send two veterinary mobile sections and two veterinary hospital sections to Egypt. Arrangements were promptly made for this purpose. Suitable men were selected for the various duties which were to be done under veterinary officers, and were trained at a remount depot, which was established at Upper Hutt, New Zealand, where experts gave a series of lectures and demonstrations. These men eventually left with the third reinforcements. The reinforcements for subsequent veterinary units were similarly trained at Upper Hutt.

The various veterinary operations were under the administration of Dr. C. J. Reakes (now Director-General of the Department of Agriculture) who held the appointment of Director of Veterinary Services and Remounts, with the rank

Section of Camp at upper Hutt (Wellington)of Colonel. He had as assistant in the early organisation work the late Lieut.-Colonel Clayton, an officer who never spared himself in those difficult days.

The active service personnel of the veterinary corps comprised the following twenty-four officers:—Lieut.-Colonel A. R. Young. A.D.V.S.; Lieut.-Colonel H. A. Reid; Major J. Stafford; Major P. M. Edgar; Major C. R. Neale; Captains T. A. Blake, E. C. Howard, R. H. Meade, W. C. Ring, E. L. Siddall, C. S. Simpson, A. Taylor, W. C. Barry, W. P. Begg, F. Crossley, E. E. Elphick, A. A. Johnson, T. G. Lillico, D. H. Rait, W. G. Taylor, J. Danskin, D. H. McHattie, J. H. Primer, and G. N. Waugh.

Major D. Munro, Major Robinson, Captain Gomez, and Lieutenant McCallum (who were not members of the Veterinary Corps), undertook veterinary duties on early transports. Captains McHattie, Primer, and Waugh were killed in action, and Captains Lillico and Rait died after their return to New Zealand.

The following decorations were awarded to members of the New Zealand Veterinary Corps:—D.S.O. to Major Stafford; Croix de Guerre to Captain Blake; C.B.E. to Colonel C. J. Reakes; O.B.E. to Major Edgar; O.B.E. to Lieut.-Col. Reid.

In New Zealand.

The mobilising of horses entailed much heavy work. The buying was done principally by stock inspectors on the staff of the Department of Agriculture stationed throughout the Dominion, a method which proved both economical and efficient. The inspectors accomplished excellent results, exhibiting good judgment, combined with the highest standard of integrity. Horses offered for sale were carefully tested, and those showing the slightest signs of unsoundness were rejected. Afterwards came the severe "try-out" at the remount depot as the final safeguard against the shipping of animals unfit in the slightest degree for the hard usages of war. Proof that the buying was well done is supplied by the records which show that the total number purchased was 9,347, at an average price of £17 1s. 10d. for remounts (5,097), and £24 10s. for artillery horses (4,250). Of the total number purchased only 90 died in New Zealand during the war, and only 154 were cast and sold before the Armistice. When hostilities ceased there were 449 horses left on hand in New Zealand, most of which were sold at good prices. A few were retained to complete the establishment of the permanent artillery.

In addition to the horses purchased, many were given to the Government by settlers and others. The total number of these gift horses was 1,437.

The veterinary war work began with the establishment of the concentration camp at Palmerston North, in August, 1914. Captain Dudley Hewitt, then on furlough in Palmerston North, from India, was placed in charge of the horse section of the camp, and he had the assistance of Captain W. Smith, and Mr. R. C. Tilley, a Manawatu farmer well known for his expert knowledge of horses. Mr. Tilley was invited by a Palmerston North committee to help in this work, and he went into camp on 7th August. From all quarters large numbers of horses came—by rail and road. Day and night the trains brought them.

Captain Hewitt being ordered back to his regiment in India, Captain Smith succeeded him in command. Drafts of horses were sent to Awapuni (where the 1st Reinforcement was encamped), to Trentham and to other localities where they were needed for A.S.C. work. This distribution reduced the number of horses at Palmerston to about 400. Of these 200 were turned out to pasture near Palmerston, and the remainder were sent to Upper Hutt (near Wellington) where the remount depot was now established on ground leased by the Defence Department. From this time the concentration of all horses was at this place and not at Palmerston North. Captain Smith went away as remount officer with the 3rd Reinforcements, and Mr. Tilley, now appointed captain, took charge of the remount depot, with Lieutenants Elworthy and McLean as assistants. Captain Burton, N.Z.V.C. was for some time in charge of the veterinary training operations at the Featherston Camp.

In the days and nights when the depot had its busiest times, the township of Upper Hutt did not lack liveliness.

At one time a thousand horses, with about a hundred attendants, were at the depot, and the lines extended over fifteen acres.

As soon as possible after arrival at the depot, the horses were classified for artillery (light and heavy draught), pack, and troop work. There was also a sixth class—the charger! After classification, came marking. The sign of the State—N broad arrow Z—was set with a hot iron on one fore-hoof, and the horse's number was branded on the other. Identification notes on every horse handled at the depot—the number, colour, sex, height, marks, and other details—were entered in a ledger, and this record also showed subsequently any change of camp or user that the animal might have. The regulations provided that the depot must always be kept in touch with every horse issued for home use. As far as possible the horses of each class retained a uniform appearance by having the same cut of mane and tail.

The remount depot had a field hospital organised by Lieut.-Colonel Reid, with a veterinary surgeon in charge, for the treatment of horses suffering from kicks, colds, or other troubles which were not serious; but the main hospital was at Wallaceville, in the Upper Hutt district, connected with the State Laboratory there, which did all the veterinary dispensing for the depot, and, incidentally, for the camps also.

An early trouble was an outbreak of strangles. The horses affected were promptly removed to Wallaceville, and the epidemic was checked.

When the shipment of horses eased off, owing to mounted troops being required in diminishing numbers, the depot at Upper Hutt was closed, and the concluding remount work was done at Wallaceville.

Transportation.

The total number of horses transported from New Zealand was 9,988, of which the loss on voyage was only 3 per cent. Lieut.-Col. Young was in charge of the horses—a total of 3,817—which went with the Main Body, and of these, only 78, or 2 per cent. died at sea. The general average of loss with all horses shipped during the war was remarkably low

Section of Camp at Upper Hutt (Wellington)for such long voyages, and it would have been some points lower if the fifth reinforcement horses, which went to India, had not suffered the comparatively high mortality rate of 7 per cent. The largest number of horses carried on one ship was 728 on the Orari, a main body transport. This low per centage of losses speaks volumes for the care and devotion of the men, whose stable duties in the tropics can easily be imagined. It is also a tribute to New Zealand's veterinary organisation. Precautions were taken at the outset to assure as much comfort as possible for the horses. At sea keen eyes were always alert for troubles such as strangles, "ship's pneumonia," colic, or other ailments. On ships where there was space enough, the horses were exercised on decks covered with coconut matting.

In Egypt, Sinai, and Palestine.

At Alexandria, the New Zealand veterinary officers had to make the best shift that they could. Lieut.-Col. Young and his staff managed to win through all difficulties, which included the successful overcoming of the tricks of some Egyptian dealers in forage.

By the end of three weeks the animals were ready for work, and the training was then begun by men of the mounted units. A farrier quarter-master sergeant and three farrier-sergeants were detailed to each mounted squadron, and a farrier went with each troop. These men acted as dressers for injuries from kicks and other minor ailments, under the supervision of a veterinary officer. Sick parades were held every morning for horses as well as for men.

In January, 1915, the veterinary personnel, composed of two mobile sections, and two veterinary hospital sections, arrived in Egypt from New Zealand. Each hospital could take in about 250 horses. One was for the mounted brigade, and the other for the infantry and artillery. While the New Zealand Brigade was at Zeitoun camp, an epidemic of influenza raged among the animals for six weeks. Almost all of the 5,000 of them in the lines were affected, and about 75 died. Next came ringworm, which affected about 80 per cent.

Major Neale, who went with the A.S.C., was the first New Zealand veterinary officer with the Gallipoli expedition. He was relieved by Major Stafford, D.S.O., who remained on the Peninsula till the evacuation. Events soon proved, however, that horses were of little use on Gallipoli, except for some work at night. The conditions were much more suitable for mules and Egyptian donkeys. Happily the animals were not much troubled by disease, but wounds from shells were plentiful and frequent, and many were killed.

For a time, until Easter, 1916, New Zealand horses were scattered over Egypt, and then came the concentration for the Sinai campaign. The New Zealand Mounted Brigade became part of the Anzac Mounted Division, and the New Zealand Veterinary Corps was re-organised with fresh equipment. Major Stafford, who was now in charge of the veterinary work (Lieut.-Col. Young having proceeded to France), was attached to the New Zealand Brigade headquarters staff. As there was no veterinary hospital on the east side of the Canal, No. 2 Mobile Veterinary Section was converted into a hospital under Captain McHattie at Bir-el-Mala, where very good work was done. Every possible care was taken by New Zealand Veterinary officers to avoid the despatch of sick or wounded horses to the British base hospital in Egypt, for when they had been merged in the mass of horses there it was usually a case of good-bye. As New Zealand's horses were mostly of exceptional quality the veterinary organisation exerted itself to retain as many as it could for the Brigade.

In the desert of Sinai, shortage of water caused a considerable loss of horses. Flies were also a serious trouble. Their bites brought sores at the corners of horses' eyes and mouths, and the same pest made any cut or wound difficult to heal. Fringes had to be attached to the head to protect the eyes. Sand colic was also a common complaint.

In the first battle of Gaza the horse casualties were light, but in the second battle the New Zealand mounts suffered severely. Acres of horses, standing while the men were in action, made an easy target for the bombs of hostile airmen, and also for guns, and they were bombed and shelled from early morning till late at night. Out of a total of about 2,000 horses attached to the Brigade, over 100 were killed outright and about 300 were wounded.

When the big Palestine push came in February, 1917, the New Zealand horses' endurance was severely tested. The pace left the camel transport far behind. At one stage the horses had to go 72 hours without water, and their sole allowance of food was 12 lbs. of barley each per day, and each had to carry a three-days' ration. This restriction to barley, with a shortage of water, brought on diarrhoea, and horses began to die. At this time the Brigade was at Jaffa. Fortunately some stacks of barley straw were found, the Quarter-Master General supplied petrol for a chaff cutter, and soon the horses had barley chaff, which helped to check the trouble.

Anthrax appeared in the Jordan Valley early in 1918, but the disease was quickly arrested, and only three horses died. New Zealanders and their horses were destined to have varied memories of this sultry valley, where they camped at intervals several times. They felt the change from a garden to a desert—from the cool green of the spring to the hot whiteness of mid-summer, when the temperature went as high as 122° F. in the shade. In this oven there was ever a dark streak in the limey dust left by the horses—the drip of the sweat that did not cease in those sweltering days and nights.

In the advance from the Jordan Valley in 1918, between Es Salt and Amman, in one day twenty-eight of the New Zealand Brigade's horses died from apparently acute poisoning. Altogether about 150 were lost in this manner. It was believed that the poisoning was due to tablets of strychnine, arsenic, and other medical materials mixed accidentally or designedly with barley abandoned by the Turks on the roadside when a convoy had been caught and cut up by aeroplanes. This barley, which lay in little heaps on the roadside, had been picked up by the New Zealand mounted men and given to their horses.

The Brigade returned to the Jordan line, and was encamped at Reichen le Zion at the time the Armistice was signed. From this date till the embarkation from Egypt, the New Zealanders had abundance of horse-racing, in which the Dominion's representatives had many memorable wins. For example, at one big meeting in Egypt, open to the whole

Horses Being Embarked At Wellington. of the Expeditionary Force, the New Zealanders' horses won five races out of seven. The New Zealanders also gained distinction in various horse shows, some of which were held during the campaign. It is proof of the stamina of New Zealand horses that a number of the main body mounts went right through the war, and won races in good company after the Armistice.

Before the home-coming embarkation from Egypt, there was many a sad parting between man and horse—mates in the hard years of war. The ill-usage of some horses that had been sold to callous Egyptians had convinced the New Zealanders that a merciful death was a better fate for a faithful horse than bondage to a pitiless taskmaster, and numbers, for which kind owners were not available, were given a painless death.

In a brief review of the Sinai and Palestine campaigns, Major Stafford says that the New Zealand horses of the proper type and build went through the difficulties extraordinarily well. They stood the hardships better than any other horses, except some of those from Australia. There was a tendency at first to send mounts that were too tall. Experience proved that a horse over 15.2 hands was not suitable. Short-backed, thick-set horses 14.2 to 14.3 hands, or small thoroughbreds up to 15 hands, with good bone, symmetry and substance, proved the best. Larger horses, showing much of cross-breeding, were all right for ordinary journeys, when food and water were plentiful, but they fared worse when on short rations, and proved less able to withstand severe hardships. A tall horse also was a disadvantage for the rifleman whose work required much mounting and dismounting. The experience was the same with draughts as with other horses. Sturdy, compact, well-built draughts of medium size, had good endurance, but tall, heavy, loosely-built, long-legged animals were not efficient.

On the Western Front.

With the organisation of the New Zealand infantry into a division in February, 1916, the veterinary personnel took a different formation from the one originally planned. The veterinary provision for a division comprises a mobile section with veterinary sergeants to each battery of artillery, and each infantry brigade, and certain other horsed units. These sergeants, together with the mobile section and veterinary officers to the number of six, were under the command of Lieut-Col. A. R. Young for as long as he could be spared from New Zealand, and then the command passed to Lieut-Col. H. A. Reid, A.D.V.S. This officer remained in control until the troops were finally repatriated.

The mobile section acted as a collecting station for all sick and wounded horses that could not be treated satisfactorily in the unit lines. These horses were then taken to a veterinary casualty clearing station on a line of communication where they were classified. Serious cases of sickness or injury, especially those with a prospect of protracted recovery, were removed to a base hospital. There were special veterinary hospitals for certain cases, more particularly for cases of skin disease.

The veterinary personnel attached to the unit in the field had the care and treatment of all sick and injured horses. As this personnel was not large enough to meet all needs, suitable assistants were drawn from the ranks, wherever possible, to help in first aid and in the routine veterinary treatment of sick or injured horses and mules. The veterinary officer also concerned himself with the inspection of forage, the sanitation of stables, and horse lines—particularly the sick lines—and it was his duty to report any irregularities to the officer commanding the unit.

Early in the war the evacuation of horses from the mobile veterinary section in the northern districts of France was largely done by barges along canals and rivers. This method was comfortable for the horses, and generally proved very successful. When barges were not available, trains had to be used. Lieut.-Col. Reid mentions as a noteworthy fact that, despite the enormous demands on the railway systems, there was very little undue delay in the carriage of sick horses to the base. Animals which were able to march went by road if the collecting station was not too far away.

A New Zealand veterinary sub-section hospital, with Major P. M. Edgar in command, was established at Calais, attached to No. 4 General Veterinary Hospital. Major Edgar's hospital achieved a solid reputation for efficiency and up-to-dateness.

The most trying time on the Western front for horses was during winter. In northern France the winter of 1916 was said by inhabitants to be the worst for forty years. The cold was intense, but it did not affect the horses nearly as much as the perpetual wetness and mud. This trouble, with an occasional shortage of food and material for shelter, due to the great difficulties of railway transport at the front, made the horses lose condition and exposed them to infection by disease.

Mange was extremely difficult to treat. In most of the divisional areas sulphur baths, supplied with hot water, were built for the regular dipping of horses. This dipping was done, however, more as a preventative of mange than as a cure, for it was found that, as a matter of routine, it was better to send all actual cases of mange to a special skin hospital at the base.

Horse lines and mule stables had heavy losses occasionally by shell-fire, and by the night bombing of enemy airmen. All wounds which could be treated received immediate attention. The animals were inoculated with anti-tetanic serum, the routine precaution, also, for the human subject. Usually these horse patients did exceedingly well under efficient surgical treatment, but for further service the horse—unlike the human subject—must be perfectly sound, and therefore numbers of the more seriously wounded animals had to be destroyed.

Very frequent and serious injuries were received from nails penetrating the hoofs. In the war zone where building activity was always intense, large quantities of nails became unavoidably scattered on the roads. Nails were especially plentiful near dumps, and among the ruins of shattered houses. Special steel protective plates were tried, but were not altogether successful, particularly on unevenly paved streets. The plates slipped on the stones, buckled, and bruised the sole of the foot. Generally speaking, however, the horses maintained a remarkable fitness.

To encourage the right handling of horses, shows were held regularly by divisions in which the units competed. The men took immense pains to prepare their horses for the parade. Corps shows were also arranged. These shows proved a great attraction to all lovers of horses. Troops assembled in thousands to see them. New Zealanders always won distinction, especially with their artillery horses, and also because they had some of the best cross-country horses.

Throughout the Western campaign the New Zealand Veterinary Service worked under the direction of the Royal Army Veterinary Corps of which it formed part, and the New Zealand officers and men received the commendation of the Director-General of Veterinary Services in France, for their efficient co-operation. Similar appreciation was, also, expressed by Imperial officers in regard to the veterinary work of New Zealanders in Egypt, Sinai, and Palestine.

On the Voyage.

Much of the material in this description of the New Zealand Veterinary Corps has been supplied by Col. Young, Lt.-Col. Reid and Major Stafford to whom I must express my thanks for the assistance they have thus rendered.

Chapter X.Repatriation. By W. H. Montgomery.

Part I.

There are certain words which before the war were rarely used, but which now meet the eye in the head-lines of newspapers. One of these words is "Repatriation." It is an expressive word, conjuring up a vision of the lines of grey ships which carried 100,000 New Zealanders far from their homes to the great war, of the fighting in many distant fields, and the return of our war-worn soldiers to their native land.

But this is not enough. Repatriation is only beginning when the soldier with his twenty-eight days' notice of discharge and railway pass in his pocket steps on to the wharf and wonders what it will feel like to be a civilian again. In the public mind the word includes everything undertaken by the State in fulfilment of a duty to place the returned soldier as nearly as is possible in the civil position he occupied before he was called away. In this wilder sense it will be used in this chapter.

The Home Coming.

As they were sent to many lands in "the far flung battle line," so they came home from many ports, and by many routes.

The earliest to return were members of the Samoan Advance Party which left New Zealand on the 12th August, 1914. The first boat was the Monowai, which returned with prisoners and escort on the 16th September, 1914. The balance returned three months later by the Talune, leaving a small garrison of approximately 220.

The Athenic arrived from Egypt on the 22nd January, 1915, with men who refused to be inoculated, and a few others. The first ship bringing wounded men was the Willochra, which arrived on the 15th July, 1915. There were 284 wounded from Gallipoli, mostly cot cases—the first of the 41,315 wounded during the war. During 1915 the following boats arrived, bringing invalids: Tahiti, 11th September; Aparima, 15th September; Matai, 13th October; Tofua, 26th October; Willochra, 30th October; Tahiti, 25th December. No hospital ships arrived from overseas during 1915.

During 1916, 28 ships arrived bringing wounded men, including the hospital ships: Maheno, 1st January, 11th April, 19th December; Marama, 22nd October. At the end of 1916, 8,093 men had returned.

In 1917 the wounded continued to arrive in greater numbers from England and Egypt. Thirty-one ships returned, and at the end of the year 14,142 were back.

During 1918 twenty-nine ships came home, and on the 31st December, 1918, 28,182 men had returned. At the time of the Armistice there were 56,684 men to be returned to their homes. It was expected that owing to the shortage of shipping, years would elapse before they could again reach New Zealand. The difficulties, however, had been foreseen by the Demobilization Committee, and all arrangements had been made. During the twelve months succeeding the Armistice no less than 52,833 men were repatriated, and at Christmas, 1919, there were only 792 overseas.

Every effort was made to secure the comfort and well being of returning soldiers on the voyage. Complaints were occasionally made of bad food and of overcrowding. Sometimes these "grousings" were justified, but on the whole there was little ground for dissatisfaction. During the voyages efforts were made to carry out the system of educational training begun in England after the Armistice. In some ships good work was done under the adverse circumstances of slackened discipline and insufficient accommodation; in others a few earnest students derived considerable benefit; but the bulk of the men considered that they were returning soldiers, and not students, and took little interest in the classes held. The fact that most of the educational books used on the voyage were purchased by soldiers before disembark-ationdisembarkation showed that the efforts made had awakened a real interest, and that some of the seed sown had fallen on good soil.

Before Discharge.

Soldiers came back from the war either invalids or fit men. If invalids, they remained soldiers until no longer requiring medical attention, and their care remained one of the duties of the Minister of Defence; if fit, they were discharged, and came under the care of the Repatriation Board. For administrative purposes a line was drawn at discharge.

As the sick and wounded came off the hospital ships they were passed through a medical board which allotted them to the various hospitals of the Dominion either as in-patients or out-patients. There they remained till no longer requiring medical treatment.

Before the Armistice no systematic effort had been made to give educational or vocational training to invalids returned to New Zealand, though some occupational work had been done in hospitals under the supervision of lady instructresses. It had, however, been intended to extend such training, and a number of workshops attached to hospitals had been built, or were in the course of erection. In December, 1918, it was decided to establish an Administrative Branch to continue in New Zealand the scheme of education which had been in force in England during demobilisation. With this end in view a considerable staff of vocation officers and instructors was engaged under a Director of Vocational Training. The training scheme was developed as speedily as possible. Additional workshops were built and equipped by the generous assistance of the New Zealand Red Cross, and soldiers were instructed in a large variety of subjects including carpentering, splint-making, motor and general engineering, wool-classing, boot-repairing, commercial knowledge, and occupational subjects such as basket and leatherwork. Wherever such work was strictly curative, involving regulated exercise for the strengthening of wasted muscles, it was made compulsory under the supervision of a medical officer. It was, indeed, soon realised that the scheme would be unworkable without close co-operation with the medical branch. The Director-General of Medical Services took an active interest in the work, and most medical officers in charge of hospitals gave valuable assistance to the vocation officers. The medical results were remarkably successful, and the provision of useful occupation not only lightened the tedium of convalescence, but hastened recovery. In most hospitals classes were attended voluntarily. As the scheme developed the numbers attending the classes steadily increased.

