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Orientation is over. But the fumes of beery hops, artistic affairs and political rave-ups still permeate the thick squalid atmosphere of this intellectual establishment. But fear not ye students who crave more of the above. Capping is on its way-8 days of rampant fun! Remember 22—29 April and keep the dates free.
However, to ensure the success of this year's capping, it is necessary to a Capping Controller to be appointed. It is his/her job to organise this vital week and because so much social responsibility rests on it, an honorarium will be paid. The job requires part time work for the weeks leading up to Capping Week and then overseeing the activities during Capping.
Nominations have to be in to the Secretary of the Association by Friday, 17 March March, 12.00 noon. (He will probably be near the Association Office, so keep an eye out for an organge hat). The candidates will then be interviewed and the most competent person chosen. If you have a bent towards organising such a thing, then be in.
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2.00 Bursaries Meeting. Come and help organise activity to get students a better bursary
Listen, please don't tell everybody, but there's something very odd going on up here. I mean, don't think me paranoid, when Simon Wilson rode into the office this morning on a white horse I would probably never have noticed if it hadn't relieved itself on Rire Scotney's typewriter a few moments later. Even then Chris Norman, who was reading it's contents at the time, didn't notice, and neither did many of the others although Lamorna Rogers expressed some surprise that the article should come in for such heavy criticism before it was even finished. But no, quite apart from that unsavoury little incident, other rather disturbing things have been happening;
Gyles Beckford hasn't said a word all day. Someone's filled the sink in the darkroom with dirt and planted zucchinis and both David Murray and Stephen Ben-brook deny all knowledge. I heard the sound of a whip cracking in Doug Thompson's office this morning, and another sound that could have been Marie Rogers giggling. As if all these little things aren't disturbing enough in themselves, there's something else too.
Someone has put a fully equipped Viking Warship in the middle of the office and everyone's pretending it's not there. There goes Peter Erlich, walkine carefully around it to the copy table, looking at the ground. He Knows it's there. So does Lorraine Robinson, whistling away there, looking out the window. There goes John Bailey walking into the office without batting an eyelid. And even this I could handle if the bloody thing wasn't full of Vikings.
I mean I've done Medieval History, and those guys rape and pillage like it's going out of fashion. At the moment they all seem to be content to just sit there — probably waiting for SASRAC at four o'clock. But what of the future? Anything could happen. Oh no . . . look there goes the first one, Debbie Finberg over one shoulder, Cathy Randall over the other, back into the ship. They're all singing songs now. Jesus how horrifying. And there goes Jonathan Scott, walking past as if nothing's happened. The bastard. Holy mother of Bjelke-Peterson, now it's Margot MacGillivray and Caroline Stephens! And Kevin Young, why those warped arseholes! I'm leaving, I don't have to stay here and watch this!
Next Day: That was pretty nasty yesterday for a while. The boat's gone now which makes it a hell of a lot easier to move around in here. But now there's a WW II zeppelin tied up outside the ramp window. And all the students are just walking past it as if it's not there. I can make out David-Beresford and Andrew Delahunty in the cockpit. And of course there's Peter Beach typing away next to me pretending it's not there. And there's David Beach over there glancing anxiously across at me as he talks on the phone. And here I am being carried away by two men in white coats. Bloody typical. Pretending they don't see the Jumbo Jet moored outside Hunter.
Salient is edited by Simon Wilson and publish by the Victoria University of Wellington Students' Association, Private Bag, Wellington. It is printed by Wanganui Newspapers, Drews Avenue, Wanganui.
the SAI Variety Show transferred from last Thursday. Now on Monday (today) 13 March at 12.00 in the Memorial Theatre. Larf theatre plus films on Timor and Nuclear warships and a cultural item from overseas students. Absolutely free so come along and eat your lunch whilst being enlightened.
"The 78 Elections — what are we supposed to do?" Guest Speaker Alick Shaw. There well be a social afterwards and drinks will be available. All very welcome. Memorial Theatre Foyer. Tuesday 14th, 7.30
If you are interested in joinung Youthline we are holding an introductory session on Tuesday 14th March from 12.30 to 1.30 in Committee Room One of the Student Union Building. It will give you a chance to see how Youthline and Youthliners operate in Wellington and show you how to go about joining without any obligations.
A General Meeting of the club will be held on Tuesday 14 March in the Coffee Room, Union Building.
This new, active club on campus will begin with a Smoke up to commemorate International Marijuana Celebration Day, which will be held on Parliament steps at 6. pm. on Monday 13 March. Following successful Smoke Up's at Nambassa, Dunedin, Tauranga, and Auckland where No One was arrested, it is now the Capital's turn to turn on.
So come along to the Smoke Up and General Meeting. Members of the Public are most welcome.
Remember our strength lies in big numbers.
A meeting is being called for overseas students to discuss the James Movick case. Tuesday, 14th March in the Lounge, 3-4 pm
Library Tours: Will leave the main circulation desk on level 2 (main entrance level,) Rankine Brown Building from 6 to 10 March and 13 to 17 March at the following times:
10.00 am. 11.00 am. 3.10 pm.
Bookings are not required
Christian Union proudly presents a concert of contemporary Christian music. Featuring Steve Bellbook, Song of Solomon, Colin Salisbury and others. Union Hall. Tuesday 14th March, l2—2pm
Thursday 16th, Monday 20th, Tuesday 21st March, 12—2 pm., Union Hall. Three forums entitled "Crucifixion", "Resurrection" and "Jesus, Son of God. Son of Man."
The New Zealand University Students' Association (NZUSA) is to scale down its travel operations. But don't panic. We retain our ISICs and many of the concessions that go with them, including the 50% price reduction on internal flights.
The decision was made last Monday at a Special General Meeting of the National Executive of NZUSA. The reasons for the move are complicated, and even now many factors remain unclear.
Student travel has never been on a stable footing. The amount of business conducted by the Student Travel Bureau (STB) has increased at a rate of 50% per year in the recent past and this has made planning exceedingly difficult. The latest move is an attempt to place travel within definite confines and thus make control easier.
But quite apart from organisational complications, several outside influences have been felt. Last year the Australian Union Student Travel Company (AUSTS) ceased trading for one month and our joint operations with them suffered accordingly. Uncertainty over the position of other trading partners has taken nine months to resolve. In addition travel regulations have for some time been in a state of confusion and it has not been clear just how STB would be able to operate.
At the SGM the Board of Student Service Holdings (SSH), the parent company for NZUSA commercial functions, presented five options. The first involves the complete withdrawal from travel activities including ISIC's. This was called Option O and would mean that some private operator looking for a fast buck would snap up on student concession schemes. The fact that NAC and Air New Zealand currently make about $1 million a year out of students is not to be overlooked.
Option 1 is similar. We would retain the ISIC scheme but engage in nothing else. The problem here is that it would not take long for NZUSA to lose the ISIC franchise (because we would not be providing a proper travel service) and position would revert to option O.
Option 2, which has been accepted, seems the most viable. Sales offices are to be restricted to the campuses in the four main centres, Dunedin's being part-time (thus Waikato and Massey close down). Normal commercial products will not be available, and staff will be cut back to a minimum.
Option 3 involves continuing the present arrangements. To do this would mean shelling out about $30,000 per year, and anyway there is no guarantee that things would not keep on getting worse.
Option 4 involves expansion. A large capital outlay would be needed (which nobody has) and the service would probably become very similar to that provided by most other travel agencies.
So it's Option 2. NZUSA remains committed to the principle of continuing travel operations for students, but still has a long way to go in getting out of the woods. One of the big problems centres around the staff of the various travel bureaux. To start with, it seems they have not been kept as fully informed as they should have been. This is surprising considering NZUSA's record in fighting for the rights of working people. The effect of redundancies is still to be worked out, but it has been suggested that budgetted payments for this purpose are not sufficient.
It is proposed that each office will be staffed by only one person, and that raises the issue of what happens when leave falls due, etc. In any event, it may well be that some offices will have too much work for just one person. Will the salaries be adequate? And will the new streamlined organisation in head office be appropriate to the new structure?
The Board have drawn up a "typical" budget to meet some of these queries, but it in itself raises further problems. Although a surplus is shown this would not occur in the first year of operation and possibly not in the second. The Board admits that the budget is provisional and would have to be altered each year, which suggests that its true use is severely limited at the present time.
One definite proposal which came out of Monday's meeting was that a Joint Planning Committee be set up to investigate ways of making Option 2 work. This committee met on Thursday and reported back to another SGM on Sunday. Many of the questions being raised here may have been answered at that meeting, and two further major complications may also have achieved some sort of resolution.
The first is that SSH companies have a trading deficit of $75,000. Constituent associations are under no legal obligation to pay the money, but they have agreed that it will be paid. A motion from Victoria and Waikato, "That NZUSA and its constituents do in principle undertake to advance to STB Ltd. all monies required to settle its debts as at
There are two possibilities, a levy may be raised on the ISICs, to be paid over in installments. This would tie payment directly to travel operations in the form in which they continue.
Alternatively, the constituents could make loans to NZUSA as a secured second mortgage on the NZUSA building in Blair Street. If this were to fall through, or prove not to provide the necessary finance, the building would be sold.
There are two main arguments against selling the building. NZUSA has spent a lot of money renovating it to the particular needs of National Office and might have to do the same thing all over again. More importantly, can NZUSA take it upon itself to deny future students the privilege of owning a building which they are sure to need? The question of the debt will be of increasing significance in the next few weeks, and we can expect to have it debated fully at an SRC.
The second major complication in resolving the travel issue revolves around internal difficulties within NZUSA. Canterbury and Lincoln intend to secede later this year, and the ill-feeling between them and National Office seems to have spread to Otago president Andrew Guest. To be fair to Lincoln, their reasons for pulling out appear to be largely a matter of not accepting that NZUSA should have a strong political role. But both Guest and Michael Lee, president at Canterbury, are using this issue to force a confrontation. Sunday's meeting was expected to be a stormy session.
Next week we will be bringing you a full story on NZUSA's internal crisis, and hopefully the travel situation will have been clarified.
They really did it this time... the other commercial radio stations in Wellington who do top-10 rotations, coke and jeans ads and other forms of boring entertainment.
They listened to your radio station, the one you have a part shareholding in and when they istened they learnt a little.
Radio Active staffers tend to be ultra-para-
We proved that there is a market for intelligent non-commercial radio in this city and everyone else is cashing in on it. For the last three weeks we broadcast what we thought was a tight professional music/ information format that would entertain and inform the greatest number of students.
Now we are off air: our licence ran out on Saturday and we take a break until August (perhaps). Just enough time for you to get bored with the others . . . again.
Sometime in the future Active will be transmitting permanently on an FM STEREO frequency but we need your feedback, criticism and help to get there.
We need you to announce, gather news, administrate and be technical. Now we have the physical necessities of a studio and transmitter we need people with initiative, ideas and imagination to put together a competent programme. It is harder to do than it sounds (excuse the pun) and the best example of this is a certain private radio station in Wellington which broadcasts more hot air than us.
So we had fun, learnt a lot about radio and were pretty pleased with your reaction but we do need you.
Please Help. Give generously of your time and talent and at least buy an Active 2XA 1260 t-shirt.
Call David, Ron, Nigel or Gary at Studass 738—566 or visit the studio.
Applications are now called for the Radio Active 1978Announcers Training Programme
If you want to become a star dj call David or Gary at 738—566 or 767—296 or front up at the studio.
A student at Mexico University has written asking for pen pals in New Zealand, He lists no particular interests, but desires to learn about the New Zealand lifestyle, especially its education and culture.
If you are interested write:
Jorge Solorzano Escoto,
Laguna del Carmen 90,
Col, Anahuac,
Mexico, 17 D.F.
"I'm not a liar. I'm not a skillful liar." Bob Tizard told 300 students in the Union Hall last Wednesday. Further evidence perhaps that the Labour Party isn't skillful at anything? Not quite for Tizard also revealed the extent to which his party deals in. . . well shall we say "untruths"?
The most blatant was over the SIS Amendment Act". Labour are on record saying they will repeal this little piece of fascism brought down by the present government, yet when it came to the crunch the best Tizard could manage was that some of the clauses would be rewritten sometime during a Labour term in office.
To be fair, he did call those clauses "obnoxious", and he does think the fourth Labour coming is upon us, but he repeatedly evaded calls to be more precise about just what was intended. Two tactics were employed.
The first was to resort to talking of the need to protect New Zealanders from terrorism, completly ignoring the fact that the Act is not aimed at terrorists. The second was to try to place the SIS legislation in its "proper perspective". This means that the economy comes first and that is where he will be concentrating all his efforts to start with. Sad news from the man who has in the past been Parliament's most outspoken advocate for the abolition of the SIS;
Even when it was put to him that while we recognised the importance of economic management this wasn't a problem which would be solved in a few weeks or months, and that to take his attitude meant that nothing else would ever get done, he did not change his tune.
Tizard now considers the SIS Act "a relatively small matter," and said he is "not going to waste time on side issues." The largest march in Wellington's history, matched by action all round the country seemed of little concern to him. There were many small minority groups who wanted to be listened to, he remarked.
But compare this to his comments on the abortion issue. He claimed, quite accurately, that he voted in line with the wishes of his constituents, and wished there were some way of requiring other MPs to do the same. He did add that "no group in a democracy should have the right to stuff its views down other people's throats."
Asked why it was that Parliament did just that he replied, "Because the other fellows don't see it that way, I suppose." That's it in a nutshell: you vote the way the people want when it suits you. Is Tizard any different?
Shifting standards came up time and again. On democratic socialism he said that "implementation and theory are very different things." On prime ministerial salaries he claimed that we must recognise" ability and the right to reward for ability." And on suspension of unions he declared that no government will deny itself the methods of stopping certain activities. In truth, the combined record of both major parties clearly demonstrates that no government will willingly deny itself the methods of stopping anything.
Bursaries came up early in the piece, with Tizard confidently reassuring us he had our interests at heart. After all, he reminded us, "I have had a little experience as a student and as a politician." He promised that a "special bursary relationship with a cost of living index will be introduced and maintained." And later, "There would have to be an increase in bursaries. No argument whatsoever." Perhaps he's had had some sort of a fallout with Labour's spokesperson on education, Russell Marshall, for the latter has a different story to tell (see accompanying article).
There had been rumours before the forum that Tizard might make a significant announcement on James Movick, but this was not to be so. He was asked whether Labour would introduce specific regulations to cover immigration (this is one of the few remaining fields of government jurisdiction not covered by statute legislation). The answer was no. The bureaucratic bungling that has gone on in the Movick case was outlined and still the answer was no.
"The Labour Party would not bring the discretion of the Minister within any appeal authority or the courts," he bluntly stated. Government by executive, the very thing that Labour kicked up such a fuss about in
Further evidence of such astute political judgement was revealed when Rangitikei was mentioned. The people were determined to get National out at any cost, Tizard suggested. Although he told Salient one week before the by-election that he throught thought Labour would run an even second with Social Credit, about 1,000 votes behind National, he bravely stuck to his guns and would not agree that the Labour vote was worrying.
He evaded completely a question on Labour's drift to the right. If J.J. Stewart cannot pull in even a semblance of electorate credibility. Labour must come to realise that it is not "middle of the road" vagueness the people want but a definite stand against the right wing element in the country. Then again, it all gets back to skill I suppose . . .
Tizard said he was "broadly sympathetic" to the requirements of married women trying to cope with redundancy, but that issue was "not on the top of the list." The system of administering the widows' benefit would be changed but without any real attempt to allow for fixed expenses. This was the pattern. The issue did exist and something needed to be done. But it wasn't The Economy so it didn't really count.
The trouble is, Tizard's solutions for the economy aren't all that wonderful. His seven point plan identifies areas of greatest need yet the rhetoric disguises a general absence of real proposals for action. Where these do exist they sound suspiciously like the present government's.
Getting right down to it, Tizard insisted that the economy needed to expand, especially in the direction of bilateral trade. He went to some lengths to explain that while we had to maintain our trade links with Australia this did not stop us increasing exports of the same products to Peru. Fine stuff, but nothing new.
So, while the seven point panacea plan is instituted, it appears we shall have to wait for social justice, guaranteed democracy, and a resolution of all those issues which Tizard seems to think bear little relation to the economy.
Nevertheless, there's no real cause for alarm. As Tizard himself put it, "I would say I've got more principles than the whole of the National Party put together." And modesty to boot.
No promise that the boarding abatement on bursaries will be abolished, a student Price Index but no guarantee of a bursary increase — it looks like this is what students can expect from a Labour Government in
This was revealed by Russell Marshall, Labour's Education spokesperson, at Canterbury University last week. Marshall also reviewed his party's efforts on bursaries when last in office.
"With hindsight, we didn't handle that very well." This masterpiece of understatement was as close as he came to admit ting that the
Marshall was ready with a list of excuses to explain away his lack of promises. No guarantee that a Labour government would abolish the abatement. Instead, "progress on its removal or substantial improvement". The old standard of conflicting claims on the money available was hauled out to justify this.
Sue Green, NZUSA's
Marshall responded emotively, claiming that the electorate wants people who will make promises they can keep." I am not in a position to say the abatement will be abolished If this means some students won't vote for us so be it."
This failed to bring tears to students' eyes. Canterbury Executive member Greg Waite said it seemed Marshall was saying that neither party is going to do much for students. He added that it was about time a commitment was made to them.
To be fair Marshall did offer students some concessions. He promised that a student price index, on which both the Labour Party and NZUSA were working in
Marshall also stated that it had been the Labour Government's intention to introduce monthly, possibly fortnightly, payment of bursaries a year after the introduction of the STB and he saw no reason for not going back to that.
Marshall admitted that students have good grounds for complaint and that the case for the abolition of the abatement is strong. However, he implied that students and NZUSA are not taking enough note of all the other groups whose chums he must consider.
It's interesting to note that when Marshall was criticising NZUSA in response to a question he said, "I have talked to some of your student officials here about student politics and I don't want to divulge too much of those conversations." This brought a broad grin to the lace of Canterbury President Mike Lee, who was chairing the forum.
(Lee's relationship with NZUSA National Office is not congenial, and it is not good news to learn he may have been undermining NZUSA at Parliamentary level. But more of that in a special NZUSA supplement in the near future)
The Labour Party's attitude to students is insulting. It seems party officials are confident that students will be pissed off with the National government and therefore Labour will be able to grab student votes without having to make any concessions to them..
Don't be too confident Labour. Students may be promised a sympathetic hearing from Labour's Education Policy Committee, but sympathy doesn't pay rent.
Over the years the pages of this magazine have been used as a vehicle for criticising many of the departments of this university. Those in the science faculty however seem to have remained immune from these attacks, indicating that either the departments in this faculty have reached a level of perfection yet to be realised in the arts faculty, or, as seems more likely, that the critical faculties of science students have long since atrophied, allowing many departments to retain teaching and assessment procedures long outmoded.
Here the Mathematics department will be briefly examined. It is not the worst offender in the matter of poor teaching methods, for over recent years the department has not only been involved in course-evaluation, but the appearance of the Keller plan based courses indicates a more positive response to these evaluations than is usually found in this faculty. Therefore it is particularly important to stimulate some student discussion of the department's teaching programme as, with typical apathy, students have been far behind staff in both ideas and criticisms, and it is crucial that they raise themselves from their textbooks and become more actively involved with the changes around them.
The teaching of mathematics presents a range of problems different from those encountered in most science subjects. Trapped to some extent by its importance as a service subject for other fields of science, the teaching of mathematics seems to have resolved itself into the teaching of a problem-solving skill. This is not a bad thing in itself, indeed it adds a challenging new dimension to mathematics which the other sciences lack.
Sadly it has only recently been realised that sitting in a lecture theatre observing the dexterity with which lecturers solve problems is neither an efficient nor effective method by which students can aquire those same skills. The problem being that to identify the problem and then find the "dodge" which will resolve the matter can only be grasped through personal experience (will watching pot-black teach you to play snooker?).
Nor are the assessment procedures likely to give a true indication of ability and understanding. While the argument that, if one is truly conversant with a theory, one should be able to expound it in most circumstances(although whether these circumstances include the unnatural stint at an examination desk is unclear), will apply to most other sciences, in a mathematics examination it is the rapidity of one's aquired problem-solving skills which is examined. The kernel of any mathematics problem is that "flash of inspiration" (too pretentious perhaps!) which enables one to see how to attack the problem, after which it becomes a mere exercise in algebraic manipulation.
Many students will have had the experience of puzzling over a problem and rapidly getting nowhere, finally giving up, taking a break and returning to find the answer just sitting there. For some reason this is assumed not to happen in an examination. It would seem that in addition to the general flaws in examinations, those in mathematics have an additional factor (one could almost call it luck) which makes their results a very dubious guide indeed.
The department's response to these problems has been to introduce the "Keller plan" system, the two-year trial period in the Math 205 course now augmented to include Math 115. This is a little hard to fathom. Either the trial in Math 205 vindicated the scheme, in which case why does it not see much wider application, or it did not, in which case it should be scrapped. It seems hard to believe that after a two-year trial a definite decision has not been reached.
The Keller Plan appears to counter arguments about the imappropriability of lectures by eliminating them altogether, the material being presented in modules including a comprehensive range of exercises designed to increase familiarity with the material. By replacing one big exam with a series of little tests many of the arguments regarding one-off exams are also countered.
Unfortunately for all its strengths the system has some major failings. As it stands stands at present, maximum benefit from the system depends strongly upon a regular series of tutorials, where hopefully the bulk of the learning would take place in a group situation However last year in
Math 205 the tutorials were very poorly patronised, the majority of students preferring to work completely on their own or in groups of friends. Part of the reason for this failure may have been the tutors' inability to fulfil the role which the students
Questions requiring a simple yes-no answer were met by involved and tortuous explanation while those which revealed a fundamental lack of understanding received the "put this here, that there — bingo!" type of response. Basically the tutorials failed because the department did not realise that this type of teaching approach requires more staff time combined with more aware and sympathetic tutoring of a kind not required in the mass-production lecture based courses. Hopefully this type of problem will gradually disappear as both staff and students become more aware of the strengths and weaknesses of the system.
The Keller Plan has however another class of problem altogether which must be resolved before its full benefit can be realised. The assessment procedure adopted at present involves a very cunning blending of quantity and quality of work which in theory should provide a very fair indication of progress. The trend which developed last year in Math 205 spoilt this idea somewhat, as the crafty students realised that a large amount of work done indifferently rated more highly than a lesser amount performed with greater care. Thus many students completed the course without having come fully to terms with some of its fundamental ideas.
I have not been able to find out whether the course content of the Linear Algebra component of the Math 205 course increased with the introduction of the Keller Plan, but it seems likely that some of the latter modules include additional material. This is not surprising as the course offers a heaven-sent opportunity for including material not normally offered in undergraduate courses.
In a less success-oriented environment no great harm would have resulted but perhaps those who designed the course forgot to allow for the "Average Student Philosophy" (for which the university must accept much of the blame as it seems an inevitable by-product of the type of tertiary institutions we are at present blessed with). In this one must seek the highest mark possible for the minimum amount of effort expended.
The most obvious solution to the problem would be to reduce the number of modules so that students who wished to do the lot would be able to without feeling the necessity of tearing hell - for - leather through them to get to the end and secure a good grade for the course.
Faults and all though, the Keller Plan must be welcomed as a tremendous improvement over the traditional teaching methods so widely practiced at this university. A wider field of application, at least throughout the Mathematics department if not through the whole science faculty, is to be hoped for.