A spirited controversy at one time took place over the question of payment to the soldiers for work done at classes in hospitals. Certain classes were "productive," particularly the basket and leather work classes, and large numbers of saleable articles were made. In other classes, such as splint-making, boot-repairing, tailoring and clerical work, articles were not made for sale. To have allowed those who attended productive classes to make money by the sale of work to the public would have penalized the unproductive classes and made them unpopular. The matter was finally settled by allowing the proceeds of the sale of work to the public, without deduction for material, to be paid into a recreation fund for the benefit of all soldiers attending classes at the hospital.

In addition to the training in hospitals every facility was given to out-patients to attend technical schools and universities, and arrangements were made with the Repatriation Department to continue the training after discharge in approved cases. At Queen Mary Hospital, Hanmer, and at the Pukeora Consumptive Sanatorium, adjoining farms were acquired, and managers were appointed to teach farming to neurasthenic and consumptive patients; and at the Consumptive Sanatorium at Cashmere a poultry farm was established.

Experience has shown that with few exceptions returned soldiers took little interest in improving their general education. A laudable attempt was made to instil the principles of economics at some hospitals, and competent lecturers were engaged for this purpose, but it was quite evident that the invalided soldiers preferred amusements, (with which they were well provided) to lectures, and few will be so pedantic as to blame them. It, must be remembered that the scheme was applied in New Zealand to invalids only, who had little inclination for mental exertion.

On the other hand, classes in vocational subjects, especially carpentry, motor engineering, and wool-classing, were readily formed and were well attended, and invalided soldiers were able to get a preliminary training which helped to qualify them to take their places in civil life after discharge. Though the training given was of practical value the scheme did not aim at turning out finished tradesmen. Its immediate object was to induce invalided soldiers whose initiative had been deadened by the inertia of "hospitalism" to regain an interest in life by gradually acquiring the habit of work, and to show them that the State was ready to give sympathetic help in bridging the gulf which separated them from the life of active work of their fellow citizens. Its success in this respect was undoubted.

Part II.

Work of the Repatriation Department.

The duty of restoring the soldier to civil life after discharge in New Zealand was entrusted to the Repatriation Department, but the problem of land settlement for returned soldiers was left to the Lands and Survey Department.

Repatriation administration began in a small way under the name of the Discharged Soldiers' Information Department, when returned soldiers were few in numbers. As they increased it became evident that a special department with extended powers and a large staff was required to deal with the complicated problems of reconstruction. After the Armistice the press and public speakers clamoured for a comprehensive repatriation policy and blamed the Government for the delay which was apparently taking place. The delay was obvious, but the public did not realize that constructive projects require much preliminary spade work, and that no scheme could be made public till it had been approved by Cabinet, nor brought into action without Statutory authority. It was unfortunate that the Prime Minister at the time was away at an important conference in England, and that the session was delayed in consequence. More delay occurred after Parliament met, and it was not till the 10th December, 1918, that the Repatriation Act was finally passed. Its machinery was similar to that adopted in Australia. The Director was controlled in matters of policy by a Central Board of four Cabinet ministers sitting in Wellington. Decentralization was secured by district councils and local committees, of which no less than 61 were ultimately formed. Criticism was chiefly directed against the large number of ministers on the Board. This policy, however, has since been justified by results, and it was interesting to note that Canada also decided in favour of a board of six ministers.

The extensive duties of this Department may be summarised under three headings—(1) Training, (2) Employment, (3) Financial Assistance for business purposes.

Training.

In training soldiers to take their places in civil life the Department carried on the work begun by the vocational training branch before discharge. There was, however, a difference. Soldiers, while invalids, were encouraged to take up any kind of work which would bring them back into habits of industry. After discharge most of them had recovered and were able to go back to their civil occupations without requiring special training. The efforts of the Department in most instances were directed to teaching suitable trades to disabled men—those who had borne the brunt of the war. A limited number of them were totally incapacitated and could never become workers in the hive, much as they desired it, and for these the Pensions Board provided the means for an existence which at any rate was free from want. But there was a larger class of the disabled who could be brought back to take their places among the ranks of active workers in trades in which their disabilities were not a serious handicap. Bushmen with injured muscles or strained hearts could no longer wield the axe, but were taught trades such as carpentering and plumbing; men who had lost legs were trained to boot-making or clerical work. Those who had a tubercular tendency were specially trained in farming so that they could take up land provided by the Government for returned soldiers.

In addition to disabled soldiers, training was also given to young men who enlisted before they had learned a trade, to apprentices and students whose training had been interrupted by war service, and to the soldiers' widows and orphans. In arranging for such training advantage was taken to a limited extent of the existing technical schools and university colleges, but it was also found necessary to provide special intensive courses for returned soldiers. An instructional boot factory was established at Auckland, and with a view of providing employment of a lighter kind, a seed-raising farm was purchased in Central Otago, and a training farm at Avonhead, near Christchurch. For general farm-training, men were sent to the Ruakura and Weraroa State Farms. During the period of training, sustenance (which did not diminish the soldier's pension) was paid on the following scale: single men £2 10s. a week, married men £3 a week, with an extra weekly allowance of 3/6 a week for each child.

Employment.

When the Repatriation Bill was under consideration it was anticipated that the re-employment of 100,000 returned soldiers would be a colossal problem and that it might be necessary to provide special public works to tide over the period of re-construction. Such fears proved to be groundless. The end of the war found New Zealand suffering from a dearth of labour in all industries. Carpenters, artisans, clerks and labourers were in demand everywhere and employers were prepared to pay high wages for competent men. It was not found necessary to seek employment for more than 15 per cent. of returned soldiers. The rest, after a holiday of a month or two, settled down slowly to their old occupations.

The Repatriation district offices soon developed into efficient labour agencies and lost no opportunity in urging employers to take returned soldiers into their service. In most cases they willingly co-operated, and labour unions raised no insuperable difficulties, as trade union wages were paid in every case. It must, however, be admitted that many complaints were made that some of the returned soldiers were restless, and apt to leave their work without reasonable excuse.

"Soldiers' unrest" is a world-wide war disability and needs sympathetic treatment. After the novel experience of life in foreign countries, the excitement and danger of the trenches, the daily comradeship round the camp fires, the unrestrained freedom of the brief periods of leave in "Blighty," and the lazy life on the returning troopship, it is easily understood that civilian life in New Zealand seemed infinitely "flat, stale, and unprofitable." A period of reaction was inevitable; with some it was short, but longer with others. "Give me anything but steady work" said one officer, and his feeling will be understood by most returned men.

The work of finding employment was so successfully taken in hand that up to the 20th January, 1920, no less than 14,093 men had been found employment, and the number on the waiting list was only 251.

The system of "subsidised workers" adopted by the Department was specially successful. Men, after a preliminary training were put straight into workshops to be taught trades, and at the same time to become gradually self-supporting. The earning power was estimated from time to time by a Board consisting of the employer and representatives of the Repatriation Department, and of the trade union concerned. The wages so fixed were paid by the employer, but were supplemented by the State to a wage of £3 a week (exclusive of pension).

Until employment could be found for soldiers needing it, unemployment sustenance (inclusive of pension) was paid on the following weekly basis: soldier £2 2s., wife 15s., children (not exceeding four) 3/6. In New Zealand few men applied for such assistance.

To enable returned soldiers to settle in business, loans were granted not exceeding £300. Up to the 20th January. 1920,2,668 such loans had been authorized in 110 varieties of business involving an expenditure of £606,642. It has been found that the repayment of interest and principal has been very satisfactory. Loans not exceeding £50 (free of interest) were also granted for the purpose of purchasing household furniture and tools of trade (subsequently this grant was increased to £75).

Part III.

Settlement on the Land.

Land settlement has always been a prominent and popular plank in the platforms of political parties in New Zealand. It was natural that it should have been accepted from the first as a part of the Repatriation policy of the National Government.

The Discharged Soldiers Settlement Act was passed in 1915, and contained comprehensive and generous provisions for the settlement of returned soldiers on the land. Extensive powers of purchase were given to the Land Purchase Board, which could acquire land compulsorily, if necessary. Appropriations have been made by Parliament from time to time for this purpose of sums which, for a small country, must be regarded as enormous. The appropriation made just before the general election in 1919, authorized no less than 12½ millions, in addition to a previous authority of 1½ millions, to be advanced in connection with land settlement for soldiers, and it was estimated that a million pounds a month was required for this purpose. In addition, the Government had authority to spend £2,000,000 per annum on the purchase of land for settlement by returned soldiers. Advances were made to assist settlers taking up land under the provisions of this Act for the purchase of stock and implements, or for effecting improvements. These advances were secured by a current account mortgage and bill-of-sale; and interest at five per cent. was charged on advances made. Under the regulations the maximum amount that could be advanced was £500, but in special cases this was increased to £750; while in the case of bush land amounts up to £1,250 could be advanced. A variety of tenures was provided by this Act, including the ordinary power of purchase for cash, by deferred payments for twenty years, and a renewal lease with purchasing clause. The ordinary tenures of the Land Act were also available.

The Amendment Act of 1917 and its regulations established a new and important principle. Amounts up to £2,500 were authorized to be advanced to soldiers to assist them to buy land privately, if the price was recommended by the Land Board, and approved by the Minister. The interest charged was five per cent. on a current account mortgage, or six per cent. in case of an instalment mortgage on rural land, providing a sinking fund to enable the mortgage to be discharged after 36½ years.

Special assistance was also given for the erection of a town dwelling house, for which an advance might be authorized up to £750, or £1000 for the purchase of a site and dwelling. A mortgage was taken to secure these advances providing for repayment at the rate of seven per cent. per annum, five per cent. of the annual charge being interest on the amount advanced and the additional two per cent. providing a sinking fund to enable the mortgage to be discharged in 25½ years.

Advances were also authorized to discharged soldiers who were the owners or lessees of land for the purpose of improvements, and the purchase of stock, in addition to the the provisions of the main Act.

A further privilege given to discharged soldiers—which was much appreciated—was the preference at ballots under the Land Act or Lands for Settlement Act, They were placed in the same position as landless applicants having children dependent on them, or other qualified applicants who had applied at least twice unsuccessfully.

Large tracts of land were also proclaimed as available for settlement by discharged soldiers exclusively, thus eliminating competition with prospective civilian settlers.

In order to prevent trafficking in land it was provided that no soldier could transfer land acquired under the Discharged Soldiers Settlement Act for a period of 10 years, except approval had first been obtained. The duty of purchasing land was entrusted to a Land Purchase Board, but advances under the Act were made by the Lands Department. It will readily be understood that the task of aequiring rapidly a large number of farms suitable for settlement was not an easy one.

The public demand was emphatic that large areas of land should be thrown open to soldiers at reasonable prices, and 674,858 acres of Crown Land have been proclaimed under the Act. This has been supplemented by the purchase of about 300,000 acres of private freehold land by the Land Purchase Board.

The effect of the enhanced prices of produce resulting from the war was to cause a marked rise in the value of land despite the heavy taxation on landholders necessitated by the war expenditure. Many a soldier who had sold his farm to go to the war found on his return that the occupant would not re-sell except at a price considerably enhanced, and in consequence land-trafficking was denounced by the soldiers, not without justification. Some land-holders sought to foist unprofitable farms on the Land Purchase Board, and the utmost care had to be exercised in making purchases. One of the Land Commissioners reported that in many cases inspection and valuation absolutely failed to reconcile prices asked by the vendors with any reasonable prospect of success for the soldier purchaser, the figures suggesting that a large proportion of owners were more concerned to sell out even to discharged soldiers at the top prices of a somewhat inflated market, than to recognise by reasonable demands, the fact that the value of their lands had been increased by the effort of the Dominion's men on active service. On the other hand there were landholders and patriotic societies who set splendid examples. Valuable areas of land were presented to trustees for the benefit of returned soldiers in the Poverty Bay and Napier districts, and in some instances large numbers of sheep were provided for the new settlers without charge.

Results.

The results hitherto achieved may be placed in tabular form as follows:—

Crown or Settlement Land or National Endowment areasselected by Discharged Soldiers up to 31st December,1919 Acres876,544

No. of soldiers settled on such land 1,676 No. of soldiers assisted to purchase freehold land 2,968 No. of soldiers whose applications to erect or purchase towndwellings have been approved 4,373

Advances authorized to soldiers in connection with purchaseor improvement of land, purchase of stock, seeds,machinery, &c., and acquisition of town dwellings, over £10,000.000

It is too early to speak with certainty of the success of this scheme. Some failures are inevitable and even expected. The indications, however, are that provided present prices are maintained a large number of soldiers will be thus enabled to become self-supporting settlers with homes of their own. A further and important result of the Government's policy must be largely increased production bringing with it greater national wealth and prosperity. If some financial losses occur in the earlier stages of the scheme, the taxpayers of New Zealand will, no doubt, bear them cheerfully, remembering that the debt owing to our soldiers can never be adequately repaid.

[Editorial Note: Mr. Montgomery wrote his chapter on Repatriation in 1920. The later date of the publication of this volume enables the records of the Repatriation Department at July 31st, 1922, to be given. The figures are as follows:—

Number of men assisted. Lands Department: In obtaining rural homes 9,388 In obtaining town homes 10,890 20,278 Repatriation Department: Placed in Employment 28,033 Trained or in Training 7,491 Financially assisted to re-establish themselves 25,730 61,254 Total 81,532

The Total Financial Advances. Under the Land for Settlement Act: In purchase of estates £5,794,944 Under the Discharged Soldiers' Settlement Act: Advances for purchase of land, dwellings, and for stockand improvements £20,666,386 Under the Repatriation Act: Loans for businesses, furniture, tools, etc., and otherfinancial assistance £2,257,248 Total £28,718,578

The men are meeting their obligations extremely well and at this date there is every indication that the financial assistance afforded the soldiers will prove a most excellent investment.—ED.

Chapter XI.War Relief and Patriotic Societies. By L. O. H. Tripp.

New Zealand's contribution in man power to the great war has given the Dominion a position of prominence in the list of free peoples of the world. But wonderful as was that achievement, it could not have been possible without the driving force of the splendid co-operation of all classes of the community. One phase of this co-operation was the voluntary provision of the large amount of money necessary to assure comforts and relief, keeping ahead all the time of the demand for more men and still more men. The spirit actuating all classes was not alone the desire to avoid defeat, but to assist in bringing about such a victory as would, for years to come, destroy the war-loving propensities of a nation that had for several decades never ceased to make preparations for plunging the civilised world into a horrifying cataclysm. In partnership, as it were, with the purely mundane activities necessary to carry to ultimate success the gigantic undertaking to which the people of New Zealand had committed themselves, was the truly spiritual force of patriotism that found its outlet in the moral support given to the fighting forces.

In the earliest stages of the war, when it was still hoped that there would be a minimum of bloodshed, it was recognised that to assure the personal comfort of the men of the expeditionary force, and to provide satisfactorily for their dependents, something was required to supplement the ordinary pay of the soldier. In every centre of the Dominion appeals were made to the public, and as a result, large sums were accumulated for the purpose of providing extra comforts, and were judiciously applied to that purpose. Committees were set up, trustees were appointed, and provision was made for administration. The results of the effort in the earlier stages of the war to establish patriotic war funds, were destined to assume proportions that might reasonably have been thought, at the time, to be beyond the means of human possibility in a country the population of which did not exceed one and a quarter million. Every lawful means of raising money that ingenuity could devise, was called into play. Side by side with the mite of the poorest was placed the handsome but not more philanthropic donation of the wealthy. Giving for war purposes was generally regarded as a national duty, and to such a degree was the process of collection systematized, that it is safe now to assert that had twice the sum provided been required, the public of New Zealand would willingly have met the demand.

Towards the end of 1915 the huge aggregate amount of war funds called for legislative action in the matter of control. The number of societies collecting for the various funds totalled some hundreds, and there was little, if any, cohesion between the various districts as regards administration. In the main the money of each district was applied for the relief of men belonging to that district. Thus it was that soldiers from a district rich in man-power, but poor in money, were not as well treated in the matter of additional comforts and relief, as were those who came from centres where there was greater personal wealth and, consequently, larger accumulation of money.

Several conferences were held for the purpose of bringing about, if possible, more equitable distribution. To one of these Mr. C. P. Skerrett of Wellington, submitted a comprehensive and masterly scheme, having for its object the creation of an association to control and regulate the administration of the war relief funds equitably and uniformly over the Dominion without reference to the locality, so that no sailor, or soldier, or dependents, should be without relief.

Mr. Skerrett's scheme was not adopted, the point on which the conference could not agree being that under it the controlling body would have power, under certain circumstances, to compel a solvent society to contribute to one that was insolvent. The need for a common policy in the distribution of the funds was nowhere more manifest than in Wellington, owing to the proximity of the capital city to the two main camps.

Memories! How the Men entered Camp

Demands were continually being made upon the resources of the Wellington War Relief Association for soldiers who came from other districts, and over and over again the Wellington Association felt compelled to handle cases the relief of which was clearly the responsibility of other societies, and necessitated requests for refunds from the districts responsible. Subsequently on the setting up of the Advisory Board of the Federation of the New Zealand War Relief Societies, greater cohesion between the various societies throughout the Dominion, in the matter of work and objects, was obtained.

During the Parliamentary Session of 1915 the Legislature passed the War Funds Act, described as "an Act to make provision for the administration and control of moneys raised wholly or in part, by private subscription, for the purpose of, or incidental to the war." The Act described a War Fund as: "Generally any fund that has or may be raised wholly or in part, by public subscription, for any purpose in connection with the present war, or any fund that the Minister may declare to be a war fund. Also any fund raised for the acquisition of a sports ground or a park, in commemoration of services rendered by His Majesty's forces in the present war."

No restrictions were placed upon the formation of societies or committees purposing to establish a war fund. Every society which, up to that time, and any that might be subsequently organised for the purposes, was compelled, however, to comply with the terms of the War Funds Act.

The Act prescribed that only the holder of a permit, issued by a person authorised under the Act, could undertake the collection of any moneys for patriotic purposes connected with the war. Any person who, not being the holder of a permit, directly or indirectly solicited subscriptions, rendered himself or herself liable, on summary conviction, to a fine not exceeding £20.

The provisions of the 1915 Act were not as widely known as was necessary to ensure the effectual carrying out of their intention, and the Patriotic Societies' Handbook was issued. This brochure set out in plain terms all that was required to comply with the law.

The War Funds Act undoubtedly served a useful purpose. More effective control over irregular collection of money and goods was obtained, in that the law governing the issue of permits was made more stringent. But while unauthorised collections were constituted an offence there was no slackening of individual effort. There was for instance a large sum collected, in small donations, for the purpose of comforts such as cigarettes and tobacco. Without a system of proper control these sums, which were collected by all and sundry, might easily have been misapplied.

The law thus gave those who wished to subscribe in regular small amounts assurance that their contributions would be administered by a legally constituted fund. These remarks apply also in regard to entertainments organised for the augmentation of funds. No entertainment could be legally advertised as organised for patriotic purposes except by permit, and every committee or person organising an entertainment for such purposes was required to furnish a statement of receipts and expenditure within a given period.

Permits to collect or receive money or goods, or to raise money for a war fund were issued by the following:—Mayors of cities or boroughs, chairmen of county councils, town boards and road boards, superintendents or inspectors of police, the chairman or president of any society controlling a war fund incorporated under the Act, and such other persons as were authorised by the Minister of Internal Affairs. The incorporated trustees of a war fund were also similarly authorised.

The month of February 1916 was a momentous one for those interested in the administration of war funds. During this month the then Minister of Internal Affairs (the Hon. G. W. Russell) convened a conference of all patriotic societies. The conference was attended by delegates representing the various funds operating throughout the Dominion and the Minister officiated as chairman. In the course of a comprehensive address, he drew a clear line of demarcation as between the responsibility of the State and the patriotic societies, in regard to the soldier. "I cannot help thinking," he said, "that there is, at the present time, a want of full and complete organisation, unity and uniformity in connection with patriotic effort. In some portions of the Dominion a high condition of excellence in the organisation and distribution of the patriotic funds has already been reached. In others this state of excellence has not, up to the present, obtained, whilst there are other portions of the Dominion where, on account of the sparsity of the population and the fact that wealth is not widely distributed, the possibility of supplementing the State pensions grant is limited."

Another point touched upon by the Minister in his address was the exploitation of funds by undeserving persons. The necessity for preventing this had already been proved by cases that had come before the law courts. A system of intercommunication was advocated between the different societies, so that there might be a monthly, or even a weekly distribution, to every patriotic society, of the names of persons receiving benefits. To accomplish this he (the Minister) advocated a control office in Wellington and one and only one administrative body in each district.

The outcome of a lengthy discussion was the decision to set up the Federation of the New Zealand War Relief Societies. The objects for which the Federation was set up were:—To establish a common basis of responsibility in respect of each society as applied to those entitled to relief; to adopt means to prevent the improper exploitation of funds; to take into consideration all matters affecting the administration of funds raised for the benefit of soldiers and their dependents; to adjudicate upon such matters conducive to the well-being of federated societies.

The conference agreed to define the respective responsibilities of the Government and the patriotic societies as follows:—"That all expenditure necessary to enable the soldier to carry out his duties, to maintain him at the highest point of efficiency, to fully provide for all his needs in the event of his sickness and disablement and to fully restore him, as nearly as possible, to his ordinary position in civil life, is the responsibility of the Government; that the duty of providing in an adequate manner for the dependents of a soldier while on service, or in the event of his death or disablement, is also a responsibility of the Government; that the duty of the patriotic societies is to supplement the provision made by the Government—(1) by supplying any additional assistance needed by soldiers or their dependents; (2) by helping in any manner which will facilitate the complete recovery and restoration to their former station in civil life all sick and wounded soldiers; and (3) by assisting all genuine cases of need arising from the death or disablement of a soldier having dependents."