The main method of assessing courses in this department has been through questionnaires prepared by the Teaching and Research Centre, which, while fulfiling a valuable role sometimes fail. Questionnaires can omit important questions and tend to concentrate on the mechanics of courses rather than on their basic strengths and weaknesses. Salient is an ideal vehicle for more student-oriented criticism. It remains to be seen whether students can be bothered to take advantage of it.
(Comments from students and staff on this article, and critiques of any other department are welcome — Ed.)
Last week we ran a story on overcrowding in Pols 111. Salient has since contacted Les Cleveland, the lecturer in charge of the course, to find out what is being done.
Cleveland listed three possible courses of action. The first, and most desirable, was to institute another lecture session at the same time as the main one, 10 - 11 am. This would have meant asking someone else in the department to immediately prepare him/herself to teach the course — a difficult but not insurmountable problem. However it would also have meant finding another lecture theatre in a peak lecture hour, and this was expected to be almost impossible.
The second option was to introduce closed circuit television monitoring. The difficulty here is that Victoria is very poorly endowed with such facilities. In addition, closed circuit teaching is not a very satisfactory method.
The third option, and the one adopted, was to introduce another lecture session at a different time, 4—5 pm. At present it seems that this session is not being particularly well attended. Celveland attaches some blame to the students for this, suggesting they are loath to change to the later time because of a preference for getting lectures over with early in the day. It must be pointed out in answer to this that many students are now committed to their timetables and may not be able to change without avoiding a clash.
Cleveland gives some interesting reasons for the situation developing in the first place. The, major one, according to him, is the recently enforced Commerce faculty restrictions which are forcing a spill-over into Political Studeis courses. He claims there has been "bad planning by the Commerce Faculty" and that the Registry has been releasing misleading information.
In the light of further restrictions proposed by the Commerce faculty (see accompanying story) one can only be concerned about the development of this trend. How much liaison is there between departments over such issues? How much do some departments keep others in the dark about developments directly affecting the latter?
The converse situation which might well be looked on as the most efficient remedy, is even more worrying: how widespread is the practice of farming students around the departments becoming?
Salient will bo looking for answers to these questions, but in the meantime students in the Pols 111 class might well care to send in their comments on the position as it affects them.
Restrictions on enrolments and measures to "redirect" students to other courses will be a major feature of the development of the Faculty of Commerce and Administration over the next few years.
This bad news for Commerce students emerges from a five page paper, signed by the Faculty's Dean Professor Fogelberg, which sets out the Faculty's plans for the
The "quinquennium" is the official name for the five-yearly period on which universities are financed.
Once completed, the universities submissions go to the University Grants Committee, the official body which advises the Government on university policy.
It is already being widely predicted that the quinquennuim will be the most difficult the universities have faced for years.
With the downturn in the economy and Government policy of keeping a tight rein on public expenditure, it is becoming ominously clear that there will be little room for expansion for the universities in the
It is equally clear that if most academics get their way in internal university battles over what goes into the submissions to the UGC, students will bear the brunt of any reductions in university spending.
For example, student welfare services could be reduced to pay for the introduction of new postgraduate courses or specialist staff and equipment which are being demanded by some academic lobbies within the university.
The Commerce Faculty has experienced a steady expansion in student numbers over the past few years which has been higher than for the university as a whole. Its student/ staff ratio is much higher than the university average — a situation which both staff and students are finding intolerable.
The faculty's quinquennial submissions sum the problem op this way: "Large 200 - and 300 - level courses cannot be permitted to continue and large enrolments at the 100-level must be handled in a more acceptable manner than at present."
It is obvious that the Commerce Faculty will need more staff and greater resources if enrolment restrictions on undergraduate B.C.A. degree courses are going to be avoided. But if its quinquennial submissions are an accurate guide to the official thinking of the Faculty, then it is quite clear that the Faculty is prepared to accept enrolment restrictions for B.C.A. courses or measures to "redirect" students to other degrees. The submissions state:
"Given the unliklihood of sufficiently large increases in staff resources, the Faculty sees no alternative but to seek improvement through reducing student numbers.
The Faculty's submissions show that the the job of meeting student demand for B.C.A. courses will take a lower priority in the Commerce Faculty's development over the next quinquennium compared to other of its goals.
The submissions place great emphasis on introducing new postgraduate courses (A Master of Management degree which would be a "private sector" equivalent of the existing Master of Public Policy), expanding existing postgraduate courses, expanding Faculty activities in "management development programmes", and enlarging the volume of research undertaken within the Faculty.
In a revealing statement the submissions argue: "In the light of the overall pattern of national development it is clear that the Faculty's future role is going to be more important. Even greater attention is going to be devoted to: economic issues, the role of government, and problems of business management and public sector administration."
The question Commerce students need to ask Professor Fogelburg and his colleagues is this: if "greater attention" is going to be devoted to these things, will less attention be devoted to the task of teaching the B.C.A. degree to the large number of present and future university students who want to complete this basic commerce qualification?
"We won't give up, we will fight, Abortion is a woman's right".
The message came through loud and clear as 1500 women, men and children participated in the largest march for safe legal abortion New Zealand has seen.
At last, those campaigning for repeal of the abortion laws in New Zealand have shown on a mass scale their ability to challenge the hitherto unrivalled supremacy of SPUC.
After being joined by a student march, the main body left Pigeon Park and made its way to the Cenotaph, headed by the "Larf" theatre group and accompanied by sporadic chanting. By the time the march reached the Cenotaph, its numbers had doubled, indicating the widespread support which onlookers had given the demonstrators.
Speaking to the rally were representatives of women's abortion rights and student groups.
VUWSA President Lindy Cassidy briefly addressed the large rally with a stirring speech, calling for women to fight back against all the attacks which they had suffered in the past years and to demand abortions as a democratic right.
The March 8 committee, who organised the demonstration had managed to get Julia Freebury, Abortion Law Repeal Association of New South Wales Secretary, to address the rally. She expressed her shock that so many New Zealand women were forced to travel to Sydney for pregnancy termination. All the placards that her organisation had used to force humane abortion laws in New South Wales were now having to be brought out of mothballs and sent across the Tasman in order that New Zealand women might fight one of the most repressive combination of abortion laws now existing in the western world.
Glenda McCallum from Working Women's Alliance emphasised the abortion laws' part in the total offensive of the Government and their "rich friends" against New Zealand working people and women in particular. Women had no choice but to fight for an equal place in society as part of the total struggle to defend democratic rights — and as the economic crisis was worsening, the fightback would have to be stepped up, she said.
WONAAC speaker Pat Starkey warned against referring the abortion laws back to Parliament and demanded their total repeal. Reliance on lobbying MP's was dangerous to the movement and concentration should be on getting thousands of people onto the streets.
The last speaker was Leonic Morris, March 8 Committee co-ordinator and NZUSA's Womens Rights Action Co-ordinator. Her speech culminated in a resolution to the effect that the struggle against the present abortion laws would be continued until it was ultimately successful and the decision to terminate pregnancy was left to the woman invovled. This was given the unanimous approval of the crowd.
At 1.45, the rally, still large, dispersed. Mi stakes of the past had been left behind. The March 8 Committee had adopted the slogan ("Abortion — a women's democratic right") which united many people who had not been involved in the abortion struggle before. As well as this, large numbers of people helped organise the build-up to the march.
While the committee was led by women, a deliberate attempt was made to encourage men to come on the march and this, to a large extent, secceeded. An example of this was the organisers' decision not to use separatist chants which men could not join in with.
The question arises: where does the fight against the abortion legislation go to now? Quite patently Parliament has shown itself incapable of any real understanding of the problems women face, and unwilling to acknowledge its responsibility to the electorates. What else must New Zealanders do to force MP's to listen?
Last Wednesday. 1,500 people marched through Wellington city in the largest march for safe, legal abortion New Zealand has ever seen.
This was the first opportunity that people had had to demonstrate their anger at the Contraception, Sterilisation and Abortion Act passed last November.
While the International Women's Day march was an overwhelming success, pressure must be kept on MP's until women's democratic right to safe, legal abortion is won.
There are many different ideas concerning the best way to build a successful campaign for safe, legal abortion. Personally, I think that to be effective, we must unite the greatest possible number of people from all sections of society behind our demands. To do this we must:
1/ Raise a main slogan which shows clearly the nature of our demands, i.e.: Abortion is a women's democratic right. 2/ Explain the effect that enforced motherhood has on New Zealand women who must cope with inadequate childcare, isolation from social life, surging inflation, the lack of part time work and paid maternity leave, etc., etc. 3/ Relate the need for safe, legal abortion to the other demands of the women's movement. 4/ Explain why SPUC achieved such a victory in
A women's Abortion Rights Conference is being held at Auckland University on March 18 — 19 to ensure that the tactics and strategy for future abortion campaigns are discussed and a successful campaign is wage waged in
Further information from:
On the eve of International Women's Day, many of Wellington's celebrities chose to attend the annual flesh awards affectionately known as the Miss Wellington show.
In order that the occassion not be passed over without exposing what a decadent and degrading exhibition the whole show always is, WONAAC (Women's National Abortion Action Committee) and "Larf" Theatre staged a picket of about 80 people to give the toadies the general message.
"Larf" were done up in Transylvanian gear proclaiming their own lust for the flesh of the young ladies who were to be paraded that evening (and anyone else's into the bargain).
At about 8.30, the Prime Minister arrived in a chauffeured limousine with police escort and whizzed past the demonstrators at about 40 mph. eliciting an angry reaction from the crowd. Unfortunately, thanks to the boys in blue, the PM got through the picket line without distraction. There will be other days.
For 16 ½ hours last Friday James Movick became an illegal immigrant. Although NZUSA and other student associations are working overtime to investigate every avenue that will allow James to stay in the country, the future for him staying here does not look healthy.
As we go to print (Friday), Frank Gill remains adamant that James must leave, an appeal has been made to the Ombudsman, and a last minute appeal by the Victoria University Council has proved fruitless.
The only hope now rests on the injunction lodged with the Supreme Court against a deportation order which could come at any time.
The Education Advisory Council has also agreed to hear James' case today (Monday 13th). The Supreme Court has ruled that no action is to be taken until Tuesday, when the Court will rule.
On these pages we outline the case as it has developed so far, and examine the roles of some of the key people and groups involved.
The James Movick affair has been one big bureaucratic ball sup from start to finish. The amount of time wasted by Government and the Immigration Division of the Labour Department, the blatantly contradictory and misleading information supplied to NZUSA right down the line and the general exploitation by Government of the absence of any proper appeal procedure have all been paramount in creating the present situation.
Way Kick in August last year when James was elected to the position of NZUSA's International Vice - President it was realised that complications might occur with his permit. NZUSA began inquiries to find out just what sort of permit James would need, and by October it appeared that the Education Advisory Committee (EAC) was the body to be approached. On 21st October a letter was written to the EAC asking for a date to be set down for James' case to be heard. That letter asked for a special student permit to be granted.
By the end of
By the 10th February a meeting had finally been arranged with the Interdepartmental Committee, the body it then seemed had immediate jurisdiction over the case. At this meeting NZUSA were told by Cross that no decision on James had been made.
The next day NZUSA received a letter dated 9th February in which Cross stated the Minister of Immigration, Frank Gill, had ruled that James must leave the country. This letter was quite specific in quoting Gill. The decision came from Gill and had not been made at any department level.
This is important. In matters of immigration the Minister is required to be guided by no statute, and is free to use his discretion as he pleases. There is no right of appeal against his decision, either to any specifically constituted body or to the courts. This procedure places immigration quite outside the accepted tenor of New Zealand law. However James was given time to appeal and he duly lodged one with the EAC.