The War Funds Act of 1915 made provision for the establishment of a National War Funds Council, to consist of the Minister for the time being administering the Act, and such other persons (being not less than three in number), as the Governor-General may, by Order-in-Council, appoint; and having for its object the administration and control of a war fund when requested in writing to take over such administration and control by not less than three-fifths of the trustees of such War Fund and to assist (when requested by the trustees) in the administration or investment of any War Fund not transferred to the Council.

The Federation of the New Zealand Patriotic Societies proved a success. The functions of the advisory board were mainly to give advice, but with no powers of enforcement. Under the board's administration, however, greater uniformity was obtained throughout the Dominion in the granting of relief, and the different societies generally abided by its decisions.

The war relief and patriotic societies undoubtedly rendered services, the value of which it is impossible to estimate. Many men and women in all parts of the Dominion gave a great portion of their time to the work. Being in close touch with the soldiers and their dependents, the committees found that they were often giving relief in instances when it should have been granted by the Government as of right. In a large majority of such cases the Government agreed with the representations made, and the benefits suggested were accepted as a charge upon the State.

It would be difficult to enumerate all the suggestions made by the war relief and patriotic societies for the benefit of soldiers which the Government approved, but a few might be mentioned to indicate their value. The payment of soldiers' rents, rates and insurance, was originally suggested by the war relief and patriotic societies, and in compliance with their recommendations the Financial Assistance Board was formed. The excellent service which that Board rendered is well known.

It was the same body which made representations regarding the necessity of an increase in the pay of the forces, and particularly in respect to wives' and children's allowances. These suggestions were eventually adopted by the Government. From time to time representations have been made to the Government in respect to pensions, and in many cases the suggestions have been complied with.

The societies have very frequently been requested to act as advisers and trustees of the soldiers and their dependents, and they have also become guardians of many of the children. In some cases allowances are paid direct to the war relief societies for disbursement on behalf of widows and children. On many occasions the organisation was the means of keeping intact the property of the soldier at the front.

The present experience of societies in the chief centres is that the war relief societies will have to remain in existence for some years; and, as a matter of fact, to-day

The article was written in 1919.

they are performing infinitely more work than they did during the war.

When the war started we in New Zealand did not realize that there should be a New Zealand Red Cross Society, and during the first two years the moneys and goods provided by the public for the Red Cross were sent direct to the British Society or the St. John Ambulance Brigade. The consequence was that in 1916 the Minister of Defence found that it was necessary to provide extra comforts for our sick and wounded abroad, and he at once appealed to the chairman of the Advisory Board. The chairman called the Board together and it was decided to find £3,000 a month for this purpose. The money was spent either in Egypt or by the War Contingent Association in London; but when,

Red Cross Workers visited By their Excellencies, Lord and Lady Liverpool.at a later date, the New Zealand Red Cross's London Branch was organised, that body took over this work.

Brief as is this reference to the patriotic effort of the citizens of New Zealand it would fail as a record of historical fact did it not include the excellent services rendered in Britain by the New Zealand War Contingent Association, the Executive of which was presided over by Lord Plunket, a former Governor of the Dominion, and in which the High Commissioner, Chairman of the Association, (Sir Thomas Mackenzie) took a genuinely active and beneficent interest.

The New Zealand War Contingent Association. (By A Member.)

Within ten days of the outbreak of war, the New Zealand High Commissioner (Sir Thomas Mackenzie) called a representative gathering of New Zealanders in London, and laid before them his proposals for the purpose of helping and caring for the sons of New Zealand, who were coming to take their part in the great war. The New Zealand War Contingent Association was formed at that meeting, which took place at the Westminster Palace Hotel, Victoria, London S.W., on Friday, August 14th, 1914. Sir Thomas Mackenzie explained that their services would be required to assist New Zealand soldiers by providing them with comforts, visiting them in hospital, securing accommodation for convalescents after they had passed through the hospitals so that might be taken in hand and gradually brought back to health, also by keeping in touch with the soldiers and their relatives. A general committee was formed and sub-committees, one termed an executive committee and the other a ladies' committee. Lord Plunket, an ex-Governor of New Zealand, was elected chairman of the committee, and Lady Islington, wife of another ex-Governor, the head of the ladies' committee.

Early in 1915 the first report was submitted to the Association by the High Commissioner, who, meanwhile, had visited the New Zealand troops in Egypt. Having given an account of his visit, Sir Thomas brought forward certain proposals for future work, which were adopted.

The organisation greatly developed as the calls upon its services increased, and when our soldiers began to be invalided to England as the result of wounds or sickness through the campaign at Gallipoli it became necessary to do a great deal more than had been previously undertaken. It might be stated that the work had up to this date consisted, in the main, of sending large consignments of clothing and other comforts to Gallipoli and Egypt. It was now thought advisable to establish a hospital for our own men, and the Mount Felix property at Walton-on-Thames was secured for this purpose. Lady Islington took a leading part in the selection of this beautiful home, and in furnishing and equipping it as a hospital. It was generally known as the "New Zealand Walton Hospital" and was pronounced by the British military medical authorities a model hospital in England. In August 1915, Their Majesties the King and Queen, and the Prince of Wales, visited the Hospital. They graciously spoke to every soldier, and spent the whole afternoon there, partaking of tea on the lawn. They expressed their enthusiastic appreciation of all the Association had done in equipping and establishing the Walton Hospital. Subsequently (described elsewhere), the Hospital was transferred to the New Zealand military authorities.

During the period of the war, the Association undertook the care of the New Zealand sick and wounded, providing them with comforts, and visiting them during sickness and convalescence. At the same time it catered for the requirements of the "well" men as enthusiastically and effectively as any other overseas organisation. The praise that it earned on all sides was of the highest order.

Next, perhaps, to establishing and conducting the Soldiers' Club in Russell Square, which was opened on the 1st August 1916, the most important work undertaken by the Association was that of the hospitality committee with its two branches—the visiting and the entertainment sub-committees. The title of the visiting committee was later changed to the hospital comforts' committee when this branch of the work was taken over by the New Zealand Red Cross. It had charge of all the sick and wounded in hospitals or convalescent homes and camps. A well-organised and co-ordinated scheme enabled its visitors to get in touch with patients almost immediately after their arrival in hospital; and regular reports were made as to their progress. The needs of every patient were ascertained, and cigarettes, tobacco, stamps, stationery, New Zealand illustrated papers, razors, shaving kits, and changes of under garments were sent with the least possible delay. Sometimes, where a man required it, a special diet was arranged for after consultation with the ward sister.

The lady visitors acted as agents for the patients in cabling to their relatives in New Zealand: they wrote letters for those unable to write themselves, and they also undertook small purchases for them when asked to do so. The Association had over 170 official honorary visitors, all most enthusiastic, sympathetic, and devoted to their work. New Zealand soldiers were always delighted to receive, as visitors in hospital, ladies from their own land. The system of visiting was extended to all hospitals in the United Kingdom where New Zealanders were inmates. Later under the Red Cross management the number of official visitors increased to 200, and the system was extended to France.

Patients well enough to enjoy an outing were cared for by the entertainment committee, which also arranged amusements and outgoings for soldiers who were convalescing, and men and officers who were fit and on leave. Drives in motor cars, entertainments at the Association's club-room in London, and theatre parties were arranged, and very often the soldiers were made the house guests of kind hosts both in London and in the provinces. The entertainment committee also organised frequent concerts at the hospitals. When the New Zealand Division went to France from Egypt it was found necessary to provide clubs at Home for the "well" men on leave, in addition to the recreation huts which had been established at Walton and at Hornchurch. These clubs were all an enormous success. They were located at Codford, Hornchurch, Torquay and Brockenhurst. Afterwards additional recreation huts were built, and conducted, by the Association at Walton and at Oatlands Park. This success was very largely due to the homely "atmosphere" caused by the presence of New Zealand ladies among "the boys" and to the large supplies of home-made cakes and "cookies," which always have appealed to New Zealanders. It would not be fair, however, to say that the work was done altogether by New Zealand ladies. Splendid assistance was given by many kind people of England, who all showed a warm-hearted desire to help in every possible way.

To the many activities of the War Contingent Association was later added that of executing commissions for the men in France, or, in other words, shopping for them in London. At Oatlands Park, the Association took a leading part in the establishment of workshops for those who had lost limbs in the war, and encouraged the men in every possible way to take up some work or study which would enable them to overcome their disabilities when they returned to civil life. In some cases movements initiated by the War Contingent Association were transferred to the military authorities after a certain stage of development had been reached. It was found advisable, for instance, after the New Zealand Headquarters had been established in London, to transfer to the military authorities the Walton Hospital, and the New Zealand convalescent home for officers at Brighton. Then there was the splendid work of willing hands in the packing rooms, established at first at Victoria Street and afterwards in Southampton Row. Ladies were the workers, and at times the strain on their energies must have been very great—how great can be imagined when the extent of the admissions to the hospitals are remembered after the Somme in 1916, the Messines advance in June 1917, and the tragedy of Passchendale in October 1917.

It was very necessary to have a proper system of accounts. The finance committee of the organisation maintained a careful scrutiny on all items of expenditure and this gave assurance that the money which was subscribed or allocated for the soldiers was not wasted.

During the first two years the funds were subscribed chiefly by private donors and by the New Zealand patriotic societies, but after 1916. the New Zealand branch of the British Red Cross Society took an increasingly important position in providing funds and comforts for the sick and wounded. The Society, at first, had the War Contingent Association as its agent for the distribution of goods and the expenditure of money, and in those days the Association had a special sub-committee to deal with Red Cross matters. Afterwards the Red Cross Society distributed its own gifts to the sick and wounded, and to the War Contingent Association were apportioned the care and comfort of the "fit" men. The official honorary visitors who worked for the visiting committee of the War Contingent Association were transferred to the Red Cross.

Magnificent work was done by the New Zealand Soldiers' Club. It was managed from the time of its inception, on the 1st August, 1916, by Mr. R. H. Nolan of Hawera. Mr. Nolan proved absolutely the right man in the right place. It should have been always a comfort to the mothers, wives, and sisters,. of the soldiers to know that such an enticing home was provided in the midst of London, with its temptations and its great loneliness. The Soldiers' Club was never empty. In 1918, with a total accommodation of very little over 200 beds, the daily average number who used the building throughout the year was 185. The daily average of sales in the canteens was 862. The following are some figures for that year:—beds supplied 67,483; breakfasts 41,131; teas 25,545; dinners 29,926; canteen sales (mostly meals) 314,515. These indeed were splendid results and could only be accomplished with able management and supervision.

A memorable visit was paid to the Association's offices in November 1916 by the Prime Minister of New Zealand (Mr. Massey), and Sir Joseph Ward. Mr. Massey in a brief address to the members of the organisation spoke very warmly of the value and importance of the work which was then being done. He said that he had seen a large number of New Zealand soldiers in England and in France, and he had heard nothing but praise for the assistance that had been given so freely and ungrudgingly by the members of the Association. Sir Joseph Ward also said that he had been very much impressed by the figures quoted regarding the ratio of administrative expenses compared with gross expenditure, while the wages expenditure was extremely moderate. The administration generally was a great credit to all concerned. Shortly after this visit a letter was received from Brig.-General G. S. Richardson, Officer-in-Charge of Administration in England as follows:—"I would like to express my gratitude to the War Contingent Association for their kindness to the N.Z.E.F. in England during the past year. We all recognise how strenuous have been the efforts of the members of the Association to help our men. These efforts have not been in vain. You have afforded pleasure to thousands of New Zealand boys. Your work cannot be recognised by honours and rewards; but it may afford you satisfaction in the knowledge that your work is appreciated not only by the military authorities, but by the men themselves and by their relatives. You have filled a gap which military organisation does not provide for, and you have done so with great success."

The Red Cross Society.

It is a difficult, almost an impossible task, to supply any satisfactory account of the work of the Red Cross organisation in New Zealand during the war, so wide-spread were its ramifications and so multitudinous its workers and helpers. But a New Zealand war history would be incomplete—and the tale of the Dominion's home achievements would be minus one of its noblest pages—without a reference, if only by way of bare record, to the work of this organisation. It was through the activities offered by the Red Cross Society that healing came to many suffering hearts, days of apprehension and fear were made endurable by the task of adding hour by hour little items for the comfort of loved ones in distant lands; and patriotic fervour found expression in unremitting toil.

The story of the New Zealand Red Cross Society is the pathetic story of the unfaltering memory of New Zealand's women of their men on active service. Through the thousand-and-one gifts and comforts which percolated to all quarters where men fought or suffered, came these reminders of their womenfolks' regard and appreciation—and it was helpful. There were other New Zealand organisations engaged on similar work, but none so universally representative of the Dominion. The sum total of the work may be described, without exaggeration, as stupendous. The men of the Dominion saw to it that our man-power commitments were maintained, and they were maintained right up to the close of the war when the Division stood at full strength; and similarly, the women of New Zealand were many hundreds of cases of comforts and many thousands of pounds sterling ahead of requirements when the soldiers were withdrawn, and hospitals again empty.

It would be quite impossible to trace the work of the Society during the war period. One is able, however, to supply from the records, the chief features of its organisation. Canterbury was the first centre of activity. Soon after war was declared Mr. A. E. G. Rhodes commenced operations under the St. John Ambulance Association, and formed sub-centres in all the towns of the Canterbury military district. At this time, and for a prior period throughout New Zealand, Red Cross committees were working through the St. John Association. In the spring of 1915 Mr. Bernard Tripp, of Christchurch, went to Australia to study the Red Cross organisations there, and in October of the same year he returned and through the newspapers urged the formation in New Zealand of a similar body with a constitution of its own. He also suggested that His Excellency the Governor-General, the Earl of Liverpool, and Lady Liverpool should be at the head of it. In pursuance of his object Mr. Tripp on October 19th headed a Christchurch deputation to the Minister of Internal Affairs (the Hon. G. W. Russell) and asked for assistance in the formation of the proposed Society, with the necessary official recognition. The Minister promised to confer with His Excellency. The following month, November, Lord Liverpool called a meeting at Government House, Wellington, of delegates from all branches of the St. John Ambulance Society and other organisations engaged in Red Cross work. His Excellency presided, and it was decided that all organisations iu New Zealand, other than the Order of St. John, should be united under the title of "The New Zealand Branch of the British Red Cross Society." Each organisation was to retain its individuality by prefixing the name of the town or district in which it was located. Mr. Sefton Moorhouse accepted the position of officer-in-charge of the central department in Wellington, at which was to be decided (a) what goods were required, (b) the method of despatch and packing, (c) how and where goods were required.

Meanwhile,7 in September 1915, Colonel the Hon. Sir R. Heaton Rhodes, M.P. was at his own expense despatched by the Government to Egypt, Gallipoli, and Malta to report on matters connected with the administration of the N.Z.E.F., and, among these matters, the distribution of the Red Cross comforts. As a matter of fact the Minister's expenses were afterwards devoted to the Kitchener Scholarship Fund. It was only natural, in the case of a force despatched hurriedly from a country without previous war experience, that imperfections in the method of touch between the army in the field, and the home control, should early show themselves. To assist in overcoming these little difficulties was the work of the Minister. He was able officially to reassure the Red Cross Societies of the value of their work and to suggest improvements in regard to the despatch of the goods; and also to state what articles were most required by the men, and the hospitals.

All this time the Red Cross movement was increasing in momentum in New Zealand, and its activities extending. Every little village and every small suburb of the cities had its busy workers. Even these small groups had their auxiliaries in working parties in individual homes. Men unable to proceed on active service gave willing cooperation in whatever capacity they were able. One recalls, now, with wonder those busy rooms, where sometimes many and sometimes only one or two women were gathered together toiling unremittingly. Money also was being collected and was being forwarded to the British Red Cross Society for its general use, on the understanding that the New Zealanders would receive full consideration in its distribution.

In February 1916 His Excellency called another conference of delegates, on this occasion at Christchurch, and in April of the same year Mr. Bernard Tripp was appointed as the New Zealand Red Cross representative to visit Egypt and England. Mr. Tripp's commission was to report on New Zealand Red Cross organisation at these places. He left in May 1916 in the hospital ship Maheno, but when he arrived in Egypt the New Zealand soldiers, with the exception of the Mounted Brigade, had left for England. The only New Zealand institution remaining in Egypt was the Aotea Home, which was doing splendid work. Mr. Tripp did what investigation was required in Egypt, and then proceeded on to England in the Maheno.

Meanwhile Sir Thomas Mackenzie, High Commissioner for New Zealand, had appointed Mr. C. Elgar the New Zealand Red Cross Commissioner in England. Lord Plunket, who was chairman of the New Zealand War Contingent Association, called a meeting of all members of that body, at which Mr. Tripp, by invitation, explained the views of New Zealand as to the organisation that should exist in England. The suggestion was that an executive should be formed in London, that a Commissioner should be appointed each in England, France, and Egypt, and that all gifts from the Dominion should be consigned to one central depot in England. This was agreed upon, and Mr. Tripp went with the General Officer in Charge of Administration (Brig.-General Richardson), and Colonel Parkes, A.D.M.S., to Southampton and there opened stores to receive the New Zealand Red Cross goods. The organisation was put into operation, and in October 1916 Mr. Tripp returned to New Zealand. Arriving home he addressed meetings at the principal towns, and removed any doubts as to the goods, which were being sent, reaching the men in the line, in the hospitals, and in the convalescent homes and camps. It might be mentioned here that Mr. Tripp spoke enthusiastically of the New Zealand War Contingent's work in London. "I cannot speak too highly of this Association," he said "and the good work it is doing in looking after our wounded and sick soldiers arriving in London…. People who have sons fighting for us can rest assured that our wounded and sick have care and every comfort possible."

In June of 1916 Mr. A. E. G. Rhodes who had also been to London, returned and reported upon the work of the British Red Cross. He described things as satisfactory so far as New Zealanders were concerned. Other evidence was coming to hand at this time as to the value to the men of the gifts.

The two hospital ships the Maheno and the Marama (the latter commissioned toward the end of 1916) were the especial charge of the Red Cross Society in regard to equipment in all respects appertaining to the comfort of the soldiers. In November of the same year the preparation and despatch of comforts to New Zealand prisoners of war were undertaken. Ten motor ambulances were also offered to the New Zealand military authorities at Home, and in France, but the Government decided that this provision should be a charge upon itself.

In February 1917 another New Zealand Conference was called at Christchurch by the President, the Governor-General. Mr. Sefton Moorhouse presided. This conference was called to co-ordinate all sections working in New Zealand under one control, and thus to constitute the New Zealand Red Cross Society and Order of St. John. The organisation set up consisted of the President, (the Governor-General) Her Excellency Lady Liverpool, the Officer-in Charge of of Headquarters, and twenty-four members, the latter to be appointed annually by each of the four centres. It was decided that the headquarters should continue to be at Wellington. An executive committee was appointed consisting of the Officer-in-Charge of Headquarters and six other members, two to be appointed by the council and one by each centre. Mr. Moorhouse was elected Officer-in-Charge of Headquarters. (For these details and many others the writer is indebted to that excellent little paper "The New Zealand Red Cross Record," which was edited and published at Christchurch by Mr. O. T. J. Alpers, and which was of great assistance to the Society).

At the end of 1917 it was decided to send Colonel the Hon. Sir R. Heaton Rhodes, M.P. to London as the N.Z. Red Cross Society's special Commissioner in Great Britain and France. The Commissioner allied himself to the London office of the organisation and was the liason officer between the two branches of the body. He was able to forward comprehensive reports as to the distribution of the gifts at Home, knowing the little details which the people at this end required information upon. The system in operation in England was that all the goods from New Zealand went to M shed at Southampton wharves. There they were sorted out, and those specially required for France were despatched across the Channel, and check was kept of them until they reached the unit to which they were addressed. All other goods went to the central store at Southampton town, where they were sorted and classified—some were specially addressed to hospitals at Home—and kept ready to be sent out when called upon. In London was another store or depot, stocked mostly with goods purchased in Britain, where the prices were less than in the Dominion.

Under the Red Cross Society, depots were established in all New Zealand hospitals in England and France for the ready distribution of goods and comforts to the patients. One particular phase of the Society's activities in the hospitals was the encouragement and assistance given to the men in basket-making, raffia-work, and similar forms of profitable employment—profitable because of the men's keen interest in it, and the chance of a future livelihood which it provided for some of them. As a matter of fact in basket-making establishments in New Zealand to-day will be found quite a number of disabled soldiers who served their apprenticeship in the hospitals at Home. Funds were allocated for this work by the Society, and at Oatlands Park an instructional hut was erected for "limmies" who cared to take up the work. The money collected in New Zealand for Red Cross purposes was still sent direct to the British Society, the Dominion drawing upon it for what was required.

On the transports as well as on the hospital ships returning from Britain carrying sick and wounded men, were also placed comforts by the Society. Men will not readily forget the gifts which helped them to bear hardships and irksome conditions. The same thoughtful provision was made later in regard to the transports which brought back the fit men.

It seems miserably inadequate to attempt to indicate in financial terms the sum total of the N.Z. Red Cross Society's effort during the war, yet the figures constitute a remarkable record for a country so small in population. It is estimated that the total value of the gifts despatched was £1.072,000 and that the money sent to the British Red Cross Society was £276,000.

This account is necessarily but a skeleton. It supplies but little evidence of the living organisation which once pulsated with animation, charity, and patriotic fervour. It bestows no credit, even by recording their names, upon those who once figured prominently in this work and whose self-sacrificing labours were so well known to the people of the Dominion; or of those who worked quietly in the background but equally enthusiastically and persistently. It would be an impossible task to do so adequately without embarking upon a detailed record, and such a work can only be undertaken by the Red Cross Society itself from its own records. This account is an endeavour to indicate the manner in which one task of many was undertaken by the Dominion in connection with the war, and how it was carried out.

The following official statement of voluntary contributions in money and goods made by the Dominion from the outbreak of war to 31st March 1920, was presented to Parliament during the Session of 1920. £ Collected by various patriotic societies 5,447,991 Received by the Department of Internal Affairs for transmission abroad,for hospital ships, New Zealand sick and wounded, and other specialpurposes (over and above amounts forwarded by patriotic societies) 69,829 War expenses contributed to the Government at the outbreak of war 159,137 Dominion schools' contribution to Belgian Children's Fund 18,364 Total cash collected £5,695,321 Estimated value of goods, stock, produce, and comforts shipped bythe Government on behalf of donors 557,536 Government subsidy to Belgian Fund 228,145 Total £6,481,002

Chapter XII.The Peace Conference.