It was not learned until sometime later that a principal was to be established in regard to overseas students taking up full-time office with a students' association. This was that overseas students could take up office but only if they had made satisfactory academic progress. The definition of "satisfactory" was left to the Minister, and the principle had been established independently from and would not apply to James' case. It was becoming more and more apparent that the Government wanted James out of the country for political reasons.
On 23rd February NZUSA received two letters from the Interdepartmental Committee telling them that if James wanted to stay he would have to apply for a special work permit. So the appeal to the EAC (which advises on academic permits) was withdrawn. This left NZUSA in a quandry. Where were they supposed to go next?
It wasn't until Friday 3rd March, just six days before James was due to be arrested and deported, that they managed to get an interview with Gill. At that meeting Gill was unable to get out of his mind the question of James' academic record yet reiterated that James should be applying for a work permit!
That night he went on television claiming that James had been excluded from further study at Victoria University: a patent lie considering that not only does does Vic have no procedure for exclusion on academic grounds but also that the Council had not even discussed it.
On Monday, after a forum at which solid support was expressed by Vic students for James a number of students staged a protest outside the offices of the Immigration. Later they went to see Gill.
At this meeting Gill made an extraordinary announcement: James was supposed to be applying for a special "interregnum" in his student permit. He e-should never have withdrawn his appeal to the EAC, and this had been clear all along! With two days to go Gill had completely changed the whole situation. And of course, he added that he remained firm.
Even if James was granted a hearing by the EAC he would have to leave before Wednesday. If the appeal was successful it would then still be at the Minister's discretion whether James could come back to New Zealand. On top of this, the EAC is only allowed to hear an appeal on academic grounds. Thus the Minister has passed the buck to a body which has no authority to accept it. Catch 22.
Gill wants James out of the country. Even though a hearing with the EAC has been set down for today (Monday March 13) you can bet your bottom dollar that whatever the outcome James will be again told to leave and if he does he won't be allowed back in. The only way we can win this case, establishing both that government has no place in the internal affairs of NZUSA and that overseas students should have the same full rights of participation as local students, is to support James as he remains in the country. If we desert him we desert our own union. We must take the lead.
Last Monday the University Council repealed its decision not to support James Movick. Armed with better documentation, a reworded motion and new information, VUWSA had asked that a special meeting be convened for this purpose. The first decision went against James 11—10, with the Chancellor, Mr. K.B. O'Brien deciding the outcome with his casting vote. This time the vote was 10—9 in favour of the motion. While the Council as a whole is to be commended for this decision the conduct of some of its members bears investigation.
O'Brien himself again had a leading role to play. He stated at the outset, and reiterated many times, that he was going to leave the matter entirely in the hands of the Council. "I'm going to go right down the line on this one," was a favourite comment. Yet time and again he took it upon himself to press his opinions and seemed to consider it a personal responsibility to defend the Government's actions.
O'Brien has a peculiar way of looking at things. He declared that "Council should be very reluctant to get involved in any way in the internal workings of its own students association." In the light of clear Government interference in student affairs this sounds rather like a case of not being able to see the wood for the trees
O'Brien based his stand on two main points. Firstly, he considered the whole business with the EAC to be "peripheral". Elements of it are, but it is certainly not peripheral that Gill has used the EAC to deliberately confuse the issue and slow progress to the stage where the time has all but run out. He did not however fail to score points in the EAC side of things when it suited him, and was even able at one stage to coin the meaningless phrase "technical irrelevancy."
The other avenue pursued by O'Brien was James' status as a student. The last minute decision by Gill that James is supposed to apply for an interregnum to his student permit seemed to be just what he was waiting for. How can I here be an interregnum, he asked, when James would not be allowed to continue his studies in
Semantic quibbling was also indulged in by Alan Nightingale, the man in charge of Hunter developments. He wanted to know, in view of the fact that officers of NZUSA are not students, how it was that they were being asked to support an extension of a student permit for a non-student. As if we called the shots.
O'Brien also stated that "by definition Mr. Movick is in a different' position to anybody who doesn't require a permit to remain in this country." Quite so, but that is exactly the case we are arguing, that this "definition" should not restrict James' activities in NZUSA: One must ask just what the implications of O'Brien's definition are: how much do we accept the fact that overseas students are at the mercy of ulterior government reasonaing?
At least O'Brien's conduct was predictable. Professor Geering who had originally voted in favour of James, came up with some farcical reasoning to support his decision to vote no this time. He started off admitting that the Council had a responsibility for student welfare, but considered that because there was no new evidence the case should not have been reopened. The extent to which Gill has been misleading NZUSA, which has only recently become clear, was not new evidence enough it seemed.
He then went on to suggest that the case was now weaker, mainly because of the student permit revelations. Like O'Brien, he fell neatly into the trap set up by the Government. But more was to come. Geering made the incredible statement that there had been "no attempt at interference in the internal affairs of NZUSA. Government have never said Mr. Movick cannot hold office; only that he cannot do it in New Zealand."
Geering finished up by saying he would have supported James if the submission had been made on the grounds of the obvious student support James enjoyed, and if he really was the only person to do the job. The principles at stake didn't interest him.
The exact nature of those principles was a matter for some discussion. Some members thought it was their duty to stay out of government affairs. Others, like Professor McCrcary put it very simply. So far as he was concerned, James had the support of a "substantial number of students" and that was that. Miss. Hyman was prepared to accept that the issue should not be clouded with academic considerations. Student rep Peter Winter emphasised this but managed to get in the fact that James had an excellent record with the University of the South Pacific. "James is no dummy,' commented Peter.
Vice-Chancellor Danny Taylor indicated that now it had been made clear the Council was being asked for support in one specific case with a specific time limit attached, he would change over and vote for the motion.
It looked towards the end that the vote was going to go against James. O'Brien, perhaps feeling confident, went so far as to state that the reason for the long delay before NZUSA was informed of the Government's moves might have been that the Minister had taken the matter to heart and was looking for a way to allow James to stay!
But at last came the vote. The voice count was confused, O'Brien called for a division himself, and the hands went up. To his credit it must be admitted that when the results was in he lent back in his chair and smilingly admitted defeat. Dr. McMillan, the city City Council rep who had not said a word throughout, asked for his no-vote to be recorded.
To find out what students are thinking about the Movick issue, we armed reporter Caroline Stephens and photographer David Murray with three questions and sent them into the fray.
I don't know anything about him
Tourism is big business in South Africa, and per head of population. New Zealand is its biggest investor. With the campaign against Vorster's regime moving more and more into the economic sphere, it is important to realise the extent to which New Zealand supports that regime. This article has been prepared by the National Anti-Apartheid Committee, (NAAC), who are currently engaged in a campaign to end New Zealand's cultural and economic relations with South Africa.
Given all the rhetoric on the freedom of New Zealanders to travel wherever they wish, there is an unfortunate temptation to take this freedom to the point of abuse, to mean that you don't have to question the rights and wrongs of going wherever you are going.
Freedom to travel does not imply that the innocent practise of travel is something that never hurt anyone. When you go into a travel agent's office and pick up a glossy South African Airways brochure depicting quasi-erotic wildlife on the front cover, why should you stop and think beyond the sun, surf, game parks and luxuriant suburbs, the things you'll undoubtdedly enjoy in white man's paradise; beyond these things not only to the things you won't see by going there, but about the positive effects your visit will have.
You may go there with views mildly opposed to the evils of apartheid, or perhaps "neutral" views, but don't be misled into thinking that the effect of your visit will be neutral as well — far from it. The individual tourist to South Africa is just as responsible for giving sustenance to the apartheid regime as is the business investor, as is the individual rugby player.
All are involved in making the same basic decision — do I or don't I undertake an action which will boost the morale, economy and propaganda of the white racist regime and undermine black efforts at liberation, or do I act in such a way as to undermine apartheid morale, economy, and prpaganda efforts? Whichever decision you make, it is one which drastically affects the lives of 20 million people.
There are many reasons why it is a crime to travel to South Africa, none of which have any relation to the fact that the N.Z. Government won't stop you from going or that the U.N. is opposed to you going.
Firstly, there is the direct economic assistance your trip offers to a regime which badly needs, and gets, direct economic assistance from the Western world. Tourism is among the top five foreign exchange earners for the white South African economy. In
The South African Government is well aware of the dependence of the South African economy on tourism. Under the Finance Act of
It is SATOUR which is responsible for maintaining a substantial International Tourist Promotion Network, the nearest office being in Australia, from where material is regularly channelled through N.Z.'s South African Consulate and other sources. This network has been extremely effective. Between
According to the South African Yearbook of
When you go there you are buying a South African product, and as John Vorster said, "every time a South African product is bought, it is another brick in the wall of our existence."(6)
Secondly, sightseeing. A typical sightseeing itinerary was that provided by South African Airways in conjunction with our own NAC to co-incide with the International Congress of Jaycees, November 14—19,
And "after an optional cable car ride up Table Mountain, a flight to Durban and some shopping, a deluxe coach tour to Johannesburg begins with visits to Hluluwe Game Reserve and reaching Swaziland on November 10th. Overnight and dinner at Mbabane, the capital, at the Holiday Inn, Plenty of time in the evening to try your luck at the Casino." Then 11th November, "through the rugged splendour of the Drakensburg Range, arrive in the early evening at Kruger National Park." The whole of November 12th was to be taken up viewing the Park's attractions.
Lovely stuff — but no mention of the homelands, the Soweto slums, the many manifestations of oppression which go to make up the true face of apartheid.
The only real contact you will have with with the indigenous majority is in the situation of being driven through Johannesburg by a Black Taxi Driver, waited on by Black Waiters at any of a number of South Africa's first class hotels, or perhaps talking to a member of the small black elite which has been created by the White government in order to confuse the lines of oppression, if you happen to be there on a specially provided educational tour, which SATOUR arranges in conjunction with South African Airways.
However, it is precisely because of such a tour to South Africa, that many New Zealanders have in the past returned praising the South Africa they have "seen for themselves" thus acting as apartheid propaganda agents for the South African Government.
But it is not only a question of people coming home to N.Z. actively singing the praises of "separate development" or what have you. It is very much a question of the South African Government and media construing visits from overseas as gestures of support and you saying that wasn't what you intended won't stop them from doing so.
Thirdly, and perhaps the most important reason of all for you not to go there is that the Black majority doesn't want you to. Those who represent the aspirations of the majority of the people of South Africa have made it clear that they regard the travel boycott as an integral part of the economic boycott.. It then comes down to a question of whether you want to respond to the wishes of the white minority or the black majority.
Think for a moment, how you would feel, living in slum conditions in your own country, controlled by wealthy colonial masters who regularly fete the international population with tours of the beauty spots of your land, to which you had no access yourself, either because of pass law restrictions or because you were deprived of the necessary income.
What would be your attitude to the international tourists, regardless of whether they personally claimed to be supporting the system or not, when all their discussion was with your colonial masters, and they for some reason, based on their "right to travel anywhere" decided to make their own Godal mighty judgement of your own country for their own satisfaction, their own curiosity.
There may be some whose motivation for going to South Africa is less selfishly based, not so much the desire to drink in the beautiful scenery — more the need to make a "sound" assessment of South Africa so as to add a contribution to the South African controversy in an informed way. The point is, any contribution they could make from the extra information received has been more than offset by the negative contribution made by going there.
If for anyone to act or voice an opinion on the South African issue they had first to go there, consider the phenomenal boost the South African tourist industry would receive. Another Hawaii in the making! And to some extent that situation has been the irony of the awakening on apartheid which has had quite a lot to do with the increase in S.A. travel.
More importantly, a belief that you have to go there to pass useful judgement on the issue undermines the basis on which the black liberation movements operate, i.e. the sending overseas of exiles whose purpose in life is to inform people of the nature of apartheid in order to win support for their cause. To go there having had the opportunity to learn from exiles in this country is very much like saying "we don't belive you so we'll go and ask your oppressors to give us the true story."
There are plenty of information sources in New Zealand both for and against apartheid, e.g. the South African Yearbook is capable of supplying you with the essential facts if you are sincere in your quest for knowledge. You don't have to go there to know that e.g. 13% of the land has been allocated to the black four fifths of the population in which they must determine their political and economic future.
The time for debating the rights and wrongs of apartheid is long since passed, and the international community officially regards apartheid as a crime against humanity, the apartheid regime as illegal.(8) The only decision anyone need make on South Africa is how best to support the struggle against apartheid. Support for an economic boycott, particularly a tourist boycott, is one way you can assist.
The carrying into effect of this discussion means a decision by individuals not to travel to South Africa, and a decision by travel agencies not to sell travel to South Africa. It is no more justifiable for the agency to use the excuse that it must satisfy the customer, than for the individual to flag away the responsibility to the agency. The world is full of beauty spots and it costs nothing to enjoy the scenery of the White man's paradise. The cost to the African people is in blood.
If you would like more information, or would like to join NAAC, write PO Box 9154, Courtenay Place, Wellington.
Sever drought in north Malaya has so depleted the irrigation dams that the Malysian government has decided to abandon the off-season padi crop in the Kuala Muda irrigation scheme area, which covers 230,000 acres in Kedah and Perlis. This will result in the loss of 235,000 tons of rice valued at $169 million, and will adversely effect the livlihood of the 60,000 families families in the area.
According to the chairman of the Muda Agricultural Development Authority (MADA), Datuk Syed Nahar Shahabuddin, the depletion of the dams was due to a series of events. Serious drought in late
Furthermore, the absence of expected heavy rainfall at the end of last year meant that water from the dams had to be released to save the current main-season padi crop from withering, thereby further depleting water reserves which should have been used on the next (off-season) crop to be planted in March this year. Consequently the dams presently do not have adequate reserves to water the padi fields in the Muda area to a height of at least 6 inches throughout the maturing period of the high yeilding variety (HYV) rice plants, which is essential to ensure a good yeild. In the light of the severe water shortage the government has decided to abandon the off-season crop, and water will not be released by MADA for irrigation purpose during that period.
Ironically it is the government's introduction of the HYV rice that has partly contributed to the abandonment of the off-season crop. The HYV rice — or "miracle" rice — will produce high yeilds only under ideal conditions. Unlike the hardy traditional rice, which has evolved through thousands of years of natural selection, HYV rice is a delicate plant that is very vulnerable to disease and requires a lot of nutrients and water. The absence of an essential element e.g. optimum irrigation, may cause HYV rice to produce even less grain than traditional varieties.
The introduction of HYV rice to Malaysia and other parts of South East Asia in in the sixties — the "Green" Revolution —was intended by the World Bank and the local ruling elites to stave off the "Red" (i.e. communist-led) Revolution by increasing rural productivity and thereby incomes without the need to undertake land reform, which has been strongly resisted by big land-owning interests entrenched in the government.
However, without land reform, the root cause of peasant poverty — land hunger arising from unequal distribution of land-still remains. In fact, the present crisis will throw this root problem of tenant fanners into clearer perspective. While all 60.000 families in the Muda area will be adversely affected by the loss of the offseason crop, the most severely hit will be the 21,000 families of tenant farmers, who are the poorest group with the least savings to fall hack upon.
The government, no doubt acutely aware that peasant discontent was one of the chief factors that led to the downfall of the Thai military dictatorship in
Another measure to alleviate the farmers' hardship was a directive to Bank Pertanian (Agricultural Bank) to give a year's grace to affected farmers on repayment of loans obtained through the Farmers' Organisations Authority (FOA). However, this measure will help mainly rich peasants as most poor (tenant) farmers are unable or unwilling to obtain FOA loans because these lending arrangements are biased against poor farmers e.g. the farmers' organisations generally demand relatively high membership subscriptions, ration credit according to the size of a member's farm, stipulate that credit be used for production purposes only (whereas poor farmers often require loans for their families' subsistance), and set strict conditions on security for loans extended e.g. land deeds, or buffalo licence.
It is highly probable that the padi crop disaster will push afflicted farmers, especially poor farmers, even deeper into the clutches of rural money-lenders, who still provide the bulk of loans in the countryside because of the failure of government sources of credit like FOA(above) to assist poor farmers. Once in debt the poor farmer will find it difficult — given high interest rates and low income — to extricate himself from the cycle of indebtedness. Soon he will be borrowing to repay the interest on his original loan, and before long his "credit worthyness" runs out with the result that he has to sell his farm to repay his debts. He then joins the approximately 10,000 families made landless every year.
Apart from hitting farmers in north Malaya, the rice crop disaster will probably affect consumers as well, for the sharp fall in padi production (more than 10% of annual production) will inevitably jack up the price of rice unless the government steps in to stabilise the price by subsidies. The National Padi and Rice Authority (LPN), which has a statutory monopoly over the purchase and sale of padi and rice, has come out with an assurance that it has sufficient rice stocks to meet every emergency. However people will not be comforted by the thought that it was the Authority itself which during the rice shortage in
While the effects of the crop disaster will only start making themselves felt over the next few months, the repercussions of the disaster could be more far-reaching as the confidence of north Malayan farmers in the government and its projects may be seriously undermined, possibly leading them to re-appraise the assumptions behind the "Green" Revolution.
(Ref: New Straits Times
Fuemsso "20 years after Merdeka: The Economy")
Kuala Lumpur Fri.— Eight new political parties — three from Sarawak, two from Federal Territory and one each from Sahah, Kelantan and Penang — are now in the process of being registered, said the Deputy Registrar of Societies, Mr. T. Nadarajah.
The parties are Partal Rakyat Jati Sarawak. Partai Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sarawak, the Sarawak Democratic Action Party, the Malaysia Action Party, Partai Pekeria Malaysia, Sabah Chinese United Party, Ikatan Muslimin Insaf Malaysia and Partai Socialist Democratic Malaysia.
Mr. Nadarajah said that the applications from these parties were now under consideration.
They would be registered as soon as they met the requirements of the law, he said.
Most of these parties were formed within the last few months.
The latest application was received from the Patai Socialist Democratic Malaysia based in Penang — a splinter group of the Democratic Action Party (DAP).
The Malaysian Action Party is headed by Encik. M. Mohamad Ibrahim a businessman from Kuala Lumpur, while the Sabah Chinese United Party is led by a company director, Datuk Pang Tet Tshung.
The former Selangor State Assembly member from Serendah, Puan Ganga Nair, is heading the Partai Pekerja Malaysia and a former police officer, Encik Alli Kawi is the president of the Partai Rakyat Jati Sarawak.
Businessman Bong Kim Yuk and Abang Mohamad bin Abang Anding are heading the Sarawak Democratic Action Party and the Partai Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sarawak respectively.
Mr. Nadarajah said under the law all citizens were free to form any political party they wished, and it would be registered if it met all the requirements under the Societies Act.
On the number of Societies de-registered last year, he said a total of 309 societies were de-registered mainly because of breach of rules.
He said among them 207 were cancelled because they failed to furnish their annual returns, 46 were de-registered because they had ceased to exist, while 54 dissolved voluntarily. — Bernama.
'Youth Triumphant' is an appropriate theme for a student newspaper and one which is well exemplified by the following game. Stuart Cordue, now a student at this institution although he hadn't attained that exalted status when this game was played, defeats Zig Frankel, one of the Golden Oldies of Wellington chess in fine style.
White—Stuart Cordue Black—Zig Frankel
Black was faced with a dilemma. If 10. . . cf3, 11. gf3 and the open lines on the kingside will cause Black problems while a noncommittal move such as 10. . . Nc6; 11. fe4. Ne4; 12. Ne 4; Qe4; 13. Bd3 is good for White.
Taking advantage of the weakness created by Black's last move.
Here and on the next few moves Black should have tried to ease the pressure on his position by exchanges e.g. 14 . . . Nd7. or 14. . . Bd6;
If 17 ... b4; 18. Nf6 wins e.g. 18. .. Bf6; 19. Nd3, Bd4?; 20 Bd4!
If 18. . . Bf8; 19. Nf7ch. followed by 20. Ne6 ch. winning the Queen.
Threatening 20. Ng6 mate.
'Curious Continuations' (sponsored by Paramount and Penthouse Cinemas)
This week's problem is not for the materialistically minded. White sacrifices the greater part of his army in order to be able to announce mate. Solutions should be handed in at the Salient offices by mid-day Wednesday. The first correct solution drawn out of a hat will win the prize of a double pass to either the Paramount or Penthouse Cinemas.
Passes can be picked up from the Salient offices
Solution to last week's problem: 1. Rh8ch., Kf7; 2. Be8ch., Ne8; 3. Kg5 and Black can't prevent 4. Rf8 mate. Last week's winner was Ross Bloore.
Each square has one designation only. The vertical files are labelled a to h from White's left. In horizontal rank the squares are labelled 1 to 8 from white's end. Normal symbols are used, except that pawns as such are not mentioned; just the arrival square is given for a non-capturing pawn move.
The Varsity chess club meets on Tuesday and Thursday this week in the T.V. room of the Student Union building, from noon till two Please bring your own sets.
The timetable has changed. Changed into another timetable. We have had to change it due to the pressures on the building and we hope our faithful followers are not too inconvenienced by these changes. It you are totally confused about what the hell is going on, to are we. But because we are slightly less confused than you are, come along to the Recreation Centre and ask Jan.
For all those who wish to start something new the beginners classes this term are for, Squash, Badminton, Trampolining, and Yoga for beginners and begin-againers,
The Recreation Centre's answer to the film Roller ball is the Tuesday lunchtime sport of indoor hockey. Not as bloody and has no bearing on the direction of society but it's still good fun. Enter your ladies' or gentlemen's team to Jan at reception. There is still room for volleyball and basketball teams, men, women and mixed.
If you would like a personalised fitness programme, a weight training programme, a weight control programme or a television programme then Hugh or Diana or the Listener can help you. Get an appointment to see us. Amongst other things we can also give to you are relaxation programmes to help with tension of all kinds and if you have one of those lingering sports injuries then come along and talk to Hugh. There will in fact be a sports injury clinic very soon ... in fact as soon as the Recreation Centre Clinic is ready.
Well the reception is done and we should be able to start our hire system within the week. We are still in operation.
For those of you not familiar with these types of problems, they go like this: Using the definitions below, insert appropriate words over the numbered dashes in the Words column. Then transfer them letter by letter to the corresponding numbered square in the diagram. Work back and forth until you have completed the puzzle. The result will be a quotation, and the first letter of each word in the Words column will spell out the author's name.
The Common Cold will no doubt be familiar to one and all. A viral infection of the upper respiratory passages, it is spread by air, e.g. coughing and sneezing. It presents itself as a sore throat and swollen glands of the neck and leads to a running nose, sneezing and a temperature.
FLU is more severe and is usually of rapid onset. Symptoms of fever, chilly sensations, headache, generalized body aches and a cough. The temperature is generally higher.
The treatment for both these conditions can be instituted by you. If you're feeling lousy increase your rest. Have the room warm but well aired and stay indoors until your temperature is normal.
Drink plenty of fluids — about 4—6 pints a day, Cool drinks such as fruit juice, lemonade or cordial. Keep a jug by your bed.
Tissues are the most hygenic — dispose after one use. Soluable aspirin or disprin taken four-hourly will ease the headache and the pain, and reduce the temperature. A cough mixture may be needed.
With the flu, a feeling of weakness may lag on for some days after the initial onset and 3 days of feeling 'terrible'. The chest is usually more sore than with a cold.
If the condition persists with the development of coughing yellow or green sputum, ring for advice — you may need an antibiotic. If you're not sure ring Vivienne or Mairi at the Student Health Service, any time between 9 am. and 5 pm. for advice.