1—The Preliminary Sessions in Paris.

The Armistice granted by the Allied Powers to the Central Empires was signed at Spa, on November 11th, 1918. It was virtually the end of the great conflict of nations—hostilities ceased forthwith after over four years of world-war on land and sea and in the air. Immediately it became the duty of the Governments of the allied and associated Powers to initiate the preliminaries of peace. These covered a wide field and constituted a task of unparalleled magnitude and difficulty. The devising and setting up of the elaborate machinery for the supreme conference in the history of mankind was in itself a colossal task. Initial mistakes were made and admitted; doubtless errors of judgment and method were in the circumstances inevitable. The intention was to secure preliminary peace within a month or two, and to reach a solid and permanent peace within a year. Difficulties and devious methods threatened at one stage to reverse the order of intention. But the aim throughout was at a just settlement. The need of secrecy often obscured the high motives of the Peace Conference—it screened completely the immense difficulties of the Allied Council.

The plan of the preliminary conversations between the plenipotentiaries of the allied and associated Powers was drawn up early in January, 1919, and there was held at Versailles a preparatory meeting of the Supreme War Council in order to settle questions of form and substance, such as the representation of belligerent and neutral States, the leading principles, the order in which questions should be examined, and the organisation of the work. A week later the huge machinery of the Peace Conference was established with ample scope for extension. The conversations between the allied Ministers were resumed on the 12th January in the French Foreign Office, at the Quai D'Orsay, Paris.

The main body of the Peace Conference was the Council of Ten, comprising the prime ministers and foreign ministers of Great Britain, France and Italy, and two plenipotentiaries each of the United States of America, and of Japan. The members of the Council at most of their conferences were M. Clemenceau (President), President Wilson and Hon. R. Lansing (America) Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd George and Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour (British Empire), M. Pichon (second plenipotentiary of France), M. Orlando and Baron Sonnino (Italy) and Baron Makine and Mr. Matsui (Japan). Interpreter: Professor J. Mantoux (France). Each Power had the right to change its personnel of plenipotentiaries, and many changes were made, although the principal delegates always remained the "Big Ten." As time went on, and flaws were discovered in the secrecy of the Council's conferences, the number was gradually reduced to four—M. Clemenceau, President Wilson, Mr. Lloyd George, and M. Orlando. During the grave days of the Fiume incident, the number was only three.

The Council may be regarded as the "Steering Committee" of the Conference, with executive power. The spade work of the Conference was done by numerous Commissions and Sub-Commissions of the Conference, assisted by an army of expert advisers. The Council of Ten occasionally became the Supreme War Council, when it was assisted by the military and naval representatives of the allied and associated powers, whose separate and distinct work was carried out at Versailles and Paris.

The general procedure of the Council was to allocate to the commissions the innumerable questions at issue respecting territorial, financial, military, naval, economic, aerial and international affairs. On somewhat rare occasions the Council of Ten met in open conference with all the delegates, thus forming what was rather loosely called a plenary conference. The chief duty of the plenary conference was really to endorse the preparatory and, later, the final decisions of the Council, who exercised the sole right of determining all matters of policy. The constructive work of the plenary conference was not at any time difficult to measure. The commissions were appointed by the plenary conference, but their orders of reference were prepared and issued by the Council. The commissions, in turn, divided their work into self-contained sections, and appointed sub-commissions to deal with each section and report to each main commission, which, in turn, reported to the plenary conference, or to the Council. Many of the territorial commissions were appointed by the Council without reference to the plenary conference at all. All this complicated machinery necessitated the continuous presence in Paris of an army of officials and departmental experts of many grades. Such was the mechanism of the Peace Conference. The British system, as indeed were those of all the delegations, was on similar lines as regards constitution and procedure. There was this difference, however, owing to the unique position of the British Empire: a common British policy was maintained by means of periodic meetings of the British Empire delegation, which was akin in form and work to the Imperial War Cabinet.

It was not until exactly two months from the signing of the Armistice that a definite procedure had been adopted for the Peace Conference, and a resolution was passed fixing the date of its formal opening. The representation of the Powers was fixed at five each for the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan, three for Brazil, two for Belgium, China, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Roumania, Serbia, and the Czecho-Slavok Republic, and one for Cuba, Guatemala, Hayti, Honduras, Liberia, Nicaragua, Panama, and Siam. After much discussion it was agreed to give the British Dominions and India the following representation:—Two delegates each for Canada, Australia, South Africa, and India (including the Native States), and one delegate for New Zealand. The precedence of the great Allied Powers were fixed alphabetically, as follows:—America, British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan. It was arranged that the work of the Conference should only be made public by means of official daily bulletins—rather a weak vehicle of expression. The question as to the official language of the Conference was never really determined.

The first plenary session of the Inter-Allied Conference was held in the Peace Rooms at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris, on January 18th (three days before the New Zealand Delegation arrived in Paris). It was opened under the presidency of M. Raymond Poincare, President of the Republic of France. Twenty-two Allied Powers and States were represented.

President Poincare, in concluding an eloquent speech, said:—"This very day, forty-eight years ago, on the 18th of January, 1871, the German Empire was proclaimed by an army of invasion in the Chateau at Versailles. It was consecrated by the theft of two French Provinces. It was thus vitiated from its origin and by the faults of its founders. It contained at its birth the germ of decay and of death. Born in injustice, it has ended in opprobrium. You are assembled in order to repair the evil that it has done and to prevent, a recurrence of it. You hold in your hands the future of the world. I leave you, gentlemen, to your grave deliberations, and I declare the Conference of Paris open."

M. Clemenceau, President of the French Council of Ministers and Minister of War, temporarily took the chair, and, later, on the graceful motion of President Wilson, supported by Mr. Lloyd George, and Baron Sonnino, was appointed as permanent Chairman of the Peace Conference. The Great Conference of Paris, with all its difficulties and dangers still ahead, was at last in definite, if laboured, movement towards a goal set on the very summit of idealism.

The order of procedure was elaborated, and provision was made for the appointment of Commissions to deal with a score of vital questions, including the League of Nations, the responsibility of the authors of the war and penalties for crimes committed during the war, international labour legislation, Polish affairs, Russian affairs, the Baltic Nationalities, the States formed from the late Austro-Hungary Monarchy, Balkan affairs, Eastern affairs, international ports, railways and waterways, Jewish affairs, affairs of the Far East and of the Pacific, international legislation respecting patents and trade marks, reparation, legislation affecting pre-war contracts, treaties, economic systems (transitory and permanent), finance, international river navigation, arms traffic, territorial boundaries, and claims of new states. That list, incomplete as it is, at once gives an idea of the immense task of the Conference.

2—The New Zealand Delegation.

The New Zealand delegation, consisting of the Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey, P.C. (Prime Minister), and the Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Ward, P.C. (Minister of Finance), accompanied by Mr. F. D. Thomson, C.M.G., private secretary to the Prime Minister (Mr. Thomson was subsequently appointed an assistant secretary to the British Empire delegation, and took part in the reporting of many of its important conferences), Mr. R. Riley, official journalist, and Miss A. Saunders, private secretary to Sir Joseph Ward, arrived in Paris from London on the evening of January 21. The Ministers were informed officially of the decision of the Council of the Great Powers that New Zealand should be represented by only one delegate at the Peace Conference. Mr. Massey conferred with Mr. Lloyd George the following day, and arrangements were at once made to have the question of New Zealand's representation discussed at a meeting of the British Empire delegation the same day. After statements had been made by the New Zealand Ministers at the private session of the delegation, it was unanimously decided that Sir Joseph Ward be appointed a member of the panel of British delegates with the right of attending the plenary sessions of the Peace Conference and the meetings of the British Empire delegation.

It may be explained that the British Empire had been allotted no fewer than fourteen plenipotentiaries, with five in the most powerful section of the Conference.

The question of the disposal of the former German colonies and the claims of the British Dominions thereto came before the Council of the Allied and Associated Powers on the afternoon of January 24th. Mr. Massey presented the claims of New Zealand respecting the future control of German Samoa. The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes presented the case for Australia regarding German New Guinea, and other islands in the South Pacific, and Lieut.-General Smuts (in the absence of General Botha) for the Union of South Africa in regard to German South-West Africa. All advocated, with certain reservations concerning purely Dominions' interests, the policy of the British Empire.

There was complete unanimity as regards the non-restoration of the ex-German Colonies. The only question at issue was the manner in which these territories should be disposed of and administered. The Council of the Powers was opposed to anything in the form of a simple division of the spoils of victory. Three methods of disposal were put forward, and, of these, two were at once rejected. These were internationalisation or direct control by the League of Nations and annexation. The first was deemed to be impracticable, and the second was in flat contradiction of one of the cardinal points of President Wilson's catechism of settlement. Attention was concentrated upon the novel proposal to adopt mandatory control. This was to establish administration through mandatories acting on behalf of the League of Nations. The main idea was to attach any one of these territories in which the interests of the backward inhabitants were to be conserved and promoted to its nearest neighbour capable of being responsible for the development of the territory and its people. There was to be no exploitation of any people and no exercise of arbitrary sovereignty over any people. The purpose was to safeguard the natives against abuses until such time as they could consciously express a desire for complete union with the mandatory State. As to the operation of any mandate the League would primarily lay down general principals aiming at the betterment of the native inhabitants. There should be no discrimination against any members of the League; economic access to the territory would be open to all. The oversea delegates did not assail the fundamental principle of this proposal, but they opposed keenly the committal of their respective countries to a blind trust in a supervisory organisation which in fact did not then exist, and which in theory was merely a skeleton of immature ideas and lofty ideals.

The respective claims of the Dominions' representatives were based on common ground. Each sought permanent freedom from the past menace of German control of neighbouring territories, and from even the influence of German "peaceful penetration." German influence had been swept out of the South Pacific, and it was desired to have it kept out for ever.

3—The Future of Samoa.

As regards the fate of German Samoa, it was admitted by the principal members of the Council that Mr. Massey presented New Zealand's case "powerfully, skilfully and with fairness." The Prime Minister pointed out that Samoa was of great strategic importance, and the key to the South Pacific. It had been so used by Germany, and New Zealand was opposed to any revival of the former menacing conditions. The Islands had been seized and occupied by the Dominion's troops, and successfully administered on behalf of the Imperial government. He acknowledged the naval assistance given on behalf of the Imperial government by the battle-cruiser Australia, and the French ship of war, the Montcalm. He recounted the unhappy history of the natives of German Samoa, and their repeated efforts and appeals to secure British protection, and referred in detail to New Zealand's treatment of the Maoris, whose response to the call for volunteers was proof of their satisfaction with British rule, and proof of their fine loyalty to the British Empire. Many Maoris had been accepted as first-class fighting men. Besides these there were the Natives of Rarotonga, Niue, and Fiji, who had rendered good work in the great war. He had received many pathetic letters from people of the native races begging that never again should they be placed under German rule. After the Germans had appeared in the South Pacific and settled in Samoa, the result was an unhappy period for the natives of Samoa, who had suffered civil war due largely, it had been alleged, to German interference. In 1889 the Great Powers took an interest in the affairs of the unhappy island. Germany sent a fleet of warships, the United States of America also sent a fleet to meet them and the British Government sent one smart second-class cruiser. A hurricane, "within the duration of a single day, broke the sword-arm of each of two angry Powers, reduced their formidable ships to junk, and changed their disciplined hundreds to hordes of castaways." The British ship rode into the gale and was saved. The natives had looked upon the historic hurricane as providential. Later, a sort of protectorate was established of the three powers—Germany, United States of America, and Great Britain. The result, to say the least, had not been satisfactory. Joint control of natives had almost always, and everywhere, been a failure. There was not in his opinion any prospect of success in any form of joint control. On behalf of the people of New Zealand, on behalf of the people of the South Sea Islands, and for the sake of humanity Mr. Massey most strongly urged that German Samoa should be allowed to remain under British control.

After all the claims had been heard by the Council, there was a protracted discussion on the details of the proposed mandatory system of control. The representatives of the Dominions urged the adoption of a direct form of government and security of tenure in order to encourage development. Mr. Massey emphasised the New Zealand point of view as regards the desire for dependable protection from the possibilities of having in the future some turbulent and ambitious power in that part of the world. Keen opposition was offered to the principle of an "open door" and the oversea delegates presented their argument so effectively that the Council eventually agreed to accept the British proposals, establishing a form of direct administration of the former enemy territories in the South Pacific by each mandatory State as integral portions of that State subject to certain safeguards dealing with the prohibition of former abuses such as the slave trade, forced labour, the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military or naval bases. This agreement was accepted as being only provisional, but it became the basis of final settlement. The Council's resolution was subsequently incorporated in the Covenant of the League of Nations.

The draft mandate given to New Zealand for the control of Samoa on behalf of the League of Nations is here given as a document of historic interest:—

1. Germany renounces all rights and title over the islands constituting German Samoa. 2. The Allied and Associated Powers entrust the government of the islands to his Britannic Majesty to be exercised by His Majesty's Government of the Dominion of New Zealand. The said Government shall have full legislative, administrative and judicial power over the islands as an integral portion of the territory of New Zealand and may apply the laws of New Zealand thereto, subject to such local modifications as circumstances may require. 3. His Britannic Majesty in and for His Government of the Dominion of New Zealand accepts the mandate for the administration of the islands upon the footing that the trust is imposed and accepted for the well-being and development of the peoples of the islands, and to that end undertakes that the slave trade and forced labour shall be prohibited, the traffic in arms and ammunition shall be controlled in accordance with any general Convention which may be entered into by the High Contracting Parties in this behalf, the sale of spirituous liquors to the natives shall be prohibited, and the military training of the natives otherwise than for purposes of internal police and the local defence of the islands shall be prohibited. Furthermore, no military or naval bases shall be established and no fortifications shall be erected in the islands either by the Government of New Zealand or by any other Power or person. 4. The value of the property in the islands belonging to the German Government shall be assessed and shall be reckoned in the Inter-Allied Reparation Fund and regarded as allocated to the share of the Government of New Zealand. 5. The expenses of the administration of the islands, if the revenues obtained from local sources are insufficient, will be defrayed by the Government of New Zealand. 6. If at any time the native inhabitants of the islands express a desire to be united with New Zealand, and if the Council of the League of Nations consider this desire on their part to be conscious and well-founded and calculated to promote their interests, the Allied and Associated Governments agree that effect shall be given to it by the Council of the League and the islands shall thereupon be incorporated in New Zealand for all purposes, and the administration under this Convention shall be regarded as at an end, provided that all the undertakings set out in Article 3, including the prohibition against the establishment of military or naval bases or fortifications shall be maintained, and shall continue to operate in the islands after such incorporation. 7. The inhabitants of the islands shall be entitled to British diplomatic protection when in foreign countries. 8. The Government of the Dominion of New Zealand will make an annual report containing full information with regard to the islands and indicating the measures taken to carry out the obligations assumed under Article 3, and the extent to which the well-being and development of the inhabitants is progressing.

Copies of this report will be presented to the Council of the League of Nations.

The decision of the Council of the Allied and Associated Powers in regard to the disposal of all the former German colonies was as follows:—

Togoland and Cameroons:—France and Great Britain to make a joint recommendation to the League of Nations. German East Africa:—The mandate shall be held by Great Britain. German South-West Africa:—The mandate shall be held by the Union of South Africa. The German Samoan Islands:—The mandate shall be held by New Zealand. The other German Pacific Possessions South of the Equator (excluding the German Samoan Islands and Nauru):—The mandate shall be held by Australia. Nauru:—The mandate shall be given to the British Empire. The German Pacific Islands north of the Equator (Marshall and Caroline Islands):—The mandate shall be held by Japan.

4—Nauru Island.

The unique disposal of the small island of Nauru calls for some explanation. It was claimed by Australia on the ground of the right of conquest, a small party from an Australian light cruiser having landed and taken formal possession of the territory. Mr. Massey, on behalf of New Zealand, urged a form of control different from that proposed by the Council of the allied powers in respect of the former German colonies in the Pacific. He pointed out in the course of memoranda to the Colonial and Foreign Offices, and also to the British Empire delegation, that Nauru differed from other enemy possessions in that it did not present any problem as regards the development of backward inhabitants. The island contained rich deposits of phosphate rock, which had been worked first by a German company and, later, by a British company under lease. The value of the deposits was estimated by experts to be considerable. In view of the pressing necessity for the supply of phosphates to producing countries, such as New Zealand and Australia, he suggested that the island should be held under a form of mandate which would conserve the interests of both, and also of Great Britain. The Colonial Office thought that the mandate should go to the British Empire so that all their interests might be considered. To this Mr. Massey was willing to consent. Australia's representatives objected, urging that their forces had taken possession of the territory. The reply to this was that the island was seized for the Empire and not for any part of it. The Council adopted the views of the British Colonial Office, and New Zealand's plenipotentiary.

The main points of the subsequent agreement arrived at between the British Government, the Government of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the Government of the Dominion of New Zealand are these:—The administration of the island is to be vested in an Administrator to be appointed for the first five years by Australia and thereafter by the three Governments; all expenses have to be defrayed out of the proceeds of the sale of the phosphates; the title to the phosphate deposits is to be vested in a Board of Commissioners, while the present interests of the Pacific Phosphate Company shall be converted into a claim for compensation at a fair valuation; compensation to be paid proportionately by the three Governments; the Commissioners must dispose of the phosphates for the agricultural requirements of the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand at a fixed price f.o.b., so far as these requirements extend; surplus output may be sold at the best price obtainable. The allotment of proportion of supply is 42% each to Great Britain and Australia, and 14% to New Zealand, this allotment to be readjusted at the end of every five years.

5—Breaches of the Laws of War.

The Conference set up in January a Commission to inquire into the responsibility for the war, and the enforcement of penalties for breaches of the laws of war and humanity. It consisted of fifteen members, and the British representatives were the Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Hewart, K.C. (Attorney-General) or Sir Ernest Pollock (Solicitor-General) and the Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey, PC. (Prime Minister of New Zealand). The Hon. Robert Lansing, the principal representative of the United States of America, was appointed President of the Commission. The work covered so wide a field that it was found necessary to appoint three Sub-Commissions. The first of these was the Sub-Commission on Facts. It selected Mr. Massey as chairman, and, later, appointed him chairman of the Drafting Committee. The Commission's indictment of the enemy powers has no parallel in history, and "constitutes the most striking list of crimes that has ever been drawn up to the eternal shame of those who committed them." The catalogue of enemy crimes should be included in every Allied history of the great war in order to convince future generations of the immense heritage of freedom gained for them by the Allied armies and navies.

The catalogue (which was not regarded by the Sub-Commission on Facts as complete and exhaustive) is as follows:—

(1) Murders and massacres; systematic terrorism. (2) Putting hostages to death. (3) Torture of civilians, (4) Deliberate starvation of civilians. (5) Rape. (6) Abduction of girls and women for the purpose of enforced prostitution. (7) Deportation of civilians. (8) Internment of civilians under inhumane conditions. (9) Forced labour of civilians in connection with the military operations of the enemy, and otherwise. (10) Usurpation of sovereignty during military occupation. (11) Compulsory enlistment of soldiers among the inhabitants of occupied territory. (12) Attempts to denationalise the inhabitants of occupied territory. (13) Pillage. (14) Confiscation of property. (15) Exaction of illegitimate or of exorbitant contributions and requisitions. (16) Debasement of the currency, and issue of spurious currency. (17) Imposition of collective penalties. (18) Wanton devastation and destruction of property. (19) Deliberate bombardment of undefended places. (20) Wanton destruction of religious, charitable, educational, and historic buildings and monuments. (21) Destruction of merchant ships and passenger vessels without visit or warning and without provision for the safety of passengers or crew. (22) Destruction of fishing boats and of relief ships. (23) Deliberate bombardment of hospitals. (24) Attack on and destruction of hospital ships. (25) Breach of other rules relating to the Red Cross. (26) Use of deleterious and asphyxiating gases. (27) Use of explosive or expanding bullets, and other inhumane appliances. (28) Directions to give no quarter. (29) Ill-treatment of wounded and prisoners of war. (30) Employment of prisoners of war on unauthorised works. (31) Misuse of flags of truce. (32) Boisoning of wells.

Many of the crimes investigated, and "so vouched for that they admit of no doubt, and cry for justice," were so revolting as to the obscenities practised on men and women by enemy officials, officers, and soldiers, that the Sub-Commission on Facts decided, in the interests of common decency, not to publish the details. The Sub-Commission, however, attached to its comprehensive report an annexure containing particulars of the offences committed by the enemy powers during the war, the various localities and dates, the responsible authors, and references to the sources of facts. It was decided not to publish (for obvious reasons) the names of the responsible authors and perpetrators of the offences enumerated. The most appalling crimes were committed in Belgium, Poland, Serbia, Greece, and in several Turkish provinces, and particularly the Armenian vilayets. In Belgium during the last ten days of August, 1914, German troops, with the consent of their general, massacred over one thousand inhabitants of Tamines, Ardennes (which was deliberately burnt down), Dinant, and Liege. In the Armenian vilayets at different periods during the years of the war, more than two hundred thousand victims were assassinated, burned alive, or drowned in the Lake of Van, the Euphrates, and the Black Sea. The Commission had the names of more than fifty officials who were directly responsible for these wholesale massacres. In Serbia, executions were carried out en masse, gallows having been set up in several places, like flagstaffs for a gala. The Bulgarians favoured degrading tortures of their victims. In every conceivable form—and, from the point of view of civilised communities, in many inconceivable forms—Germany and her allies "piled outrage upon outrage …. and were guilty of the most cruel practices which primitive barbarism, aided by all the resources of modern science, could devise for the execution of a system of terrorism, carefully planned and carried out to the end."