The flu injection is not needed by most of us. However, if you suffer from chronic bronchitis, asthma, some other respiratory or heart disorder, contact us at the Student Health and we will arrange for treatment.
Note. Fluids and aspirin should alleviate most symptoms dramatically.
This is not meant to be a full review of Red Mole's Ghost Rite but an examination of two specific features: the role of actors, and the political direction in which the group is moving.
Red Mole established a reputation in Wellington based largely on their acting. Debbie Hunt; with her training in the Le Coq style, was a big influence. A combination of developing individual abilities rather than general acting skills, and a get-up-and-do-it approach meant that the actors have been right to the fore. The result was sometimes embarassing, sometimes exciting, but always one had to admire their courage in so exposing themselves.
However, Red Mole never developed this to anywhere near its limit. I don't mean a theatre composed solely of actors with no contribution from music, costume, lighting, props, etc. This was never the aim. But there does remain the possibility of creating a style where those elements achieve a balanced relationship with each other and with the acting - a synthesis.
Too often we were given shows which used the other elements as dressing to simulate new material. The acting techniques had a disturbing tendancy to run towards atrophy.
Now we have Ghost Rite. Acting techniques have changed, one can't deny that. Indeed the whole concept of the actor's role has undergone a radical change. In the earlier Ace Follies each actor was called upon to display his/her particular skills in a number of carefully prepared situations. Improvisation played a big part, but that was as much a part result of the inherent nature of those skills skills as any deliberate structuring of the performance.
In Ghost Rite actors deliberately avoid using their previously developed skills. Familiar traits occasionally emerge but do not last, while even improvisation is given a new function. Rather than providing a vehicle for stylistic extension it simply introduces an element of aimlessness.
On only one occasion, when the company sit about picnicking while war approaches, does the acting have any real captivating power. This sequence may have been used before or have been more carefully rehersed, but it sicceeds largely because it has a definite structure. Roles are defined, action forms a clear sequence of events but most importantly of all, the imagery speaks in a language easy to understand without being cliched.
Perhaps the most obvious example of the lack of acting extension is in the use of Ian Prior. Prior is not a core member of the group, in fact he only joined them for Ghost Rite (although he has worked with Red Mole before). Those who saw A Phenomenon of Short Duration in the Opera House during Arts Festival last year will remember his extraordinarily powerful dancing
Phenomenon was in many ways a different sort of show, but it is fair to relate the use made of talents of that one person. In Ghost Rite Prior spends much of his time moving back and forth on stage with very little real effect. It is not that Prior has forgotten his trade, rather that no context is established within which he supposed to work. His case reflects upon the others.
The result is that the very fine music and the visual splendour of the scenery and props create an aesthetic power with nowhere to go. Admittedly I saw the show on Saturday night when the microphones went dead, so I may have missed lyrics which would have given the thing more cohesion, but I don't think this would have helped a lot.
Red Mole are engaged in creating and tramsmitting a private mythology, or series of private mythologies. The programme gives ample evidence of this, and many many clues as to the reason for it.
To be sure. Ghost Rite is a calculated sequence of events. If you were lucky enough to have coughed up 50 c for a programme, and had time to read it before the show began you probably knew what a lot of them were. Even if you hadn't done this, it wasn't difficult to pick the stages in the general progression from primeval times to the 20th century.
You might have decided that the wheel which rolled from wing to wing at periodic intervals with a man stretched inside it was meant to symbolise a new historical stage, and so on. An imaginative and sympathetic response would probably have yielded many insights like this. You might not have been "right" but it isn't important, so long as you could fabricate something with it.
And fabricate it would be. The show's concept of history is superficial, and displays no understanding of the actual processes which move history forward. This might not be so bad if Red Mole didn't claim otherwise. In their programme they quote Walter Benjamin on historical materialism: it "wishes to retain that image of the past which unexpectedly appears to man singled out at a moment of damger. The danger affects both the content of the tradition and its receivers." Red Mole fails to recognise the moment is dangerous precisely because it lays bare the material forces which define history.
Ghost Rite attempts to move from moment to moment by magic, in reality it moves from theatrical effect to theatrical effect by device, and never gets beyond that. It's art for arts sake but it pretends to be more. Core member Alan Brunton is on record saying, "Our shows are totally as New Zealand as a can of Watties Baked Beans - we are homegrown culture." If this is so, then Ghost Rite's comment on and contribution to New Zealand theatre is in terms of us somehow standing outside the laws of history.
We might have our imaginations extended by proxy, by observing the imagination of others, but we are given little to enable us to understand them and little that reveals the workings of the subjects which those imaginations are focused on. This is not historical materialism, this is bourgeois creativity.
In this concentration on the aesthetic and in other respects Red Mole shares much in common with Downstage. Both groups are capable of producing exciting theatre (and Ghost Rite is exciting) for middle class audiences with money in their pockets and nothing else to set standards by. Red Mole in fact, are the worst offenders in financial matters.
They charged outrageous prices for admission and refreshment during the Cabaret run and do not seem to have tried to break out of the habit. Maybe they do want the money to go overseas, but why? Just what is this stage they have reached in the development of a truly New Zealand theatrical form which demands an injection of overseas influence?
Red Mole set themselves up as political theatre. In the past they have made some overtures in the direction of political satire but without a definite political stance of their own from which to work these have not been particularly successful. It is easy to pinpoint an object of satire, but a very different matter to understand its political reality.
Red Mole are necessary to New Zealand theatre, if only because the claims they make about themselves coupled with their theatrical potential provide a basis for examining the local avantgarde.
The danger as I see it, is that Red Mole type activity, whether we are spectators or participants, can easily seduce us into ignoring the need for more direct political understanding, for a theatre which really does explore our history and provide a lead in its development.
A phenomenon has hit New Zealand. It is called Red Mole. It is involved in a theatrical form that many people relate to. It is known nationwide and wherever it performs it attracts a large following. Why bother searching for that elusive New Zealand play any further? We have Red Mole.
For years, the Mole has been pretty well ignored by the Q.E. 2 Arts Council. It is not considered "Art", simply because they have taken popular entertainment as their basic theatrical standpoint. The Mole has set out to attract a large following and uses all the time honoured gimmicks that can be thought up to achieve this aim. It is slowly becoming a rock group type super star. When it toured with Split Enz, that other other cult group, they were both accepted as equals.
The audiences are the same. They are the young (though ageing fast) middle-class intellectuals, who find it difficult to accept their origins, are "into" heavy rock music, dope, ethnic cultures, and attempt to be left wing. This group is large, has a lot of money collectively, and needs to be catered for theatrically.
But if Red Mole thinks they can attract a larger audience, they had better change their approach a little. At present the audience's parents or the working class can find nothing in it for them.
So, let us explore Red Mole further. The process involved in achieving their rise to fame is already well documented and need not concern us here. What is important is their their method of working together and how they actually bring about what is presented on stage
Anarchism. Fall back in horror, and get ready to utter that magic chant "Wanker". But the theory and practice of anarchism seems to be a powerful driving force behind their method of work.
The group is composed of whoever is working together at any particular time. Everyone has, if not an equal voice, an equal action in the process. They all work as individuals, doing tasks they do best. No-one attempts to encourage or force anyone else to reach or stretch their limitations. They are merely given a space and it is up to the individual concerned to fill or enlarge that space. If they don't succeed then the fault lies with them.
This organic process gives their productions a special quality and vitality. The ground is continually shifting. A "Red Mole style" can never be established because its elements are very rarely the same. People are asked to work with the group
But this selection procedure creates problems, For a show to work in this way at its most vibrant, the participants must feel that they have a place that is totally theirs. Any selected people are at a tremendous disadvantage from the selectors. They have been invited and there exists in our social make-up an understanding of the role that a guest must fulfil in respect of the host. This means the place given to them can never be fully theirs precisley because it was given.
A useful comparison can be made of a husband giving money to his wife or roof over her head. Only a person who has, can give to one who has not. Thus the husband has the power over the wife. This is a problem that Red Mole has not yet solved.
It becomes obvious that the choice of such a method means that power relationships will become sharply defined. Anarchism means the destruction of all repressive power over another human being. This does not mean the absence of leaders. If the group needs consolidation and one of the group has the necessary ability to bring that about, it would be stupid not to accept that leadership.
But when the time comes and that particular leadership is no longer needed, another takes over the role. No struggle, no violence, just a necessary acceptance of changing circumstances. A leader, then, should not be given added mana merely because of that leadership. Par better for it to be a drop in mana. At least then changes of leadership would take place without fuss.
Because by this method power relationships are stripped bare, it is only natural that an exploration of power roles will be a central issue in the Mole shows. And since politics is involved mainly with power, their shows are political.
So now let's explore the politics of Red Mole and what effect it has on their shows. Above I have suggested the anarchist ideal. It is obvious Red Mole has not yet attained to that state. This gives it the special spice.
The group is the result of long evolution. Through this process a core group has slowly assumed dominance and given to it special features that have grown with the group.
Deborah Hunt brings in the circus element, trapeze acts, acrobatics, fire eating, etc. Alan Brunton, the literary, the images, the heiroglyphics and the cohesion of these elements. Sally Rodwell, the clown, the fool, the commedia tradition. Together they have performed on the streets, on the beaches and this aspect comes through very strongly. It is witnessed in their use of masks and puppets.
Arthur Baysting has been with the group for a long time but has decided to work more on the outside. He has developed his clown, Neville Purvis, to such an extent that he can perform by himself and still attract a large following. He is not one of the core group.
Jan Preston is the musician, the composer. It is unfortunate that music has very rarely been considered as an intrinsic part of the theatrical process. Usually it is relegated to the role of adding to the mood of the show, hand in hand with the lighting Thus Jan is outside the central core. But, I believe this could be changing. How wonderful it would be if Red Mole could bring about the marriage between movement, words and music in a new and theatrically effective way.
Let us now look at the process involved in the realisation of a Red Mole Show.
An image is suggested. If it is accepted, ways are worked out of how best to present it on stage. This could be through the use of masks, movement, stage design, props, music or whatever. The masks are made, the music written and then it is worked until it runs smoothly. At the same same time attempts are made to fit it into the total picture. Transitions are worked out and slowly the show fits together. This takes up the whole rehersal period and it is not until just before the actual performance anyone has any real idea of what the show will look like. Thus it becomes a theatre of images.
However this process contains many dangers. The most important of these is that, since the images are first conceived from the mind and imagination, and when accepted become the thing to be created, they tend to present themselves in a literal rather than a theatrical way.
Rather, if the images were thought of as mere seeds and left to grow and change through the collective work of all involved, you would achive more vital images that, rather than being merely comprehended, are deeply felt by the audience.
And that is Red Mole. No matter whether you like it or not, they are one of the most vital, stimulating, energetic and explorative theatre groups in this country at the moment and must be accepted as such. It is now up to the Q.E.2 Arts Council to accept this and, through financial support, make a public statement that they believe them to have a vital role to play in New Zealand today. If they don't do it very soon. Red Mole will join the large queue of those emigrating from this country. And if this happens, Q.E.2 Arts Council will be showing itself to be a mere puppet of reaction, not worthy of existence.
What is Union Road Show? Perhaps the best way to answer this is to say that Union Road Show is an attempt by a group of unionists, actors, students and others to establish a Trade Union theatre in New Zealand. Such a theatre, we felt, would be a useful contribution in the battles being waged against falling living standards and those who attempt to smash effective unionism. It would attempt to show that such battles are not unique to the present day.
Rather they are yet further examples from a long history of struggle, the milestones of which —
Obviously such theatre would be useless if the audience to which it is directed finds it boring, dull or pompous. The best way of preventing this is to constantly refer work in progress to the audiences, and discuss the show with them afterwards. This is where Union Road Show differs from other forms of theatre.
We have a specific audience in mind, a definite political purpose, and therefore a real interest in finding out what that much neglected group of people, the working class, really wants out of theatre, if anything at all.
To begin with a pagaent-type history play was written that attempted to cover the major events between the years
Extensive criticisms and suggestions for improvement were made. Among other things it was pointed out that it would perhaps be more useful to focus on a single event, and, taking material from the play, work up short pieces that could be presented in the space of half an hour or so.
This would allow for more character development and could be shown during the lunch-time break at factories etc. It was also decided to concentrate on three themes: the right to work, the right to organise and the right to strike.
At present we are working on a show that tells the story of the Dunedin tailoresses' struggle to organise into a union in the face of the apalling conditions of "sweated" labour under which they had to work. This took place in
There was thus widespread unemployment, and it was this backdrop that made the fight very difficult and dangerous, it you did not have solidarity you could easily be picked off and end up on the street starving. But it was also this situation which made the task more important and brought about the necessary solidarity.
This first show is reaching completion and will be premiered in a factory during the lunch hour. And after that, who knows where? So watch out for it. Union Road Show will be reaching you soon.
Raz initiated proceedings on Moday lunchtime, shaking the hallowed foundations of Rankine Brown with their brand of percussion - oriented funk, and the following week say a lot of good music performed at various places and times around the University.
A good crosssection of local music was presented, including some groups making thier first Wellington appearances after long absences on the road. I couldn't get to hear everything, so what follows is not a comprehensive survey, but some of what were for me the musical high points of Orientation week.
Appearing several times during the week, Raz always gave a competent and ejoyable performance. The recent addition of two female vocalists is an improvement, balancing the group's instrumental prowess with a strong vocal line, as well as contributing to the overall stage presence. A more memorable and musically adventurous repertoire would give their performances greater impact.
Rough Justice and Spats are two bands sorely missed by Wellingtonians over the last few months. I heard Rough Justice at the lunchtime poetry reading, where they alternated with poets Sam Hunt and Gary McCormack — a nostaligic occasion for some, as it renewed the poetry/rick association between Sam Hunt and Rick Bryant (Mammal) of bygone days.
Rough Justice have gone from strength to strength over the last few months and have developed into a close-knit unit of formidable ability. They are still playing a largely soul-based repertoire, but are beginning to include their own original material. I was impressed by the standard of musicianship displayed, as well as by the relatively short time between numbers.
Friday night was Spats' debut, battling with the acoustics of the cafeteria and the indifference of the assembled revellers. Spats' repertoire, including much varied and original material, did not have much success with a crowd more at home with scattering beer cans and grinding plastic beakers under their heels. In addition to these trying circumstances Spats seemed subdued and at times lacked cohesion - I missed the brilliant form demonstrated last year at the Royal Tiger and elsewhere.
The loss of drummer Bruno Lawrence and the trials of maintaining their musical identity in provincial beer barns have no doubt taken their toll — but given time to settle down with the new lineup, Spats will hopefully realise their potential as an original and creative group.
Their stylistic range is vast, despite a tendancy towards what they ironically describe as "punk-jazz" — as well as their own original material, Spats played numbers by Diango Reinhardt, Duke Ellington, Frank Zappa, Steely Dan and others.
Saturday afternoon saw performances by both Rough Justice and Spats, and introduced the Sharps, a recently formed groups who have been appearing lately in a local wine bar.
The Sharps are unusual in featuring the accordian, an instrument not commonly used in rock music, along with guitar, bass and vocals. Each member of the group sings, and their music is based on a combination of Ry Cooder, reggae, and the folk-based rock exemplified by Geoff Muldaur and the Band. They were joined by a conga player and baritone sax for some numbers, and provided an interesting and enjoyable contrast to the heavier music which follwed later in the afternoon.
For me, as for no doubt many others, the Country Flyers' farewell concert was the end of an era. From their beginnings as a low-key country and western combo, the Flyers developed into the archetypical pub band, becoming something of an institution during their long stay at the Royal Tiger.
Later they toured extensively, going through many personnel changes — the list of past and present members reads like a Who's Who of Wellington music. Now, after a productive collaboration with Red Mole, have decided to call it a day. It is to be hoped that the Flyers' tradition of good humoured good music will be carried over into new ventures.
So 'new wave' rock'n roll is over one year old. So what? We've been subjected to numerous bands alternating between the description of 'new wave' and 'punk'. We've heard the Ramones, the Pistols, the Stranglers, the Jam, the Clash etcetera. One year on and it all seems slightly tedious, yet it's Rock'n Roll, so it can't be all that bad, can it?
So one may wonder why bother listening to the Boomtown Rats? After all they they're just Another punk outfit, are they not?
The answer to that question is a determined No. They're six Irishmen who, like the Jam and the Flamin' Groovies, create a sound decidedly similar to the early sixties Rhythm'n Blues, though played with the ferocity of the late seventies (almost like Dr. Feelgood did around the time of Malpractice).
Comprising Johnnie Fingers (keyboards, vocals), Farry Roberts (guitars, vocals), Gerry Cott (guitars), Pete Briquette (bass guitar, vocals). Simon Crowe (drums, vocals) and Bob Geld of (lead vocals, harp), they are a band that know where they're going and how to get there, so to speak.
The Rats' opening cut is their debut single, "Lookin' After No. 1", and exemplifies comprehensibly their particular style of rock'n roll. An excellent workout in dynamics, "No. 1" has as much subtlety as Black Sabbath would have to an Alan Stivell audience.
The beat slows down for "Neon Heart", which is concerned with call-girls, illegitimates and various cretins with tendancies such as slashing one's wrists. Not exceedingly original, "Neon Heart" is at its best a filler.
On the other hand, "Joey's On The Street Again" presents a more musically conscious Rats conveying a story about a rock'n roll victim. To say that it is occasionally reminiscent of Steely Dan may seem extravagant, but the overall melody, tight arrangement and sax solo (courtesy of Albie Donnelly) all combine to produce such an impression.
"Never Bite The Hand That Feeds" returns the listener to the R & B side of the Rats' musical approach. The influence of the Feel goods becomes plainly evident as the rhythm section gathers momentum. The story line is constructed around a "little girl" and her inquisitive parents. The conclusion may seem cynical, but there may be a moral there for somebody.
Closing side one is the Rats' latest single release, "Mary of the Fourth Form"; the theme is as old as rock'n roll itself — young coquette and would-be paedophiliac school teacher. Lyrics are what one would expect with such a subject matter, but it's worth the listen as Crowe and Briquette move the song along with a pace equal to the early Feelgoods; the best in impulsive, pulsating rock'n roll.
"(She's Gonna) Do You In" opens side two and immediately one recalls the 60's R & B, early Stones and the Troggs' "Gonna Make You". The beat is insistant, the vocals sneering, the harmonics crazed, the guitars buzz; if you can't move to this track then you must be going through the latter phases of rigor mortis.
The accusation that the Rats sound remarkably like the stones is borne out in "Close As You'll Ever Be". As with "No 1", "Mary" and "Do You In", this cut stands out as exemplary rock'n roll, though here the tempo is calculated a la "Gimmie Shelter" and "Dancing With Mr. D".
"I Can Make It If You Can" is again Stones sounding, though more in the "Till The Next Goodbye" and "Coming Down Again". For all intents and purposes it is a ballad. So much for the Rats being 'punks'. The final cut is "Kicks", and the 'philosophy(?) of the Rats is reiterated : "At sixteen years I don't stand a chance. Is there no place left for me to hide."
No amount of hype can advertise the energy that the Rats possess (and sometimes fail to deliver) — only hearing them can do them justice. They're rock'n roll What more can be said?
Like the Rats, Horslips are comprised of five Irishmen, but the similarity stops there. Whereas the Rats are Ireland's Stones, Horslips are Horslips. They are totally divorced from most 'folk' groups in the U.K. and Eire today. They're no Chieftains, Bothy Band, Planxty, Span, Gryphon, Pentangle or Fairport. If anything, their nearest relatives could be said to be Jethro Tull, for in essence Horslips are a rock band.
With a flexibility that could earn them criticism from the purists, Horslips collate various pieces of trad (if not old) song and dance and mould them succinctly into the overall rock strata.
(Gee, they're into geology too eh? Rock strata indded!)*
The Book of Invasions is very much like The Tain (
In total, Invasions is comprised of three movements, entitled Geantrai, Goltrai, and Suantrai; that is, the joyous strain, the lamenting strain and the sleep strain respectively.
(all these strains on the rock strata are liable to cause an earthquake)*
Side one is occupied by the Geantrai. Opening with "Daybreak", Horslips demonstrate that they have an able and equally talented guitarist in John Fean. Flowing into "March Into Trouble" and "Trouble (With A Capital T)", the earlier references to Tull become more easily understandable. Strains of "Thick As A Brick" and "Stand Up" are faint, but present all the same. Jim Lockhart's flute does sound like that of Ian Anderson on one of his better days. Strangely, the same could be said of The Tain
"The Power And The Glory" again highlights Fean's talents, with some nipping riffs and tasteful lead runs being prevalent.
"The Rocks Remain" also demonstrates the simplistic attitude of Horslips' lyrics. No olde pronounciations here, no "Fionnghuala" gobbledegook (those of Gaelic decent, my sincere apologies); just plain English sung in unpretentiously clear Irish diction. For example: "Change will come to everyone, never question why/ sticks and stones will break your bones and words will make you cry."
Now don't get the impression that Horslips are always That simple. They're just trying to communicate a story, not bedazzle the listener with their university learnt Gael.
On "Dusk/The Sword Of Light/ Dusk", there is a reprise of "Daylight", not to mention a pinch of "Toss The Feathers" interspersed throughout the musical accompaniment to the lyric. All the while Eamon Carr drums as if he was competing with Dave Mattacks, whilst Fean and bassist Barry Devlin combine to produce an impulsive rock tempo. Suddenly the track fades into a final reprise of "Daylight", Lockhart on whistle having (almost) the final say.
As with The Tain, side two is of lesser stature than side one (not because it's Bad, but rather because side one is so good). Goltrai concerns itself with some (un)fortunate damsel being forced to marry some old geezer by the name of Fionn mac Cumhaill. For a piece of music that is supposed to be a lamentation, both the above and "King of Morning, Queen of Day" are speedily paced. Not unusual as the backdrop for the latterly named tune is the jig "Kilfenora".
The final movement "Suantrai" deals with the defeat of the Tuatha c.
More ambitious than The Tain yet not totally unrelated in context, Invasions is a fine album that will be highly appreciated by folk-music followers who regard Liege And Lief and Please To See The King, for example, as the ultimate in electric folk. Check—out the "choice" record shops around town for a copy . . . you won't be disappointed.
Marty Feldman owes much of his success in the movies to Mel Brooks. In fact, only as part of Brooks' madcap repertory company has he remained a memorable comic talent outside Britain. With clues to the success of a comedy film from his experience in Young Frankenstein and Silent Movie, Feldman has attempted to do his own thing as director, writer and star of The Last Remake of Beau Geste.
The result is a very unoriginal spoof, almost Brooksian in its manic glee and its saturation in movie references. Although the comic tenor of the film is more steady-tempered than that of Brooks, the contribution of an excellent cast makes Feldman's creation one of the better quality comedies of late.
Trevor Howard is superb as the bibulous Sir Hector Geste whose determination to continue the family name leads him to adopt identical twins whom he names Beau and Digby (Michael York and Marty Feldman). Years later, Sir Hector remarries and "overcomes himself" on his wedding night. In order to guard the legendary Blue Water Sapphire of the Gestes from their new wicked stepmother (Ann-Margret), the twins end up as Legionnaires and hapless victims of the dadistic Sargeant Markov (Peter Ustinov).