The conclusions of the Commission and its recommendations were briefly these:—"The war was premeditated by the Central Powers together with their allies, Turkey and Bulgaria, and was the result of acts deliberately committed to make it unavoidable. Germany, in agreement with Austria-Hungary, deliberately worked to defeat all the many conciliatory proposals made by the Entente Powers and their repeated efforts to avoid war. The neutrality of Belgium, guaranteed by the Treaty of the 19th April, 1839, and that of Luxemburg, guaranteed by the Treaty of the 11th May, 1867, were deliberately violated by Germany and Austria-Hungary. The war was carried on by the Central Empires and their allies by barbarous or illegitimate methods in violation of the established laws and customs of war and the elementary laws of humanity. All persons belonging to enemy countries, without distinction of rank, including Chiefs of States, who have been guilty of offences against the laws and customs of war and the elementary laws of humanity, are liable to criminal prosecution."

The decision of the Council of the Allied and Associated Powers in respect of responsibilities for the war and the enforcement of penalties for breaches of the laws and customs of war was as follows:—"The Allied and Associated Powers publicly arraign William II. of Hohenzollern, formerly German Emperor, for a supreme offence against international morality and the sanctity of treaties. The Ex-Emperor's surrender is to be requested of Holland, and a special tribunal set up composed of one judge from each of the five Great Powers, with full guarantees of the right of defence. It is to be guided 'by the highest motives of international policy with a view of vindicating the solemn obligations of international undertakings and the validity of international morality,' and will fix the punishment it feels should be imposed."

The Council also decided that other German criminals who violated the laws of war would have to be surrendered by their Government, and tried before military tribunals in Allied countries, the accused to have the right to name his own counsel.

6—The League of Nations.

Of the Allied structure of world Peace the League of Nations was considered to be both the foundation and the coping stone. The foundation was laid at the second plenary session of the Peace Conference held on January 25th, at the French Foreign Office, Quai d'Orsay, Paris, when and where it was decided to appoint a Commission of the Conference to examine the question of creating the League of Nations. President Wilson, the chief architect, so to speak, insisted during the discussion on the question, that the League must be made a vital thing with vital continuity and continuing functions, and that it should be the eye of the nations to keep watch upon the common interest, an eye "that does not slumber, an eye that is everywhere watchful and attentive." The Commission entered upon its work with earnest enthusiasm and energy, and the first draft of the Covenant of the League was presented to the third plenary session of the Peace Conference on February 14. The report was received with complete approval as to the principles and aims of the League, but it was obvious that almost all of the twenty-six Articles of the Covenant would have to be reconstructed in order to make the League a "vital thing with vital continuity."

And so it proved. From the first publication of the crude Covenant to its acceptance in amended and immeasurably improved form, the League of Nations Commission had the benefit of an exchange of views with the representatives of thirteen neutral Governments, and also of much criticism on both sides of the Atlantic. It should be recorded that the most earnest advocates of the League were never at any time shy of criticism, and welcomed censure of weaknesses, and advice as means to a desirable end. They realised that in order to attain a practical issue to an ideal many difficulties must be grappled with and overcome. The document that emerged from the protracted discussions was not, as was officially confessed, the Constitution of a super-State, but a solemn agreement between sovereign States, which consented to limit their complete freedom of action on certain points for the greater good of themselves and the world at large. The Covenant was constructed on the assumption that the League must continue to depend on the free consent, in the last resort, of its component States, the ultimate and effective sanction being essentially the public opinion of the civilised world. And it was decided with prudence and practical common-sense to allow the League, as a living organism, to discover its own best lines of development. It was agreed, on the understanding that the Covenant was to form part of the Treaty of Peace, that the Article dealing with the question of membership of the League should be so worded as to enable the enemy powers to agree to the League's constitution, without, at once, becoming members of it. It was hoped that the original members of the League would consist of the thirty-two Allied and Associated Powers, signatories of the Treaty of Peace, and of thirteen neutral States, the original members joining without reservation and all accepting the same obligations.

The principal obligations accepted by members were the provisions designed to secure international confidence and the avoidance of war. These comprised:—(1) Limitation of armaments; (2) A mutual guarantee of territory and independence; (3) An admission that any circumstance which threatens international peace is an international interest; (4) An agreement not to go to war till a peaceful settlement of a dispute has been tried; (5) Machinery for securing a peaceful settlement, with provision for publicity; (6) The sanctions to be employed to punish a breach of agreement in (4); (7) Similar provisions for settling disputes where States not members of the League are concerned.

The Covenant made it plain that there was to be no dictation by the Council of the League or by anyone else as to the size of national forces. Provision was also made for functions of the League in peace; including an undertaking to throw the aegis of the League over the Labour Convention; the care and development of backward peoples in former enemy territories to be forthwith administered under the mandatory system of control; the regulation of the arms traffic with uncivilised and semi-civilised countries; and many questions affecting the peace of the world. The Covenant of the League was adopted unanimously at the fifth plenary session of the Peace Conference on Monday, April 28th, both New Zealand Ministers being present.

7—International Labour Legislation.

This important question was first discussed at the second plenary conference, held on January 25th, when it was decided to appoint a Commission to examine the proposal to prepare an International Labour Convention. The Commission, which held many conferences under the presidency of Mr. Samuel Gompers, of the United States of America, submitted its report and recommendations to the fourth plenary session of the Peace Conference on February 14th.

The following methods and principles, which were deemed to be of special and urgent importance, were adopted:—

(1) The guiding principle that labour should not be regarded merely as a commodity or article of commerce. (2) The right of association for all lawful purposes by the employed as well as by the employers. (3) The payment to the employed of a wage adequate to maintain a reasonable standard of life as this is understood in their time and country. (4) The adoption of an eight hours day or a forty-eight hours week as the standard to be aimed at where it has not already been obtained. (5) The adoption of a weekly rest of at least twenty-four hours, which should include Sunday wherever practicable. (6) The abolition of child labour and the imposition of such limitations on the labour of young persons as shall permit the continuation of their education and assure their proper physical development. (7) The principle that men and women should receive equal remuneration for work of equal value. (8) The standard set by law in each country with respect to the conditions of labour should have due regard to the equitable economic treatment of all workers lawfully resident therein. (9) Each State should make provision for a system of inspection, in which women should take part, in order to secure the enforcement of the laws and regulations for the protection of the employed.

It was provided in the Convention adopted that each self-governing Dominion in the British Empire should have the status of a High Contracting Party. Generally considered, the terms of the Convention aimed principally at the improvement of labour conditions in Europe, but many of the provisions had an important bearing on the Labour movement in all civilised countries.

8—The Treaty of Peace.

The Allied and Associated Powers' terms for Germany were presented to the German delegates at Versailles on Wednesday, May 7th, 1919,—the fourth anniversary of the sinking of the Lusitania by a German submarine. The historic ceremony took place in the dining-room of the Trianon Palace Hotel; and the representatives of the great Allied Powers were given proof of the unchanged spirit of Germany, whose plenipotentiaries were truculent, and deliberately insolent. Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, the head of the German delegation, remained seated, and spoke contemptuously in his native tongue, although he was able to speak perfectly either in French or English. At no time were the German delegates subjected to any form of humiliation, the Allied authorities having taken every precaution to protect them from hostile treatment.

There was a full attendance of the delegates of the Allied and Associated Powers, the Italian representatives having returned from their impulsive mission to Rome in connection with the dispute over the fate of Fiume. Mr. Massey, Prime Minister, represented New Zealand, and Sir Joseph Ward was present as a member of the British panel of plenipotentiaries. Germany was represented by six delegates.

M. Clemenceau, the veteran President of the Supreme Council of the Allied and Associated Powers, in the course of a brief dignified speech, informed the German delegates that there would be no verbal intercourse with them, and that they would be given fifteen days in which to present in writing their observations on the Peace Treaty. It was a solemn ceremony.

Count Rantzau replied in terms of cold and studied insolence. He confessed the degree of German's powerlessness, but declared that to confess themselves to be the only ones guilty of the war would in his mouth be a lie. "We energetically deny," he added, "that Germany and its people, who were convinced that they were making a war of defence, were alone guilty………… In the last fifty years Imperialism of all European States has chronically poisoned the international situation…. But in the manner of making war, Germany is not the only guilty one. Every nation knows of deeds and of people which the best nationals only remember with regret. I do not want to answer by reproaches to reproaches, but I ask them to remember, when reparation is demanded, not to forget the Armistice. It took you six weeks till we got it at last, and six months till we came to know your conditions of peace. Crimes in war may not be excusable, but they are committed in the struggle for victory and in the defence of national existence, and passions are aroused which make the conscience of people blunt. The hundreds of thousands of non-combatants who have perished since the 11th of November by reason of the blockade were killed with cold deliberation, after our adversaries had conquered and victory had been assured to them. Think of that when you speak of guilt and of punishment." He also said a great deal more in the same strain of sneering contempt, and concluded by stating that the Treaty of Peace would be examined by the Germans with goodwill. Thereupon the German delegates passed out scowling into the Spring sunshine and the promise of Peace.

The main terms of the Treaty were these:—The surrender of practically all Germany's merchant fleet, the replacement of losses ton for ton, and the construction of a million tons of shipping for the Allies; disarmament on land and sea, and in the air with these limitations: an army of 100,000 men (including 4000 officers) and the immediate abolition of conscription; a navy consisting of 6 battleships, 6 light cruisers, 12 destroyers, 12 torpedo boats, no submarines, 15,000 officers and men; aircraft, nil; cession to France of Alsace and Lorraine, and the coal-fields in the Saar Valley—the latter for fifteen years, the control thereafter to be determined by a plebiscite; the surrender of all Germany's oversea possessions; surrender of the Ex-Kaiser and war criminals for trial; payment of £1,000,000,000 as first instalment of the total bill, to be fixed by 1921, and to be paid in 30 years; surrender of Dantzig, also part of Silesia, East Prussia, and Schleswig; the Allied occupation of the left bank of the Rhine for 15 years as a guarantee of Germany's fulfilment of the terms of the Treaty.

The Treaty of Peace with Germany was, after the Allied and Associated Powers had agreed to modify several conditions in detail without altering the cardinal principles of the terms, signed on June 28th, in the famous Hall of Mirrors in the Chateau of Versailles. Mr. Massey attended the historic ceremony,, and in the exercise of full powers as New Zealand's plenipotentiary, affixed his signature to the Treaty, the Protocol and the Rhineland Convention. The British Empire plenipotentiaries signed in the following order:—United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland: Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George, First Lord of the Treasury and Prime Minister; Rt. Hon. Andrew Bonar Law, M.P., Lord Privy Seal; Rt. Hon. Viscount Milner, Secretary of State for Colonies; Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; and Rt. Hon. George Nicoll Barnes, Minister without portfolio. Dominion of Canada: Rt. Hon. Sir George Eulas Foster, Minister of Trade and Commerce, and Rt. Hon. Charles Joseph Doherty, Minister of Justice. Commonwealth of Australia: Rt. Hon. William Morris Hughes, Attorney-General and Prime Minister, and Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Cook, Minister for Navy. Union of South Africa: General the Rt. Hon. Louis Botha, Prime Minister, and Lieutenant-General Jan Christian Smuts, K.C. Minister of Defence; Dominion of New Zealand: Rt. Hon. William Ferguson Massey, Minister of Labour and Prime Minister; India: Rt. Hon. Edwin Samuel Montagu, M.P. Secretary of State for India, and Major General His Highness Maharaja Sir Ganga Singh Bahadur, Maharaja of Bikaner.

Peace Treaty: The First of the Signatures.

The Treaty was signed by the representatives of 27 Allied and Associated Powers and by two German delegates with full powers. China's plenipotentiaries did not attend the ceremony and reserved their signatures as a protest against the settlement respecting the Shantung Province. Owing to the necessity for gaining passage by the Mauretania, which left Southampton that evening Mr. Massey had to leave Versailles for Havre before the memorable ceremony was concluded.

Chapter XIII.Education in The New Zealand Expeditionary Force By Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, C.M.G., General Officer-in-Charge of Administration N.Z.E.F. in United Kingdom.

There is in the possession of the Defence Department a valuable historical report upon the educational work of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force which is in itself a volume. A chapter such as I have been invited to write must necessarily, therefore, be but a brief and imperfect survey of the very extensive activities in this preparatory branch of repatriation. At the same time that report will be retained as one of the Department's valuable war documents, providing, as it does, the data of a branch of the Service which must be called into existence in all future wars.

I think it is now recognised that in war civil education must be a co-ordinated part of all remedial hospital and convalescent work, and in the preparation also of men for their re-establishment in peace occupations. War has ceased to be waged only between armies of professional soldiers and mercenaries. War calls to the ranks the youth of the nation, the brightest, the keenest, the bravest and the most vigorous of our young men, who have had but brief touch with civil life, and whose careers are just opening. In engaging in war in future the nation must recognise the responsibilities owing to its fighters, and provide the educational facilities in the many ways in which experience has shown it can be done.

The rapid rehabilitation and re-absorption of the soldiers of New Zealand in civil life has been one of the most remarkable and satisfactory features of the war so far as the Dominion's experiences are concerned. The educational system of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force, specialising as it did in the compulsory branches of civics and economics, was designed primarily to prepare the men mentally and occupationally for this repatriation. May it not be claimed, therefore, that though the process may have been unobserved, the work carried out in England, France and Egypt contributed very materially to the present extremely satisfactory state of affairs. The term "education" applied to a fighting army may have caused a pedagogic smile or two, but sceptical minds must remember that the Dominion's finest and most scholarly intellects, and many of its commercial and mechanical experts were among our fighting ranks, and that it was these men who became at various stages educational instructors. Several of them were university professors and lecturers. Of the conscientious work and enthusiasm of all, I cannot speak too highly, while at the same time paying tribute to the men of the Division for the splendid spirit in which they availed themselves of the opportunities afforded them, opportunities which in some respects were forced upon their well-earned leisure hours. Neither must the very helpful co-operation of the higher commands in the Division be forgotten.

The inauguration of the education system of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force was, I suppose, the outcome of a close consideration of problems which arose in the middle period of the war. These problems may be stated as follows:—(1) the utilisation of the spare time of convalescents; (2) the "re-education" of men who could no longer follow their previous vocations; (3) how to interest and employ nearly 60,000 men during the period of demobilisation. In regard to problem number three, it was estimated that the process of demobilisation would take at least eighteen months, a calculation which proved correct, the actual period being from November 1918 to April 1920. It was not to be expected that when war ceased men would quietly submit to the continuation of full-day drills and manoeuvres for which there was no further use. An education scheme on lines which would meet with the approval of the majority of the men themselves recommended itself as the best solution of the problem. In March 1917 the New Zealand Young Men's Christian Association gave the idea a practical trial in certain of our hospitals; it was also put into effect among the limbless cases at Oatlands Park, Walton. The results were encouraging, and suggested to us that the larger application was worthy of a fair trial.

On January 31st, 1918, the first official step was taken in the organisation of this general scheme of education by an order from the General Officer-in-Charge of Administration in the United Kingdom calling for nominal rolls of all men qualified to lecture on economics, science, and general educational subjects An officer—Captain J. R. Kirk—was appointed in an organising capacity, and on April 29th, 1918, a conference of New Zealand university teachers, graduates, expert tradesmen, and others known to be interested in education, met in London, and sat until May 6th. This conference submitted an outline report upon professional and vocational subjects, laying down a draft policy and syllabus. Through the practical results of this conference the New Zealand Expeditionary Force may claim to have been the pioneer in the systematic class-work, which later extended to every expeditionary force of the British Army, and, which also, was copied by the American Young Men's Christian Association.

A grant of £3,000 was sanctioned by the New Zealand Government. The St. John Ambulance Association donated libraries to hospital units to the amount of £420, and Headquarters placed non-hospital units on the same footing with a special library grant of £250. The training depots purchased equipment, mainly from their own resources, and the New Zealand Young Men's Christian Association gave active co-operation in providing funds and accommodation. The difficulties of the inceptional stages were considerable. The possibilities in the movement required to be demonstrated, for as yet the idea was unique. Obstacles arose, but one by one were overcome; and, viewing the successful organisation which later developed, one must give the utmost credit to those who contributed so much thought and time to those foundational days.

At the beginning controversy arose on the compulsory versus the voluntary system. The early history of the scheme is the gradual victory of the compulsory system, and the conversion of its opponents. From the inception of the scheme I personally favoured compulsory attendance at the lectures on civics and economics with the idea that the men hearing these subjects lucidly expounded by authoritative instructors, such as, fortunately, were available, would receive a grounding in the principles of economics which would in after life render them better qualified to sift the grain from the chaff when listening to revolutionary speakers, seeking to sway by their eloquence, rather than by arguments based on facts and knowledge. It seemed to me that if a large proportion of the soldiers, who in returning to civil life would be a considerable section of the community numerically and influentially, received education in this direction, the effect might be beneficial in inducing the dictates of reason to prevail should attempts be made by demagogues to create an industrial upheaval. This idea was propounded to the troops, and as already stated, the popular trend was in its favour. It will be for future commentators on our civil events to remark upon the results.

On June 10th, 1918, the New Zealand command depot at Codford introduced compulsory instruction of one hour per day for employed men of low medical category; and on the 27th June the New Zealand Reserve Infantry Brigade at Sling commenced classes on a voluntary basis. But it was our artillery reserve at Ewshot which led the way, in August, 1918, in introducing the principle of compulsory education in active camps. Two hours per week were definitely assigned for educational training.

Memories crowd in upon one of those early days, memories of facets of the movement so numerous that to commit them all to paper in this brief chapter is impossible. Problems of apparently momentous issue arose from day to day. One interesting question was as to the division between general educational and vocational work. Hornchurch, with its great scope for specialisation in light manual occupations among its convalescents, in tasks carefully graded, had much concentrated attention, and the successes attained there well repaid all expenditure of thought and effort. Hornchurch demonstrated to the British army authorities the value of the application of education and occupational instruction, in all forms, as an aid to recovery from wounds. The camp had its schools, its workshops, and its farm, and provided the models for these educational adjuncts of all the other Home depots of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force. Lord Milner and other notabilities visited Hornchurch in its early days, and publicly praised what they saw. One remembers also the engineering and boot-making classes at Codford, and the magnificent farms in the uplands above Torquay. Pathetic are the recollections of the patient needlework and basketmaking of the in-patients of the various New Zealand hospitals, big, stricken men so seriously applying delicate touches with heavy unaccustomed fingers—their look of

"Limmies" learning Boot-making.genuine pleasure and amusement when their laborious art was praised. Would that the people of New Zealand could have trooped past and themselves witnessed the earnest endeavours of those injured soldiers to fit themselves for civil occupations again. At Oatlands Park, the home of the brave, big-hearted "limmies," one drew much inspiration from the cheerfulness and optimism with which these lads applied themselves to the necessary task of learning a new means of livelihood. Shorthand at eighty words a minute with a pencil between a sole remaining finger and thumb of a left hand, to be afterwards read and typed, by a lad formerly rough and illiterate! This was the spirit one saw everywhere. It was the inspiration of the education movement, the early incentive to instructors.

By August, 1918, the total of men enrolled for regular classes in the United Kingdom was well over 8,000, and educational facilities were available for every man in the ten large camps and hospitals under the New Zealand command. The limbless school had trained 400 students, of whom eighty had been placed for practical experience with commercial firms. Educational work on returning transports was first arranged for the Paparoa and Ionic which left England in August, 1918.

Meanwhile in France a conference of officers of the New Zealand Division interested in education was called by the General Officer Commanding, Major-General Sir Andrew Russell. This was the eve of the German offensive, and for a time little could be done. On the lull in the fighting, an education officer, a board of governors, and instructors were appointed, and statistics showing educational requirements, were obtained by means of a census. The organisation of a scheme to cover the period of hostilities was entrusted to the New Zealand Young Men's Christian Association. A good educational library was formed, numerous lectures were well attended, and a beginning was made with class-work, particularly in the entrenching group. But the successive movements of the Division and the continuous fighting in the late autumn, prevented extensive work being undertaken.

On the signing of the Armistice arrangements were made to put the full educational scheme into practical operation. Work had naturally been hindered in its continuity heretofore by the periodic call upon the reserve camps for drafts for France. A great fillip was given to the movement when in December, 1918, cable advice was received from New Zealand that a further grant of £50,000 was authorised for the scheme. Conferences between the General Officer in Charge of Administration, and the General Officer Commanding the Division, as well as conferences of officers both in England and France resulted in the drafting of the constitution, the detailing of the duties of the administrative staff, and the propounding of general principles of policy. These were submitted to the General Officer Commanding the New Zealand Expeditionary Force, and published with his authority.

The constitution set out the objects of the education scheme as being, to develop citizenship, and to help men in their work after the war. The organisation set up may be illustrated by the following diagram:—

The Board of Governors consisted of two officers appointed by the General Officer Commanding Division, two by the General Officer in charge of Administration, and one representing the Young Men's Christian Association, with the General Officer Commanding Division, and the General Officer in charge of Administration as ex-officio members. The Director of Education was the appointee of the General Officer Commanding the New Zealand Expeditionary Force but was required to be responsible to the Board of Governors. Colonel H. Stewart, C.M.G., D.S.O., M.C., was appointed the first Director. Instruction was to be compulsory for all ranks, and economics and physics were to be compulsory subjects. Instruction in camps was to be for four hours per day, excluding Sundays; on transports and in hospitals for three hours and one hour respectively. A system of "cards" already in use was continued, by which if a man passed from one area to another, his educational record would go with him. Schools were established as follows:—agriculture, at Torquay; engineering, telegraphy, telephony and wireless telegraphy, at Sling; architecture and building trades, and printing, at Codford.On returning transports instruction was to be compulsory for all ranks. An instructors' school was established at Hornchurch. A Young Men's Christian Association representative was to embark on each transport and co-operate in every way with the education officer aboard. The syllabus for hospital patients comprised general education, agricultural

The Modelling Classscience, motor mechanics, book-keeping, carpentry, painting and signwriting. For the limbless men the greatest possible facilities were provided.

Instructors with excellent qualifications in most subjects were not difficult to find. The work of organising this material into teaching staffs was simplified by the presence in England of those who had been acting as instructors under the pre-Armistice regime. The best qualified were organised into a teachers' training staff and formed the instructors' school at Hornchurch. Into this school all the prospective instructors were brought for refresher courses, and this process also provided an opportunity for judging the qualifications and abilities of the various applicants, so that when class-work was commenced in January, 1919, those responsible for making appointments were in a position to accept or reject the candidates, and to grade and post those selected to suitable units.

It is now necessary to trace, though it can only be done very briefly, the application of the scheme in the three principal spheres—England, France and Egypt. In France Major H. E. Barraclough, D.S.O., M.C., was appointed Assistant Director of Education. The work in the Division was subject to considerable difficulties owing to the early movement towards Cologne. Two hundred instructors were sent over to England to undergo a course of instruction, and it was not until January 11th, 1919, that they were able to return. Classes were commenced on January 13th. During the period between the arrival of the Division at Cologne and the commencement of class-work, tours of educational value were arranged for the troops. The large industrial concerns on the Rhine, particularly dye and chemical works, and one wire factory, were visited. There was ample accommodation at Cologne for classes in the shape of large well-equipped schools that were taken over, and the speedy transit over the city enabled instructors and pupils to be transferred rapidly from one place to another as the exigencies of class-work demanded. There was also available a good supply of paper, which in England was a scarce commodity, typewriters, mechanical requirements, and many other necessary adjuncts. On the other hand the heavy demands for guards and patrols, horse-guards, and the early commencement of demobilisation, all handicapped the work. By March 15th, 1919, demobilisation of the Division was practically complete, and classes in France were suspended. However, though the period of instruction had been brief, it had paved the way for further work in England, created a habit of study in a good many men, and renewed the habit in many more.

In England, after the Armistice, the scheme had been going steadily forward. Lieut.-Colonel E. H. Northcroft, D.S.O., succeeded to the Directorship of Education on February 28th, and Major Tuck became Assistant-Director in England. The movement of the men from camp to camp, the calls of the dentists and the medical examiners, the embarkation equipment parades, and the continuous process of embarkation for New Zealand, interfered very much with the full and effective operation of the designed scheme. To meet these new conditions the systems of instruction were altered from time to time. The endeavour was to arrange the lessons so that men could receive a fairly complete knowledge of sections of their subjects if they attended from five to ten lessons. This rapid and efficient adjustment by the painstaking instructors is worthy of special appreciation.

Rapidly the transports were carrying the men away. In March, 1919, Brighton and Hornchurch establishments were closed; in May, Brocton and the recently-established Sutton Coldfield centre; in June Codford and Walton; and in July the main depot of Sling. Torquay then remained the only camp in which active work was continued. Meanwhile higher education and vocational work was in process for selected pupils. The academic institutions of Britain provided the opportunities. Instructional tours were carried out for the benefit of specialists in commerce, the arts, the professions, engineering and mechanics. Men who desired to do so were afforded every facility to pay visits to works, localities and institutions provided the reason given was acceptable. There is no doubt whatever that New Zealand has benefited greatly from the diligent seizure of opportunities thus afforded her brightest sons. Many men visited farms and acquainted themselves with the methods and conditions of agriculture in Britain.

In the case of the Mounted Brigade, the conditions in Egypt and Palestine were not so conducive to the effective operation of the scheme. It had been impossible to attempt instruction in the field prior to the Armistice, and, subsequent to that date, work had no sooner been commenced than native unrest in Egypt required the Brigade to take the field again. The majority of the men, also, were farmers. Nevertheless, under the Assistant Director—Major J. Robertson—considerable work was done, especially at the camps where there

A Book-keeping Classwas more settled life. Some men had the benefit of a four-weekly course at the Jewish Agricultural College at Jaffa.

It is impossible to state exactly the number of men who throughout the period of the educational courses received instruction. The records show that in France 6,834 men attended classes, and in Egypt 1,127. In England there is positive record that 13,152 men received courses of instruction in one or more subjects, and that of these, 12,000 attended parade lectures in economics and civics, history or geography. An examination of the results showed that the attendances at the different classes varied considerably. It was gratifying to note that the largest attendances were for the study of agricultural science and its allied subjects. The attendances in connection with the general education subjects were less than might have been expected, and this contrast seems to suggest (so the Director states in his report) that the men who made most use of the opportunities provided were those who were concerned in refreshing themselves in their trades or professions. Another feature calling for comment was the number who entered for motor mechanics. The classes for disabled soldiers were attended by 595 pupils, while 147 others were placed out in factories, or other establishments, for practical training.

Scholarships were awarded within the New Zealand Expeditionary Force for agriculture, architecture, art, economics, engineering, forestry, law, medicine, and science—a total of fifty. It is worthy of mention that a number of English degrees and diplomas were obtained by our men.

There is one other outstanding feature which comes to mind. Towards the end of the war the food problem was fairly acute in Britain. All additions to the ordinary supplies of camp provender were extremely valuable. The farming pupils in all the camps were, therefore, put to the very useful work of bringing into profitable cultivation large areas obtained in the immediate vicinity. Hornchurch set the example and demonstrated the possibilities. Thus most of the camps, and hospitals, prior to the Armistice, were providing a very large proportion of their own requirements in vegetables; and the hospitals were catering, also, for themselves in poultry, eggs, and bacon. The two large farms attached to the depot at Torquay, under expert management, supplied not only the depot's requirements but were able to rail to the other camps and hospitals considerable quantities of vegetables. The cost of the camps was relieved considerably thereby, and New Zealanders had the additional satisfaction of knowing that by industry, as they applied it in their native home, they were helping to eke out the food resources of Britain. The example set by New Zealand soldiers in this respect was widely commended by the Home authorities.

Chapter XIV.War Finance. By The Editor.

The fact that New Zealand in the great war mobilised, trained and equipped for war service one-ninth of her population, that she despatched from her shores one-eleventh of that population, paying for the cost of their transport over 12,000 miles of ocean, fed and maintained them in camp overseas, and on the fighting fronts, armed, clothed and munitioned them—should indicate the extent of the financial burden which she placed upon her shoulders. Little idea of the commitment involved was held by the people of the Dominion when, at the declaration of war, New Zealand eagerly offered her all. But even could the grim spectre of her task fulfilled have risen before them it would have made no difference. An expeditionary force of some 8,000 men had, some months previously, been promised the Imperial Government in the event of war; and probably many believed this would prove the sum total of the Dominion's effort, and the full Imperial requirement. What perhaps is more akin to the truth is that very few gave the subject a thought in those days, or paused to count the cost; everyone sought to help and to offer. Later, when many more men than 8,000 had been despatched, and loans had been raised and taxes were increasing, when heavy casualty lists were coming to hand, and the toll of the dead was steadily mounting up, the clamour became not that commitments were being exceeded, but that more and still more should be done; and an embarrassed Government had the greatest difficulty in resisting popular demands and keeping the country's contributions within possible bounds.

There existed no provision for war finance when hostilities were announced. The Budget of 1914 was already in print when the first tidings came over the cables. But before the session of Parliament closed, authority was asked by the Minister for Finance (the Hon. Sir James Allen), and was unanimously accorded, for £2,000,000 with which to meet war expenses. This sum though small in the subsequent scale of

Members of the National Government, 1915, and His Excellency the Governor-General (Lord Liverpool).things, represented the average annual loan for New Zealand's financial requirements in ordinary times. It gave the people at that period some small idea of the strain that was going to be placed on the country's resources, but there was no temerity or protest. By March, 1915, the country's war expenditure had risen to £300,000 a month. In June it was £350,000 a month, while an additional £80,000 per month was being paid to the Imperial Government for the expenses of our troops in the field.

Meanwhile, in December, 1914, the Parliamentary elections were held, and Mr. Massey was returned with a small majority. The new Parliament was called together in June, 1915, and on the last day of that month it passed the Public Revenues Act Amendment Act, under which the Government asked for immediate authority to borrow £10,000,000 for war purposes. The legislation was passed, without opposition, in the one sitting. Of the loan authorised £2,090,000 was raised in New Zealand at 4 and 4½, per cent. and the balance, £7,910,000, was advanced by the Imperial Government at 4½ and 5 per cent.

The following month the Prime Minister, Mr. Massey, took over the portfolio of Finance to enable Sir James Allen to concentrate wholly upon his duties as Defence Minister. On August 6th the National Government was formed. The Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Ward became Finance Minister, and on August 26th he introduced the year's Budget. This document disclosed a net surplus for the year of £72,142. There had been a war-occasioned fall in customs and railway revenue, but expenditure had been kept down and was £184,000 less than the estimate. The £2,000,000 authorised the previous year had been obtained in Treasury Bills from the Imperial Government, but had proved insufficient for the war expenses, and an additional amount had been raised in London on reserve securities held there. For the coming year it was proposed to institute war taxation and additional charges which would produce £2,032,600. The usual annual loan for public works was to be limited to £2,000,000 for the year, and was to be raised by debentures issued within the Dominion at 4½ per cent. free of income tax. A Finance Act was passed giving effect to these proposals. Letter postage was increased to l½d., and telegrams from 6d. a dozen words, to 8d.

Depending almost entirely for its financial Stability upon its export of wool, meat and dairy produce, the Dominion's first anxiety was in regard to shipping: would war mean the closing of the ocean highways and the suspension of shipping to and from our coasts? Only for a few months of the war did this doubt and anxiety exist. When the German Pacific fleet disappeared beneath the waves at the Falklands doubt was set at rest. The activities of raiders, though awakening precautions, caused little real anxiety. Still, shipping early in 1915 became disorganised. The Imperial authorities by arrangement with the various shipping interests requisitioned the steamers plying between Britain and New Zealand and Australia, and set up a Shipping Controller in London. The Dominion and Commonwealth also formed committees of representatives of the overseas shipping companies, who controlled and allotted the tonnage available. Early in 1915, owing to the inability of the shipping companies to provide sufficient bottoms for the frozen meat trade, the freezing works had become blocked, and had been forced, wholly or partially, to close down for a time. The Prime Minister made vigorous and emphatic representations to the con-trolling authorities at Home with good effect, and ships were regularly allotted. After this the export trade went on satisfactorily, and continued fairly so throughout the war, though at times, owing to the diminishing number due to enemy action, anxieties arose as to future provision. This matter is referred to because the Dominion's ability to play her part in the war financially really depended upon her export clearances. On the whole things turned out very well for her. The Imperial requisition scheme ensured good prices for her produce, and there was ample money in circulation.

At the outbreak of hostilities New Zealand had decided to bear the whole cost of her participation in the war. In regard to expenses in the field she agreed with the Imperial Government for the latter to issue supplies, and ammunition, upon requisition by the New Zealand Ordnance, and to charge a commuted rate per head. The rate agreed upon for the Gallipoli campaign, to include ammunition, rations, equipment, fuel, clothing, drugs, forage, stationery, upkeep of arms, guns, etc., railway and sea transport, (exclusive of transport of reinforcements from the Dominion), was 6/- per head. The arrangement in regard to the French campaign is supplied later in this chapter.

To control the purchase of military stores, such as uniforms, clothing, boots, and the necessary camp equipment and provender, a munitions board composed of the most able business men (who gave their services voluntarily) with a Minister (the Hon. A. M. Myers) at its head, was set up. This Board did splendid work, and its records prove the value of its services to the country. Similarly, to deal with military expenditure, a War Expenses Department, specially strengthened from the Treasury Department, was established, the Minister for Defence being the responsible authority. On March 31st, 1916, the Dominion's war expenses stood at £8,015,315.

The Budget of 1916, submitted on June 16th, was termed a "sensation" budget. It disclosed a net surplus of revenue for the year of over two millions sterling, which far exceeded the estimate. Owing to the freedom of the seas having been held by Britain, there had been a great revival of trade, and the export of produce had been continued at remunerative prices. The extra taxation imposed the previous year had been met without inconvenience. A reserve had been established in London, by investment in Imperial Treasury Bills, against sudden calls that might be made by local investors. It was proposed in the Budget to borrow £12,000,000 for war purposes for the current year, and thus to provide, with an unexpended authority which existed from the previous year, £14,000,000. It was now estimated that the war would cost New Zealand £1,000,000 per month. The £2,000,000 authorised for Public Works for the year had been raised in New Zealand at 4½ per cent. The proposals of the Budget were contained in a Finance Bill, which was introduced and passed a few days later, and in which were included heavy war taxes on incomes, land, additional customs and beer duties, stamp duties, a tax on horse-racing stakes, etc. It also contained proposals for taxation on "excess profits," but this innovation was dropped the following year because of the impossibility of applying its provisions. The loan authority sought was for £16,000,000, a portion of the amount to be raised in New Zealand.

At the end of 1916 the war expenditure stood at £21,050,000, practically £19 per head of population; but there was no evidence of doubt or dismay, nor even any public reference, except of pride, to the matter; indeed it was in this period that the cry was most clamorous that the Dominion was not doing enough.

The 1917 Budget was introduced a few days before the third anniversary of the outbreak of war. It showed the war expenditure for the year ending March 31st to have been £14,344,523. It was estimated that if the present rate of reinforcements were continued, a sum of £24,000,000 would be required for the financial year 1917-18. In subscriptions to the various war relief funds abroad the sum of £907,149 had been contributed, and goods despatched to the value of £298,335; and in addition it was estimated that £2,100,000 had been raised by patriotic societies. The revenue for the year had been £18,367,000,—an increase over that of 1916 of £3,857,400. Of the war loan of £16,000,000 authorised the previous year, £11,000,000 had been raised in New Zealand at a cost of a half per cent. [The average cost of raising three loans in London prior to the war was 3½ per cent.] The Finance Minister in his Budget pointed out that probably by March, 1918, the war expenditure of the Dominion would be £50,000,000. Imperial loans for all purposes since the outbreak of war had amounted to £17,600,000. A loan of £24,000,000 for the current year was asked for, £12,000,000 of which was to be raised on the local market as soon as possible, and the the balance later. Provision for compulsory contribution was proposed, should the response fall short of requirements. Further sums from the revenue surplus had been invested in Imperial war loans, and at May 31st, 1917, the total amount so invested stood at £7,048,000. The Minister asked for an amusement tax, and for readjustments of the land and income taxes to provide greater revenue. In the past farmers had been taxed on their land values, but not on income from the products of the soil.

A "War Purposes Loan Bill conferring the authorities required in the Budget was introduced the day following the reading of the Budget, and was passed the next day with very little debate, the chief criticism being levelled against the proposal to exempt the loan contributions from taxation, a proposal which the Minister stated was necessary for successful flotation.

The day following the imposition of these new, heavy burdens, was the anniversary of the declaration of war, and the occasion was marked in Parliament, and at public meetings throughout the Dominion, with speeches declaring the inflexible determination of the people to continue the fight to a victorious conclusion. Such was the spirit of New Zealand in a doubtful and gloomy period, when the burden of war was rapidly growing heavier; and yet another example of the national feeling may be quoted, for on September 3rd, scarcely a month later, the first £12,000,000 portion of the £28,000,000 loan had closed, with subscriptions recorded totalling £15,800,000.

Substantial increases to the pensions of soldiers and their dependants were made by Parliament before the session ended. Later, increases in the scale of allowances and consideration for dependants of second division men called up in ballots, were also made, a subject which is dealt with in detail in another chapter.

Towards the end of 1917 a Commission was appointed by the Government to examine and report upon the administrative methods and expenditure of the Defence Department. The chairman was an Australian (Sir R. M. Anderson). The report of this body was very satisfactory, and very reassuring in respect to the control of finance. "With special satisfaction," the Commission said, "we desire to emphasise the fact that, with an expenditure of £40,000,000, we have discovered no case of fraud, embezzle ment, or collusion, which so far as we can ascertain, is a unique record."

In April of 1918 the rates of pay of home service and expeditionary force officers and nurses, and also their field allowances, were raised. Bonuses had already been granted to civil servants to meet the higher cost of living.

Parliament held a special session in April of this year, 1918, to transact important business before the departure of Mr. Massey and Sir Joseph Ward to attend the Imperial Conference, and War Cabinet meetings in London, to which they had been summoned by the British Prime Minister. On April 12th, two days after Parliament assembled, Sir Joseph Ward introduced a Finance Bill, asking for authority to raise an internal loan of £20,000,000. The second portion of £9,500,000 of the loan of the previous year was not yet all subscribed, and the Minister asked for authority in the Bill to apply necessary compulsion in certain directions. It had been found that certain wealthy people and concerns were withholding subscriptions. Much spirited controversy had centred in the principle of compulsion, and the general concensus of opinion favoured it. The Finance Bill passed with no protracted debate, and without any important amendment.

There was no other work during this special session for Parliament to transact. In a few days the two leaders were due to leave New Zealand to answer the urgent call of the British Prime Minister. The period will be remembered—the darkest and most threatening days of the war, the period when the British forces were being beaten relentlessly backward, and the Channel ports threatened. May it not be recorded without boast, but with national pride, that this emergency session of Parliament closed with expressions from the country's leaders of un-shaken confidence in the future, and of firm resolve to offer the last shilling and the last man in the Empire's cause. The fervent singing of the National Anthem ended the sitting. The Imperial request for the utmost contribution of men had been answered to the fullest extent. That contribution in proportion to population already exceeded the response of any other oversea Dominion, and the financial burden per capita stood next to that of the Mother Country. Such was the spirit of New Zealand in the darkest days of the war. By April 20th the loan of £9,500,000 was fully subscribed.

Mr. Massey and Sir Joseph Ward returned to New Zealand on October 12th, and on November 5th the second session of Parliament in this year (1918) opened. A few days afterwards, on the 11th, the Armistice was declared. The Budget was presented to Parliament on November 26th. It disclosed another great revenue year, the surplus of revenue—£20,206,221—over expenditure being £5,085,934, making a total accumulated surplus of £11,560,788. The war expenditure of the country at September 30th, 1918, was shown as £51,400,000, the bulk of which money had been raised at a very small cost indeed within the Dominion through the medium of the Treasury Department, assisted by the Post Office. The current expenditure in connection with the war at this date was £1,800,000 per month—more than £1 per head of the population The Finance Minister announced that a considerable portion of the £20.000,000 loan authorised in April had been raised, and unexhausted authorities for £13,000,000 still remained. He asked, and was provided with, authority to raise a further £10,000,000 for war purposes, and £2,500,000 for public works expenditure.

During the latter period of the war men had been returning more or less disabled, and provision had been made for their rehabilitation in civil life. This subject is referred to fully in another chapter; it is required here only to mention that this duty imposed a further financial obligation upon the country, the fulfilling of which was criticised, at its inauguration, only from the aspect that more still might be done. It is unlikely, however, that the historians of the future, will discover much of which to complain in regard to the Dominion's treatment, so far as financial provision is concerned, of her soldiers.

The financial aftermath of the war must remain a subject for future historians. At March 31st, 1920, the cost of the war to New Zealand amounted to £76,956,826. This sum, of course, included the greater portion of the cost of main taining her troops in camps in England and Egypt while awaiting return to New Zealand, of their transportation back across the world, gratuities, and a small portion of the cost of their repatriation. The full measure of the outlay on repatriation cannot here he recorded, for this task must continue yet for years. Of the war expenditure of New Zealand, £53,748,780 was met by loans raised within the Dominion, the balance having been advanced by Britain for the maintenance of troops in the field. The basis upon which New Zealand repaid the British War Office for expenditure on behalf of the New Zealand troops was the actual fighting cost per man. In the case of the troops in France this was computed at 5/- per man per day (exclusive of gun and howitzer ammunition). The 5/- was represented as follows:—rations, fuel, forage, clothing, equipment, general stores, drugs and stationery, 3/6; small arms ammunition and bombs, trench-mortar ammunition, 8d; up-keep of small arms, machine-guns, artillery equipment, and vehicles, 7d; railways and sea transport (exclusive of the main journey from New Zealand), labour establishment at forts and base depots. 3d; total 5/-. Gun and howitzer ammunition was charged for, in addition, at a daily rate per head on a quarterly basis. The cost of ammunition to New Zealand was first computed in France by taking the expenditure over a given area which was occupied partly by New Zealand troops. Afterwards, in April, 1918, improved methods were instituted, and more exact figures were obtained. Sometimes, during periods when fighting was active, the ammunition charges reached as high as 7/6 per man per day; at other times they dropped to 3/6 and 3/7. This last method of computation was to calculate the number of guns, their calibre, the number of rounds fired, and to fix a rate per round.

The subject of New Zealand's financing of her war effort is by no means exhausted. There remains much interesting data yet to be supplied in regard to maintenance of camps within the Dominion and in England and Egypt, the cost of transport and other services, hospital ships, naval services, early home defence, the Quartermaster's branch, etc. That data, however, must be left for inclusion in a more detailed historical record. The allotted bounds of this chapter have already been exceeded.

The later date of publication of this volume enables the cost of the war to the Dominion to be shown as at March 31st, 1921. At that date the war loans amounted to £81,538,570, of which £55,198,325 had been raised in New Zealand.

Chapter XV.The New Zealand Camps in England. By The Editor.

When at the outbreak of war, the Imperial Government accepted the offer of a New Zealand expeditionary force, base camp accommodation in the United Kingdom was a matter for early consideration. It was not known then that the troops would be required for Gallipoli. Richmond Park, on the edge of the western suburbs of London, was suggested, but New Zealand's senior officer attached to the War Office, Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, C.M.G., then a major, on being consulted recommended a locality more distant from the attractions of the Metropolis. The Salisbury Plains were accordingly decided upon. It was there that the British section of the New Zealand main body was sent for training, under Captain Lampen, another New Zealand officer at that time in England. The site of the camp was the identical ground whereon afterwards Sling Camp arose.

The men of the British Section, to the number of 250, were sworn in by the High Commissioner for New Zealand, the Hon. Sir Thomas Mackenzie. Their first task was the preparation of the camp for the reception of the main body from New Zealand. They commenced building what was afterwards called No. 1 Camp. This work was abandoned when the news came that the New Zealand and Australian troops had been instructed to land at Alexandria; and the section Itself, to the number of six officers and 234 other ranks, sailed for the same destination on December 12th, 1914. Then the Canadians took over Sling Camp, and continued the work of construction.

Meanwhile the High Commissioner was devoting much time to military details requiring attention in England in connection with the affairs of the New Zealand forces. He was in constant cable touch with the Defence Minister in New Zealand, the Hon. Sir James Allen, upon whom rested the responsibility of administrative decisions. In assessing the weight of these tasks it must be remembered that new tracks were being blazed, that no past knowledge was available to guide the Dominions in unknown realms of overseas warfare. The Dominion Staff Corps officers attached to the War Office had all by this time been dispersed upon various duties on the fighting fronts—it was the hour of Britain's greatest need—and their expert services were not available to New Zealand. The High Commissioner established a base records office, and, later, when wounded arrived, interested himself in their welfare, and was the responsible authority over convalescents, and men on leave.

At first New Zealanders were grouped with Australians—the military authorities at that time chose to recognise no appreciable difference between the two—at Weymouth, in Dorsetshire, and discipline was undoubtedly lax; but in January, 1916, it was decided to take over Hornchurch as a general depot for all New Zealand soldiers in Britain. Early in February, 1916, however, after the Gallipoli evacuation, and when France and Flanders had been decided upon as the future battleground for the Division, it became necessary to prepare for a very much larger base establishment in England, with an officer of senior rank in command.

Colonel J. J. Esson, C.M.G., 5th (Wellington) Regiment, was recommended by General Godley for the position. This officer, a typical civil service territorial enthusiast—the service gave many such to the war—besides being the financial representative of the Dominion Government with the New Zealand Expeditionary Force, was Assistant Quarter-Master General to the Australian, and New Zealand Division in Egypt and Gallipoli, but on the evacuation he became officer in charge of the administration of the N.Z.E.F. in Egypt. For a time, owing to the scattered condition of the various units, and the wide distribution over many hospitals of the sick and wounded, the administration was no light task, but before the force left Egypt for France reorganisation was well in hand. There are official letters from senior Imperial officers on record which indicate that the New Zealand base organisation in Egypt was considered to be a model for other forces. This, probably, was in some measure due to the fact that most of the senior administrative staff were men of commercial and business standing in New Zealand, whose experience proved most valuable. Colonel Esson, however, despite his own desire, was not destined for higher military honours. The New Zealand Government intimated definitely that his services were urgently required in the Dominion for special civil and military duties (he is now Secretary to the Treasury and Paymaster-General), and he returned to New Zealand after first visiting England in connection with the re-organisation there.

The New Zealand Government, meanwhile, had applied to the War Office for the return to the New Zealand Staff of Brigadier-General Richardson who was then with the Imperial troops in Salonika. That officer, who had come into prominence as A.Q.M.G. to the Naval Brigade which went on the forlorn hope to Antwerp, and was now D.A. and Q.M.G. with the 11th Corps at Salonika, was accordingly appointed General Officer in charge of the Administration of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force in the United Kingdom, a position he occupied to the end of the war, probably sacrificing thereby his chance of the command of a division. He assumed control in London on April 2nd, 1916.

His first task was to map out an organisation for future requirements. At that time Hornchurch was the sole New Zealand camp in Great Britain, accommodating both convalescents and fit men. The Gallipoli campaign and the Egyptian camps had provided valuable experience. When the Division transferred to France separate provision was arranged as follows:—(1) for hospital cases; (2) for men in convalescent stages; (3) for men in the period between convalescence and fitness; and (4) for men sufficiently recovered to be trained for active service. It was not possible to bring the whole scheme into active operation at once, though very little time was lost in doing so. Hornchurch was set aside exclusively for a convalescent depot to which all patients leaving hospital were sent; and the reinforcements arriving, and men in the United Kingdom who had become fit, were entrained to Sling. On July 17th, 1916, Codford camp was decided upon as a depot for men in the stage between con valescence and fitness. Later it was found unwise to leave in any of these camps men who, after service, had been "boarded" for New Zealand, and a discharge, or evacuation depot, was established at Torquay, in sunny Devon, where they could await shipment home. It was felt that if there was any possibility of these men eventually becoming fit again for active service, the voyage and healthier climate and outlook in New Zealand would afford them better prospects; besides which the acute food problems of Britain had to be considered. Thus, there were four catagories of men who were kept distinct in separate camps—(a) fit men at Sling; (b) men recovering from convalescence, at Codford; (c) convalescents at Hornchurch; and (d) men awaiting evacuation, at Torquay. As time went on men who, though not fit for service in the line were well enough in other respects, were classified for home duties at camps and depots where labour was required. The system of classification adopted was C men who would be fit within six months; C1 men who might become fit; C2 men who would never be fit for the line. Many of these men were to be found at camps, hospitals, depots, and head-quarters doing police, orderly, and clerical work. A very small proportion of them had not seen active service. These arrangements had the approval of the General Officer Commanding the New Zealand Expeditionary Force, Lieut.-General Sir Alexander Godley.

For a time Sling Camp met all requirements in regard to the accommodation and training of the arriving reinforcements, and the retraining of recovered casualties. But the exigencies of warfare necessitated that varying reserves should be held; sometimes all available men were called for by the Divisional Commander and camps became virtually empty; at other times there were heavy accumulations which taxed accommodation. In September, 1917, Sling Camp, constructed for 4,000 men, had to accommodate 4,500, and the Rifle Brigade reserve of 2,000 had also to be provided for. It was, therefore, decided to take over from the Imperial authorities a camp at Brocton, in Staffordshire (in the Northern Command), and to find the Rifle Brigade reserves accommodation there.

Other New Zealand camps were established as the necessity for specialised training in particular branches of the service demanded. The engineers were sent to Boscombe in the vicinity of Bournemouth, the machine-gunners to Grantham, the artillery to Ewshot, and the Maori pioneers went with the engineers. All these camps were administered from the General Headquarters in London.

The task of administration naturally increased very much as time went on. In every respect the New Zealand Expeditionary Force was a self-contained unit, and provision required to be made accordingly. There were departments at General Headquarters to control the medical, nursing, and dental services, the arranging of drafts for France, the allotment of reinforcements to camps, the pay of the troops, the records, the provisioning of the camps, the purchase of ordnance supplies, the postal services, the care of men on leave, and other, smaller details. All these departments were capably managed, and the success of the administration has its best eulogy in the competence, health, equipment and discipline of the troops sent over to France, and their general morale.

Sling Camp.

It was not the experience of many New Zealand soldiers to visit all the New Zealand camps in England. Some men of the earlier drafts who went to France from Egypt, and were fortunate enough to escape wounds, had no acquaintance at all with them. Sling was the temporary home of most of the men—Sling unloved, bleak, and lonely. It remained the chief New Zealand training camp in England throughout the war. It was situated in the heart of the great Salisbury Plains. Twelve miles to the south of the camp clustered around its famous old cathedral the ancient town of Salisbury; and London, with its perpetual call to the exile in training, was seventy-four miles away. The Plain was the manoeuvre-ground of the British Army long before the war, and Sling had its name many years before New Zealanders camped there. The camp lay astride the main road from Amesbury to Tidworth. Amesbury, one of the most ancient towns of England, was an easy four-miles walk toward the south. Many years ago it possessed a magnificent abbey, or priory, and was of outstanding ecclesiastic importance. Amesbury could be reached from the camp over agricultured down, or through the little intervening hamlet of Bulford, a pretty, typical south-of-England village, with a few thatched houses, a hotel, a manor, and many overspreading trees. But so many British and Australian camps lay hereabouts, and so much khaki found Amesbury and Bulford its chief and only source of attraction during hours not devoted to drill, that one soon tired of their vicinity, and longed for attractions elsewhere. Out back of Sling to the north lay Tidworth, an old military town, with hospital, riding-school, and modern, regular, red-brick buildings; and the way to Tidworth, across undulating, un-interesting ground, flanked by clay-banked rifle ranges, was known every inch to all Sling-trained soldiers, because of the very frequent route marches along it. This was the setting of Sling—this and high, bare hills at the back of the camp, scratched everywhere white—all the Salisbury Plain is chalk land—with practice trenches, bombing-pits, and model dugouts, while here and there arose ancient, oval mounds, or tumuli. These tumuli had not to be desecrated, nor must the human bones be sought which tradition said were beneath—relics of the burial places of Britain's earliest inhabitants, possibly Druidical worshippers, possibly hairy beings older than they.

The place of arrival, or departure, for all Sling troops was the railhead at Bulford village, a good two-mile walk from the camp. Now-a-days and probably some years hence, when ways arc weary and footsteps lag, ex-soldiers will remember the records they established over this tidy stretch to camp in the dead of night, through silent, sentried Tommy camps, when the leave trains from Salisbury and London emptied them out at Bulford. Along this road also rein-forcements arriving from New Zealand were played in by the camp band, and were played out again when departing for France or on draft leave. Many will remember how gaily they marched along the worn macadam on the last occasion—when New Zealand was the final objective. In spite, however, of its drab memories, Sling will always be interwoven with

Sling Campthe names of many fine comrades, now no more, comrades who left at night with a cheer and a joke to cross the Channel to meet the death of heroes.

The organisation of Sling was different from that of the New Zealand camps. In New Zealand one head-quarters admininstered directly the four or five thousand soldiers in camp, and all companies came directly into touch with head-quarters. At Sling the troops were divided into four battalions—Canterbury, No. 1; Otago, No. 2; "Wellington, No. 3; and Auckland, No 4. Each had its separate cluster of huts—Canterbury and Otago on the high ground at the back, and Wellington and Auckland nearest the entrance gate—each its head-quarters, with a lieut.-colonel in charge, and each its own training staff. Over the whole was a group head-quarters, controlled by a brigadier-general, who had with him a general staff officer and a staff. The brigadier was usually at Sling for a few months respite from France, and as a rule he did not remain there long. In the earlier days, training was under group control, but Brigadier-General Fulton in 1917 decentralised it under the battalion commands.

With the exception of a few Imperial Army physical instructors, sergeant-majors of the old regular British forces who had been there almost since the camp started, New Zealanders comprised the entire instructional staff. They were chiefly officers and non-commissioned officers who had seen service in France. They had also undergone special courses at the best military schools in Britain. Who will not remember the bull-ring of Sling, with its bare slippery surfaces, its bleak winds sweeping across, its snow-covered rifle ranges, or its dreary heat, and its monotonous tasks? The new-comer from New Zealand—how he inwardly scoffed because he was supposed to know nothing of drill or soldiering—was treated very much like the recruit at Trentham, housed, and given time to shake down, and his softness after the long voyage taken into consideration. Then the remorseless regime gripped him. New Zealand reinforcement badges were taken away—to wear regimental badges in Sling was the rightful privilege only of the men and officers who had been on service—and also his sea-shoes, extra tunics, blankets, everything he did not actually need and which would encumber his hut. "Issues" were given to him of things required in the new training. And then he was paraded, lectured, and sent to the bull-ring. Discipline, such as he had never yet experienced, came as a shock. It was enforced the moment the feet were placed in camp—smartness, absolute steadiness on parade, saluting of officers. It was all part of the training, though it was scarcely carried to the forward areas in France. Anyhow, the habit was easily acquired, and the first rebellious feeling soon passed away.

There was much that was new to be learned. Drill and musketry required to be smartened up, range practices had to be fired; then came wiring, bomb-fusing and throwing, gas-mask drill, with visits to the gas chamber, Lewis gun instruction, trench stunts on the latest methods, mock attacks, and trench-digging. In the early days, when reinforcements were wanted for France, men were kept in Sling only a week or two, and then were sent across efficient or inefficient; but after 1916 they usually took the full course of thirty days. At the end of that time they were fit, hardy, disciplined, lean visaged troops—troops that any general would covet.

Non-commissioned officers arriving from New Zealand "went down" one stripe, were placed in an instruction class, and at the end of their course sat for an examination. If they passed the test they retained their reduced rank; if not they went to the ranks. There were some heart-burnings because these facts were not known to the soldiers in New Zealand, and men said they would not have carried the burden of non-commissioned rank had they been aware they were not entitled to it at Sling. But the practice was a right one; and when the men reached the line in France, where many fine hardy experienced soldiers, fitted in every way for non-commissioned rank, were still awaiting their stripes, they understood, or the best among them did. Most of them refused even the stripes they possessed under such conditions.

Reinforcement officers similarly had their special training classes under instructors from France. They carried packs and rifles like the men, and their training was very much the same with the addition of lectures on tactics, compass-work, map-reading, the handling of men, and a great deal else. They had to carry gloves and canes, wear felt hats and not caps, and putties and not leggings. In the battalion messes (which toward the end of the war were more comfortable than in the early days) the new arrivals may have felt a little awkward in the presence of old hands from France, but there was no cause for it, and, generally speaking, their lot was quite a happy one.

Days of hard, serious, work, will be the chief recollection of Sling; but there will be other memories also. The huts were comfortable and warmed in winter, the food was whole-some, well-cooked, well-served on hot plates, the canteens well-appointed, and with good libraries and billiard tables; and the spacious Y.M.C.A. at the junction of the roads, with its devoted, kindly, English ladies, and its cinema, catered well for the leisure hours. Later, of course, there was education. Cultivation of surrounding areas also came toward the end of the war when the camp supplied a considerable proportion of its own vegetable requirements, though from the first there were flower-gardens, and neat plots around the huts.

Some who were acquainted with Sling, and its distant, bleak appendage, Lark Hill, only in the early days, others who were there only in the demobilisation period, could no doubt add much else to this description. There was the big white kiwi on the hill at the back of the camp for instance, which was left behind as a souvenir, and there were days without drills and "Piccadillies." But the long tramps to Amesbury and Bulford were always the same, the route marches across the downs and over the hills, the drone of the aeroplanes, the wail of the plover, the old tin bombing pulpit on the hill, the craving for leave, and the everlasting khaki.

The Brocton Camp.

Brocton, the camp of the New Zealand Rifle Brigade, was situated on the northern edge of Cannock Chase, County Staffordshire. It was perched on a hill. Out back of it, in a succession of deep valleys and rising hills, stretched the heather-clad moorland of the famous Chase. Away in the distance, reached by a road climbing out of a valley, and winding yellow over the dark-green moors, was Walsall. On the other side of the camp, to the north, the land fell gently down past the "Tommy" camp, in the near distance, to a homely, attractive scene of red-bricked farmhouses, winding lanes and thick green hedges, and spreading trees, where the men loved to walk. At times a boisterous wind howled fortissimo through the camp, swirling dust along in summer, and snow in winter; but the air at other times was bracing and the outlook healthy. Birmingham was not very far away in the south, and Stafford town five miles distant by road. The New Zealand camp comprised about a hundred acres. Shortly after the war broke out the Imperial authorities established a largo infantry camp there, and it was a portion of this camp that we took over. The village of Brocton, from which the camp and the railway-station half a mile away took their name, was quite handy. The whole of this area was in the Northern Command, in charge of which was the late Lieut.-General Davies, a New Zealander, who will be remembered as at one time in charge of military affairs here. His headquarters were half a mile from the camp. On the outskirts of the New Zealand section six thousand Germans spent a lazy internment behind barbed wire—well fed, underworked, splendidly housed, and sometimes insolent, though, after one memorable incident, not to New Zealanders!

The surroundings of Brocton were pleasanter than those of Sling. From the days of its establishment the Rifle Brigade entered with enthusiasm into the task of making it a model camp. And this recalls that at Brocton, more than any other New Zealand camp, was noticeable a keener interest in the camp itself. Men and officers seemed to take a delight in inventing and installing little improvements here and there—little things that added character to a camp. "Tin-Town" the camp was termed because of the tin huts. The latter were roomy, clean, lit with electricity, and warmed with a centrally placed coal-stove. The dining-halls and cookhouses differed very little from those at Sling. You saw the same glossy stove in the centre of a white and shining cookhouse, around the walls of which had been stencilled, in black, as a mural decoration, the badge of the regiment. Sergeants' messes were common to all camps, but Brocton had its corporals' messes as well. In amusements and attractions generally Brocton was well provided for. The Y.M.C.A., as usual, figured prominently. In its large hall was shown the camp's own cinema, which, together with the dynamo and oil-engine, were purchased out of the camp regimental funds, and set up by experts found in the camp. The men ran it themselves a certain number of nights per week. Concert performances by camp talent were encouraged in every way. No fewer than seven billiard tables were available in the camp, and music-making was assisted by seven pianos.

This should indicate the spirit of Brocton camp—true camaraderie between all ranks, and pride in the Brigade. The details of training were very much the same as at Sling. The men were apportioned into companies, usually under a captain or lieutenant who had seen service. The companies comprised one battalion under a commanding officer, generally a major, and over the whole was the group, or camp Commandant. The training was carried out under the group system—with one set of instructors for the whole camp. The musketry courses were fired at ranges in the moorlands.

Cultivation was carried out round the camp, and, as at Sling, the supply of vegetables was the better because of this industry, and the cost of administration was considerably lessened to the people of New Zealand.

The Artillery At Ewshot.

Our artillery in England were fortunate enough in August, 1917, to be able to take over a section of an artillery camp at Ewshot. Being a permanent camp, established for the regular army, it had all personal comforts and conveniences for soldiers in residence. It was situated in very pleasant surroundings. Ewshot was in the Aldershot command, a few miles from that very famous military depot. On the south-western run from London, about thirty-six miles from Waterloo railway-station, is a small Hampshire station called Fleet, beside which is a pretty sedgy lakelet, accommodating swan and wild fowl. This was the railway-station for the Ewshot camp, which was three and a half miles off; and the way to the camp was through a bright old English village, and thence along a good road, heavily treed on both sides. Around the camp, were thick pine woods, with here and there broad green meadows, chiefly used for the purpose of cultivation and for playing-grounds for the sporting enthusiasts of the surrounding camps.

Ewshot camp, strange to say, rejoiced—or perhaps blushed—under the one-time name of "Leipsig Barracks," having been opened some years previously on one of his visits to England, by the ex-Kaiser. Little his Imperial majesty guessed that it would later be occupied by troops hostile to him from one of the most distant parts of the world. It covered an extent of 30 acres, being compact and of excellent design. The camp accommodated 1,500 of all ranks and about 1,000 horses. The New Zealand Medical Corps also had its chief depot in the camp.

The head-quarters buildings looked out over a large barrack "square," on one side of which were the eighteen-pounder gun sheds, and on the other, and at the top, the stables. The men's quarters extended away in "streets" behind the stables; and the officers had their more pretentious buildings some few hundred yards away on the other side, behind the gun-sheds. Two-storied brick houses, the married men's rewards in peace time, were occupied by our artillerists. The smaller edifices were also of brick, with stucco ends for appearance sake. Each had its lavatory and bath, and all were heated. Bath-houses were available for all hands, with hot water—big plunge-baths, which in camps were almost unheard-of luxuries.

In the general surroundings, and in the old-fashioned villages round about, the New Zealand artillerist had more to attract and interest him than his less-fortunately camped infantry brethren. Recreation figured prominently in the daily life. There was an excellent canteen equipped with the usual games, comforts and attractions; a "regimental institute" with a good lending library; a recreation-room, run by the War Contingent Association; the Wesleyan Soldiers' Home, a most elaborately fitted up place, with everything comfortable; and the Y.M.C.A., which had one of its usual popular branches run in its capable way.

The course for new men lasted six weeks. It was in some respects a repetition of what was learned in the Dominion, but with a very considerable smartening-up, for speed was everything at the front. Riding was brushed up at an Imperial riding-school adjacent. The camp had its veterinarian, shoeing-smiths, and saddlers. The signallers and other artillery specialists were put through a complete course; and in this respect there was an ingenious and very valuable equipment in the camp, with the help of which an observation officer, operating in one hut Avith signallers could lay, with the aid of a map, an imaginary gun in another hut on an object in a flat model landscape, and his accuracy was tested, with the aid of mechanism, by smoke-puffs, which showed at the point indicated.

New Zealand Medical Corps men when they landed from transports proceeded, like the N.Z.F.A. units, direct to Ewshot. Here they were classified "A" or "B." The "A" class engaged at once in training, and "B" class supplied the details for the Home New Zealand hospitals, hospital ships, and the hospital fatigues at Ewshot and other camps. Training comprised, besides the usual field and hospital work, courses in gas (especially in the use of helmets on wounded men), water duties, the testing of water carts, and general hospital orderly duties. Advanced dressing-station work was practised in a model dressing-station constructed in a trench system, where dug-out conditions were adhered to as much as possible.

Ewshot camp for a time produced at irregular intervals its own camp paper,—a brightly written publication entitled Youshot, which besides its interesting records and camp tit-bits, helped to demonstrate the keen interest of our artillerists in their own affairs, and the esprit de corps existing amongst ail ranks.

Ploughing instruction.

The Machine Gunners At Grantham.

Each New Zealand reinforcement included a certain number of machine gunners, who, in addition to the ordinary reinforcement course received special training in this work before they left the Dominion. The specialisation was greater as the war went on. They ranked as "specialists" with the reinforcements, but in England no such distinction awaited them, for they went to the infantry camps with the rest. It was so in the case of all "specialists," signallers, machine-gunners, and others. In the infantry camps they received a thorough training in drill and musketry, bombing, gas precautions, wiring and trench work. Afterwards when "specialists" were called for, these men's applications usually received first consideration.

Machine gunners had the advantage—it was usually considered an advantage—of a considerably longer period of training in England,—and certainly they had in New Zealand—than the infantry. For their training in England they were sent to Grantham—a railway junction town of considerable size on the Great Northern Railway, 102 miles from London. This was the centre of the British machine-gun world. In 1918 over 50,000 men were camped around there undergoing training. It was not so in the very early days of the war, before the value of the machinegun was fully realised! There were three Imperial camps at Grantham—Harrowby (where the general officer commanding, and the schools were), Belton Park, and Chepstone, the latter some distance away. At each of these places the drafts were divided into battalions, and the New Zealanders, who were camped at Belton Park, comprised one battalion. There were sometimes as many as 550 of our officers and men there. By having the training in the vicinity of the British machine gun camps, facilities in respect to ranges and instructors were available.

To Belton Park from Grantham was four miles. Busses, for a small fee and motor cars for a high one, carried you there. The Park was the private property of Earl Brownlow, and the grounds, which were magnificent in their tree-clad undulating sweeps, surrounded Belton House, an old, roomy, mediaeval mansion. High lands stretched away north and south; and through the calm air perpetually came the distant tock, tock, of the ceaseless machine-gun fire, so familiar-at the front. The New Zealanders in this beautiful spot with its historic associations, and with Nottingham, Leicester, and Lincoln not many miles away, had ample to interest them, and, indeed, were very fond of the place. The average time spent there was seventy days. There was more to be learned in machine gunnery than accuracy of fire, and the mechanical construction of the weapon.

When our men first went to Grantham, New Zealand had only three machine-gun companies in the field. Another went with the 4th Brigade just prior to the Battle of Messines, and a fifth was sent to France in December, 1917. New Zealanders won the reputation at Grantham of learning quickly.

There was ample amusement for the men in camp in theatre entertainments, concerts, and pictures, while at Harrowby, two miles away was the garrison theatre, and at Grantham other public attractions. In most forms of sport the New Zealanders held their own in the district. There was not great scope in the camp grounds for agriculture, but though cultivation was not carried out to the same extent as at other New Zealand training depots, as much use as possible was made of the ground available. The camp was closed very soon after the termination of the war.

Engineers and Maoris.

On the banks of the Stour, between the old towns of Christchurch and Boscombe, and about three miles distant from the great sea-side resort of Bournemouth, was situated the camp where the New Zealand Engineers, Tunnellers, and Maoris received their training in England. Fronting the camp, across the slow running Stour—which is about the size of the New Zealand Avon—spread a sweep of broad green river-meadow, up which at high tide crept little "streams and inlets," and at the back of which, two miles away, rose the houses of Bournemouth. On the right of the camp, a mile or two away, were more hills, where the trench work of the Engineers was executed; while to the left was the sea, and the tower of old Christchurch Cathedral tolling off the years and the centuries as they passed over this beautiful sunny south. No New Zealand company was more advantageously situated than the Engineers. The camp was part of the Royal Engineers' training ground, whose permanent barracks we adjoined. Many years ago it was a great artillery centre. Tradition says the artillery employed at Waterloo went from there; and one day, many years hence, legend may record how white and brown people from the southern antipodes were made subtle there in the arts of military engineering against the extinct Hun. The course of instruction extended over three months. Men and officers attended the adjacent school of the Royal Engineers and thus learned from the most efficient teachers. The subjects in which proficiency was essential were: field work, tresselling, pontooning, railway construction, hut-building, bridging, raft-construction, erection of suspension bridges, wiring, demolition of railways, trench-construction in all its branches, and the use of explosives. The Maoris also went through this course to fit them for the work that fell to pioneers. The drivers among the engineers received in the Royal Engineers' Stadium what little instruction they required. The river Stour afforded facilities for good practice in rapid bridge-construction. Across it various descriptions of bridges were run up and rapidly taken down again. In this class of work New Zealanders in examinations usually secured average marks of ninety per cent. From this camp, New Zealand supplied besides her reinforcements for France, officers and men to carry out special work at her own home camps and depots.

During the winter months all ranks went into billets in Boscombe. The non-commissioned officers and men had central messing-rooms, at which they attended meals as a parade. The officers drew rations, and messed at the houses they occupied. Householders preferred this, because it gave them command of extra rations, as the issue was greater for soldiers in training than for Civilians. Men were required to be in their billets every night at 10 o'clock unless they possessed late passes, of which they were allowed one per week. Watch over them and their little ways was kept by the military police. In March, with the return of the sun, they issued forth, like buds in spring, and took up their quarters under canvas on the grounds already described. There was regret at leaving the comfortable billets, where people were so kind, but the tents—large Indian marquees—soon became popular, and in the Stour there was bathing in the mornings among the swans and the water-lilies. During the billeting period the morning march from the town to the parade grounds, with band playing, was one of the daily events in the locality, and no doubt will long be remembered there. Amusements for the men were not lacking either in the camp in summer, or among the billets in winter.

Usually two battalions of Maoris were attached to the Engineers. The idea of the General Officer in Charge of Administration in sending them to Boscombe was to give them the advantage of the best climate in Britain. They were well under control and were very popular with everybody, especially with the people with whom they were billeted, who were always ready to testify to their gentlemanly behaviour. It was surprising how much they were in demand at private houses, where they were on the best of terms with people, and usually were found entertaining the company with popular songs and choruses. There were many tangis in Boscombe, Christchurch, and Bournemouth, when the call came to our Engineers, Tunnellers, and Maoris to break camp and prepare for embarkation to distant New Zealand.

Hornchurch.

The Hornchurch convalescent depot was as much hospital as camp. Hospital "blues" were more general there than khaki. It was also one of the largest of the New Zealand depots. The camp comprised a considerable number of huts, placed picturesquely beneath the trees of a magnificent park, and clustering round an ancient, ivy-covered manor house—Grey Towers. The distance of the camp from London was about twenty miles, and frequent trains ran there. The villages of Hornchurch and Romford were adjacent, and will long be remembered by many men of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force. The area occupied by the camp comprised about ninety-three acres. Considering London's proximity, the surroundings were by no means unpleasant, and it was fortunate that so large and important a depot could be located so handily to General Head-quarters.

The neatness of the depot and the trimly-kept flower beds betokened no little camp pride. The staff in 1918 comprised a commanding officer, a second in command, and an adjutant (the two latter of the militant branches), eleven doctors (New Zealanders), twenty-two nurses (also New Zealanders), nineteen masseuses, and 118 V.A.D.'s and other women workers. Wherever possible male orderlies were relieved by women to enable them either to go to France, or, if permanently unfit, to take the place of fit men in the various centres.

Every convalescent had his particular case under the closest scrutiny. The object, of course, was to render men as speedily as possible fit to be trained again for France. The patients were divided into three classes—medical, surgical, and massage—besides the isolation cases. Men, for instance, might be well enough to leave the hospitals to provide accommodation therein for others, but might require further dressings; or, again, massage might be necessary to restore limbs, muscles, and nerves to their proper functions. All this was attended to at Hornchurch by experts. The massage department was very much in demand. Its apparatus and equipment were the best obtainable. When well enough the patients were allotted other courses of treatment. Those requiring limb or body exercise went to the gymnasium or mechanotherapy department. There were regulated finger-grips for wounded or frost-bitten fingers and hands; contrivances for exercising the wrists; grips for forearm or triceps work; a throwing 7-lb. leather ball for the back and shoulder muscles; ordinary weighted developers; a stationary bicycle for leg and thigh muscles; a "flexible foot" which simply compelled a man, no matter how great a "lead-swinger," to use his leg muscles; breathing exercises for the pneumonic and gas cases; a wheel contrivance that

Wool, Classing.called into play most of the muscles of the body, other apparatus for synovitis cases and knee-stiffness; and games that all must play, designed for special cases. The treatment progressed gradually until, as if by a miracle often (in conjunction with the massage), the use of the limbs returned to normal—all too soon in many cases. In addition to this, men who are able went on route marches each day (with the aid of the camp brass band), starting with small distances, and increasing gradually until a limit was reached. And when the limit was reached and men were fit once more they were sent on to Codford to be hardened.

Life at Hornchurch was by no means monotonous. Everything was done to keep men voluntarily in camp, and to meet that peculiar psychological state of mind of the soldier who had been wounded and now had to face his early return to a life of which he had hoped, when wounded, to have seen the last. The food was nourishing and plentiful, as at the hospitals. The mess-rooms, capable of holding 400 each, had no mess orderlies such as were in the training camps, but were graced by the presence of women specially engaged for the work. Similarly, women in the V.A.D. dress ran the cookhouses and kitchens, and all was scrupulously clean, though, after all, no cleaner than in the training-camps, for that was scarcely possible.

Three comfortably fitted large halls—the Y.M.C.A., the New Zealand War Contingent Association, and the Church Army Hut—vied in their attractions for the men in games, concerts, picture-shows, reading and writing rooms, billiards, and in the sale of food, and articles soldiers required. As in all the camps, there was a "wet" canteen which tended to keep in camp those who liked a glass of beer, and it was interesting to know that the average consumption was only 0.7 of a pint per head. For advanced convalescents football, cricket, and hockey, were played daily; there was pulling in light boats on a small river adjacent; a large concrete swimming-bath near the same river offered further sport; tennis and croquet were played on the lawns; a post and telegraph office was available in the camp; New Zealand ladies visited regularly to say kindly words; and members of the War Contingent Association reported the patient's progress regularly to the outer world—and what more could he done for any hero ?.

Yet there was still another department, and an extremely useful one—the education department. The Y.M.C.A. ran its workshops, where carpentry, elementary engineering, fret-work, carving, leather-work, cabinet-making, and stained-glass-window construction, and certain other arts and crafts were taught, The hospital farm, covering an area of twenty-one acres, was entirely a New Zealand enterprise, a means of employing men in the open air, of instructing those who wished to learn agriculture, and a source of supply to this hospital.

The Codford Depot.

It has already been explained that when the wounded or invalided soldiers were sufficiently recovered to leave Horn-church they were sent to the Command Depot at Codford to be "hardened" for further active service training. Established in somewhat straggling fashion among the bleak, bare, undulating downs of Salisbury Plains, a few miles by road from Sling camp, Codford camp was not popular for its surroundings or its exterior attractions. Less than a mile from the camp headquarters lay the little old-fashioned Wiltshire village from which the camp derived its name—the only oasis of interest in the midst of a drab environment. Men usually went to Codford after fourteen days convalescent leave, which did not enhance its popularity. This, also, was the first stage on the return journey to the trenches. Let this remark not be misunderstood. Soldiers themselves will appreciate its meaning. Our men were as willing as the combatants of any country to shoulder the burden of duty; indeed, in the important military actions, theirs is a record of apportioned tasks exceeded. But human nature, especially after wounds or illness, instinctively rebelled against a return to the front, to the filth, the exposure, the racket of the guns, and probable death. Such feelings, however, were rarely expressed, and when they were they received little encouragement. The spirit of duty quelled the rebellion of the flesh. Codford camp may have had its "lead-swingers"—in every community there are black sheep—but these men comprised an insignificant section, and a very lonely one. Nevertheless, owing to the mental and physical condition of its inmates, the management of a depot of this description presented a more difficult problem than others, and officers required to be sent there who could handle all ranks with tact and consideration.

Codford.

Early in 1918 the number of men accommodated at Codford had risen to 3,200. To control and administer the depot there was a commanding officer, a second in command and adjutant, a quartermaster and supply officer, ten combatant officers, and an A.P.M., four medical, and five dental officers. Codford was the centre of our dental operations. The officers did not necessarily go there out of convalescence, but were usually sent over from France for a six-months' tour of duty. They required to be men who, besides being able to exercise command, and drill troops, could also take keen interest in and appreciate the value of sports and other recreations, and help the contentment and welfare and encouragement of the men. Military training was, of course, the first consideration, but it was found that sports were of great assistance in promoting and maintaining fitness. Training was controlled by the commanding officer, advised by the senior medical officer and the sergeant-major of the Army gymnastic staff. If followed the general routine governing infantry training; but as the aim was to help men to recover from injuries, more attention was paid to bayonet fighting, physical training, and route marching than to barrack-square drill. The system proved very efficacious in preparing the troops for the most strenuous routine of the camps of the reserve units. A medical officer was constantly in attendance at the parade-ground, so that if a man were unable to undergo the training either from weakness or the nature of his injury, his case and its peculiarities were noted on the spot. This assisted correct treatment. The unusual spectacle was also seen of a doctor attending daily route marches, and it was a point of honour among the profession to decline a horse! In addition to the general training of troops, special classes were held periodically in which men with service to their credit, and who showed interest and skill in physical training and bayonet fighting, could take a course of instruction to fit them to be instructors later. Twenty-one of these men, after going through Aldershot, were returned to New Zealand to assist in the training operations here.

The men were divided into three classes—A, B, and C. Upon entering camp a soldier was graded B3, and was given very light work—potato picking or a little digging. As he grew stronger he became B2, and was allotted route marches of from four to six miles a day, with a certain amount of bayonet fighting and physical exercise. Then he reached the B1 stage, and was given a stiffer course of physical training and bayonet fighting, and his route march was prolonged to eight or ten miles a day. If all went well he was classified A, when he should do his fourteen miles a day, and was then sent on to his reserve unit as fit. Classification of the men was held once a week by the medical men. Many failed in the try-out. They were then sent either to hospital, to head-quarters for allotment to duties as "permanent" or temporary unfits," or to Torquay for return to New Zealand. But before this could happen they were "boarded," and their fate decided by a travelling board of experts. A number of men passing through the depot were found not to be fit enough to proceed to the trenches again, and of these many went to France to swell the ranks of the Divisional Employment Company—men fit to do base duties but not to undertake

Bee-Keeping Instructiongeneral-service work. From these few details the force of an earlier remark—that tact was required to successfully run a camp of this nature—will be obvious.

Probably the most popular of Cedford's institutes was the New Zealand War Contingent's club "Aotea Roa." It possessed a library, reading and writing rooms, a large games-room with billiard-tables, a room where one could enjoy an easy-chair and a good book in comfort before a fire, and buy eatables, tea, or coffee; in fact, "Aotea Boa" was claimed inside and outside the depot as the best-equipped club on the Plains. Its management was in the hands of ten capable ladies of the War Contingent Association, whose arduous work of attending to the running and conduct of the club, and in arranging concerts and entertainments, was very faithfully done. There was also the Regimental Institute opened in July, 1916. The Institute answered in most respects to the canteens at the New Zealand camps, except that it was wet as well as dry. But in addition to sales over the counter the Institute supplied the officers, hospital nurses, and three flourishing sergeants' messes with provisions. Its accounts were audited annually by a London firm of accountants. The profits, which were considerable, were devoted partly to providing prizes for field sport, concert parties and other amusements, and also to defraying the cost of barrack damages and deficiencies. The ubiquitous Y.M.C.A. needed no trumpeter to proclaim its good work. It had two huts in the depot, both well equipped and popular. A nightly cinema performance was given at the Salvation Army hut—an attraction provided entirely out of camp funds, and run by New Zealanders.

Forty-five acres of land in the vicinity of the camp was cultivated in the year 1917, and planted out in various kinds of vegetables. The cost of this enterprise was £464, but the net value of the yield was £933. The farming operations were considerably extended in 1918.

The Torquay Depot.

Few tourist resorts in England vie in popularity for placid beauty, warm sunshine and blue skies, with the sea-fronted, hilly, quaint Devonshire town of Torquay, the locale of the New Zealand discharge, or evacuation, depot. It was here that all our men were sent who were boarded permanently unfit for further active service; and when instructed in hospital, convalescent camp, or command depot to pack his kit and proceed to Torquay, the soldier experienced the happy feelings of the voyager who has secured a passage to his native home. Torquay is a town of 38,000 inhabitants. In the brown, upland moors at its rear are the scenes of incidents familiar to readers of "Lorna Doone." It has great coastal beauty. Many white-sailed fishing boats ply about the sunny—for it always seemed sunny there—open sea, and on the waters of the pretty bays. It was among the hillside suburbs of the pretty sleepy town that New Zealand had her depot.

It was not possible to establish one camp to accommodate all the men. The "depot" comprised nine large houses or villas which were secured for the New Zealand authorities by the War Office. One of these houses was used as a depot head-quarters, another accommodated officers, and the remainder were for the non-commissioned officers and men.

Hon. Sir R. Heaton Rhodes (Minister for Defence, N.Z.).

Four of these buildings were close together, the remainder some little distance away but in one row in a street. The men were divided into companies and allotted to houses accordingly. The system of grouping the men was according to ports of disembarkation in New Zealand. Auckland men comprised No. 1 company, and they were billeted at a villa called Hampton; Lyttelton and Port Chalmers embarkees were grouped as No. 2 Company, and were allotted "Daison" villa (both near head-quarters); the Wellington men made up No. 3 group, the biggest company, and were given the collection of smaller houses; and No. 4 Company was composed of

In the Garden at Daisondetails, married men, orderlies, and head-quarters' staffs. An officer was appointed to each group and lived on the premises with the men.

The number of men at the depot naturally varied considerably, but usually remained at approximately 1,500 or 1,800. There was also attached to the depot two large farms, Heathfield and Lustleigh, at which numbers of men were employed. The former was at the outskirts of the village of Chudleigh, twelve miles from Torquay, and comprised 80 acres. Lustleigh, a larger farm of 200 acres, lay fourteen miles from Torquay. In the summer months these farms employed between four hundred and five hundred men.

If a soldier chose he could apply to be "loaned" to some local industry. As many as a hundred men were at times employed in this way, chiefly in cider-manufacture. Some of Devon's large cider factories near Torquay were in a bad way for want of labour. Others were engaged at flour-mills. These men received their wages in addition to their army pay. Besides the employment it afforded while awaiting return to New Zealand, it was also a means of education in a new livelihood.

The houses, or villas, allotted as quarters were extremely handsome residences. "Daison" where the South Island men were quartered, the property and former residence of a millionaire, was perhaps the best of them. It had all the comfort. Luxury, decorative beauty of the old English homes of those who lavish their princely wealth upon them. In the lofty, wainscoted rooms, with their heavily decorated ceilings, were arranged in rows, the men's bedsteads. Other rooms were devoted to games or recreation, or were fitted up as lounges with comfortable chairs. Outside, maintained by New Zealanders, magnificent gardens were just as they had been left by the owner—flower-beds a mass of bloom, lawns trim, hothouses yielding their orchids and pot plants or grapes; tennis-courts in good useful order; croquet-lawns; orchards with properly pruned trees mostly of famous Devonshire apples: a fernery with large New Zealand pungas and other small species of our ferns; and outside in the gardens fine flourishing specimens of New Zealand flax—real Phormium tenax! In other portions of the chateau grounds the men were kept busy in the kitchen-gardens, poultry-yards, and hot houses.

The most careful supervision was exercised over the men. A certain number of parades were held, and leave was granted only at stated intervals. Every man was given employment of some kind. Officers attached to companies were responsible for them and the condition of the billets. The people of Torquay took a most kindly interest in the New Zealand soldiers—an interest which was more than commercial. Educational facilities were provided by the civic authorities, and in many ways favour was shown. The men were careful in their behaviour and general demeanour and with few exceptions they worthily deported themselves as New Zealand citizen-soldiers. The ultimate evacuation occasioned genuine regret amongst the towns-people—indeed this may be said to have been so in all localities and communities where New Zealand depots, camps or hospitals were established.

The foregoing description but briefly traces the more important of our busy centres, or training camps, during the war. Many men will have recollection of other localities to which either for special training or convalescence they were sent. With each soldier will live memories of particular places, of happy environment and kindly British hospitality, or it may be of irksomeness made bearable by the thoughtfullness of countrymen and countrywomen who were domiciled for the time being in England. In the mind of every New Zealand soldier there will be memories, dormant perhaps in these commonplace days unless specially touched, but memories nevertheless sacred ineffaceable, and pleasant always to recall. Britain was the New Zealanders' place of respite from the horrors of war, and as such it will ever be remembered as a half-way Home, or as the undemonstrative New Zealander sometimes described it "A Home away from Home."

Appendix.

The Governor-General of the Dominion during the war was— His Excellency the Right Honourable Arthur William de Brito Savile, Fifth Earl of Liverpool, P.C., G.C.M.G., G.B.E., M.V.O.

At the outbreak of war the members of the Government were— The Right Honourable W. F. Massey, P.C., Prime Minister, and Minister for Agriculture, Lands, and Labour.Hon. James Allen, Minister for Finance, Defence, and Education.Hon. W. H. Herries, Minister for Railways, and Native Affairs.Hon. A. L. Herdman, Attorney-General, and Minister for Justice.Hon. W. Fraser, Minister for Public Works.Hon. Sir F. H. D. Bell, K.C., Minister for Internal Affairs, and Leader of the Legislative Council.Hon. R. Heaton Rhodes, Postmaster General and Minister of Public Health.Hon. Dr. Maui Pomare, Native Representative.

On August 6th, 1915, the two chief political parties combined to form a National Government. Those who held office were: Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey, P.C., Prime Minister and Minister for Lands and Labour.Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Ward, P.C., Minister for Finance and Postmaster-General.Hon. James Allen, Minister for Defence.Hon. W. H. Herries, Minister for Railways and Native Affairs.Hon. A. L. Herdman, Attorney-General.Hon. Dr. McNab, Minister for Justice and Marine.Hon. W. Fraser, Minister for Public Works.Hon. G. W. Russell, Minister for Internal Affairs and Public Health.Hon. A. M. Myers, Minister for Customs and Munitions.Hon. Sir F. H. D. Bell, K.C., Leader of the Legislative Council.Hon. W. D. S. MacDonald, Minister for Agriculture and Mines.Hon. J. A. Hanan, Minister for Education.Hon. Dr. Maui Pomare, Native Representative.

The Hon. R. Heaton Rhodes resigned his portfolios in order to facilitate the formation of the National Ministry, and on 2nd September, 1915, was sent on a special mission to Egypt and Gallipoli by the Government.

The Hon. R. McNab died in February, 1917. Later the Hon. A. L. Herdman was appointed to the judiciary and his place was filled by the Hon. T. M. Wilford. The Hon. D. H. Guthrie also joined the Ministry as Minister for Lands.

The General-Officer Commanding the New Zealand Forces within the Dominion during the war was Colonel (now Major-General Sir) A. W. Robin, the Chief of the General Staff was Major (afterwards Colonel) C. M. Gibbon, I.G.S., the Officer in Charge of the training of the reinforcements, Colonel C. R. Macdonald, I.G.S.