Markov is typical of the many unlikely characters at the Legion fortress. These include Booker T Doestoevski, a dark skinned White Russian in a Klu Klux Klan robe and hood; a Chinese Father Shapiro wearing a nun's habit; a Black Santa Claus, a one-eared Dutch painter; a fellow called Jack. T. Ripper carrying a blood stained valise; a battered matador and a man in harlequin costume. Markov himself has a different artificial leg for every occasion, one with a small hidden cannon, for battle, another on wheels for dancing (besides going to bed with a one legged teddy bear).
Meanwhile, Lady Flavia Geste is in hot pursuit, jumping in and out of bed with odd people in the process ("its been a business doing pleasure with you"). The family eventually reunite at the Regimental Ball, when Beau agrees to flee with his stepmother and the sapphire. He leaves his burnt clothes so that by all appearances he has perished with gallantry in the final battle with the Arabs.
Beau, who always wanted to be buried at sea, gets his last request when his ashes are flushed down a cistern, used in the absence of any other water in the desert.
Feldman, as director, competently spoofs the genre of Legion heroics. At one extreme, the Legionnaires are singing the theme song ". . . perhaps for a change we will murder all the wives and rape all the men ..." and later in a mirage area, Feldman as Digby exchanges one-liners with the original Beau Geste, Gary Cooper.
The film covers the best spectrum of cinema humour. Ridiculous characters are put in real situations and real characters in ridiculous situations. Feldman himself plays at the latter by placing himself in absurd physical situations in the style of the great Buster Keaton. To escape from prison, the pathetic Digby dangles from a rain gutter several stories above the prison compound, sails through a window onto a roof and hurtles down a zigzag laundry chute. Such bruises and bumps are not necessary for Feldman to make us laugh. His sense of tragedy, drama and the ridiculous (
Letters must be typed, double spaced on one side of the paper, and should not run on and on boring everybody to death. They can be dropped into the letters box just inside the Salient door (middle floor of the Union Building, graveyard end), left at the Studass office, or sent c/o VUWSA, Private Bag, Wellington
I strongly disagree with your Editorial of March 8. It was one of the most unbalanced and unsubstantiated that I have ever read. It represents a most unbalanced policy by your newspaper.
Nobody has ever denyed women the right to have control over their own bodies but when they are pregnant they have an unborn child to be concerned about which should also have rights that should be considered. You continually deny the unborn child any rights.
To claim that the act is a deliberate attempt to have women at home bearing children is absolutely ridiculous, a statement that could barely be credited to an intelligent person. You have gone further to say that women at home are disorganised. What rubbish! From what evidence did you derive that statement, if a housewife were disorganised nothing would ever be done.
You claim the act is undemocratic, it was passed by a majority of our democratically elected representatives, how more democratic could you get than that. We have no written constitution for it to violate.
Indeed your editorial represents the type of policy your paper takes on political and social issues. Not only is it unbalanced but unethical. After having only read a few issues of Salient I can only conclude your writers have one massive chip on their shoulders
(Although it is quite proper to address general comments on the paper to me, I must point out that Lamorna Rogers wrote the March 6 editorial. While I endorse the views she expressed I feel it is unwise to confuse us. For one thing, she's taller than lam — Ed.)
(I believe that the comment about women at home being disorganised is meant to include only political interest group organisation, such as 'organised labour' and student organisations. Further I might add that Salient is open to participation by all students and if you feel you can write better than others, then share your wealth, c'mon down and join us. — typesetter)
(p.s. we don't bite — really)
What is all this bullshit about efficiency at Weir House (Salient, vol.41, no. 1) ? The article says that with the arrival of the new chef 'The change has to be tasted to be believed'. This is true in a way; it would not be grossly wrong to say that the standard of the food at Weir is deteriorating as a decreasing geomtric series.
It is not unusual for the residents to gel an uncooked breakfast (mind you, the usual cooked breakfast is baked beans) on weekdays, or to have to munch raw vegies for dinner. We have just ended a spell of having to go without sugar, an item considered a basic by Kiwis and people from overseas. Is this a sort of exercise at food rationing in anticipation of a forthcoming calamity? As for the efficiency in the Dining Room this year, residents have to queue up for up to a quarter of an hour beyond the scheduled meal times in front of locked doors.
So if it was the Weir House management who were responsible for the Salient article they had better live up to their unfounded boasting. If it was by someone else, well, s/he has been badly misinformed.
( The article on Weir House was written by the warden, David Norton. I don't know how his name got left off, and quite frankly I suspected as much as your letter reveals.)
Around the university there seems to be a proliferation of notices designating places as "authorised parking
While not advocating a free-for-all in parking, I think it is time to question the Registry's policy on the distribution of parking space around the university.
With the use of the Cotton Extension site for parking as well as the long road leading to it, there now seems to be a sufeit of "official parking space". All day and every day there are 50—100 carspaces left empty. To fill the so-called "Economics Carpark" the staff of the Economics Department would have to bring at least three cars each to work.
Each person entitled to a space should have a specifically reserved one, all left-overs should be for the first to get them each day.
Opening up these surplus spaces to the public (notably students) would ease congestion on public Kelburn roads, while would be efficient use of the university funds used to create them.
The Registry's response to this suggestion should be sought and the Registrar should publicly state how many people are officially entitled (and what are the criteria?) to parking space provided by the university and how many carefully guarded "authorised" spaces there in fact are.
I think that I am perverted because I only like straight sex. While those around me enjoy melons, dogs, and other men. This has been reinforced by the knowledge that Shakespeare was camp; and also as queer as a certain SIS men. Also I would like to know if Robert Muldoon enjoys just straight sex, and if so where can I find a seagull that won't fly away untold fast.
If Bob Tizard's performance at the forum last Tuesday is illustrative of the present Labour Party attitudes to current issues, then I can only wish the party the very best of luck in what will be a long and difficult period as opposition.
At times, one might have been forgiven for wondering to which party he really belonged. His refusals to answer directly, especially when questioned on the repeal of the S.I.S. Act, the speed with which he resorted to argumentum ad hominem, asking people if they needed his glasses when he was accidentally called a wrong name, and his general patronising smart attitude, are all characteristics displayed by those on the other side of the House from Mr Tizard. He seemed out of touch with the feelings of those students who are fast realising that the differences between labour and National are of degree and not of quality.
Ever since we arrived at this university, my friends and I have been wondering what that funny machine is, next to the photostating machine in the foyer of the Union Building.
Well last weekend we found a simply super use for them. We managed to squeeze our pet hamster, Henry, into one, and he uses it as a wet suit.
So, for all you owners of aquatic hamsters, go to it. Oh, by the way, a word of caution. We have found you can only use them once. Thank-you SRC, on behalf of Henry and all the other hamsters for the most useful thing you've ever done — I bet it was John Heb's idea.
This furore over the possible departure of Movick from New Zealand concerns me. The NZUSA is asking us to decide upon the merits of his case from the very few selected facts they have given us. I hope most of us are wise enough to realise no issue is as simple as they make this one out to be. I personally would want to know all the facts before making up my own mind on whether the Immigration Department's decision was just or unjust.
What concerns me most is that if Movick gets any advantage whatsoever from any student protests then this is grossly unfair to every overseas student who is not a member of the NZUSA executive. Why should Movick get preferred treatment merely because of his position?
Ah, somebody will say — you've left out the out the vital ingedient, the principle at slake, the one we invented last week. Well that "principle" is only a part of the gross over-simplification the NZUSA has made of this issue. It may be a good slogan, but that's all I'll say for it. And good only in the sense of being well designed for its job, to produce a gut reaction in favour of it.
Only a naive person would believe that the Immigration Dept was deliberately trying to interfere with NZUSA elections. That would be a sure fire way of creating the kind of public protest that bureaucrats and politicians alike avoid like the plague. What is more important is that if Movick is being sent from New Zealand according to the laws as normally administered, so that any person in an equal situation would get equal treatment, then no interference has taken place. Because in that case the department would merely be doing what it is supposed to be doing, deciding who should be permitted to remain in New Zealand. And if it doesn't include Movick, tough luck for the NZUSA.
Even allowing for the (unfortunate) student tendancy to see every issue in terms of black and white and every martyr as a Good Cause, the NZUSA have gone to extremes over this case. Their reaction reminds me of a child which has had something taken from it. "I want it — Gimmie!!"
After having seen you to organise an advertisement in "Salient" dated
In an unrequested and indeed unconvincing paragraph, Gray made a reference to "The year of the blunt Labour knife", describing Mr. Tizard as "The party's prime antagonist". He also took the liberty of helping publicise our ensuing Stem and magnanimously and indulgently invited the University to "Piss-up and politic with the perpetual opposition".
Obscure as they are, Gray's political convictions are his own business, and as such, they should have absolutely no place in the advertising of clubs and associations. Without wishing to follow the point to its distasteful conclusion, what kind of possible justification would any Salient worker have to set an advertisement for, for instance, an overseas students' meeting or social with the expression: "Put on your drinking togs and come and sink with the wogs".
If these cheap abuses of Salient are allowed to persist, our newspaper may as well consider changing its name to something more in keeping with the use Gray and his ilk seem able to put it to.
(It is true that you did see me to organise an advertisement for last week Salient. However, after a discussion with the Orientation Controller, Neil Gray, it was decided to include all activities related to Orientation on the Orientation page, for which Neil was immediately responsible.
Nevertheless I recognise that the content of the paper is still my final responsibility, and when a member of the Labour club saw me on Friday afternoon and asked for the notice to be changed back to its original form, I asked a staff member to do just that. For some reason this did not happen and I didn't pick it up. For this I can only apologise.
As for the "unconvincing" nature of Neil's descriptions, that must remain a matter of conjecture. — Ed.)
Ah yeah gidday I reckon there's too much politics in Salient. My student fees pay your bloody wages mate and I reckon it's about time you injected a bit more meaningless piffle into your magazine. As it is it encourages me to think and that makes my head hurt. You've got no right to do that. My student fees pay your bloody wages mate.
( The headaches caused by Salient making you think can be easily cured, mate, just spend four hours a day in front of your T. V. and you will find that the numbing somnolescence of the soporific soap operas will ease any mental strain and anguish caused by your encounter with the 'real world you find in Salient's pages. Try it. It works' Millions of satisfied T.V. addicts can't be wrong. Besides it's legal, free and even government subsidised" — *typstr)
In the interests of accuracy, I should like to point out a small proofing mistake in the article "Welcome to Victoria ..." which appeared on page 6 of last week's issue. The line "But the three terms exams etc .... etc" should carry on to read "......the class test is worth 30 points and all the excercises, done in your time, worth 20 points." This way, the next line makes more sense.
Sorry to be pedantic.
In the last Salient (March 6), there were at least five references to abortion as being a "democratic right" of women. The terminology employed is emotive, without any underlying basis for its use. However, it has the effect that if one uses the phrase for long enough one will start to believe it. ( A form of self-hypnosis or brain-washing)
Supposedly abortion is a "right" — or so the "abortion rights" movement suggests. But where does such a right derive from? There is no generally recognised document or statement conferring such a right, e.g. Universal Declaration of Human Rights; Human Rights Commission Act
Secondly, abortion is said to be a "democratic" right. But where does democracy enter into it? New Zealand is a democracy, and our MPs last year exercised their democratic choice and voted to restrict abortions. Even if one took an opinion poll and got a 51% majority in favour of abortions — would that make it a "democratic" right? What if public opinion shifted to 49%? Or should the vote be between the pregnant woman and her foetus — but how can one say which way the foetus will vote? What if it is assumed the foetus wants to live? Who wins? Or is there some statute guaranteeing abortion as a "democratic right"? There isn't A vote might be taken at a meeting of pro-abortion people I suppose confirming this — but that wouldn't even be as democratic as Ian Smith's regime in Rhodesia.
Could you please refrain from using the terra "woman's democratic right to abortion" (and the like) in future in your newspaper. It is misleading and without foundation whatsoever.
I would be grateful of the following letter could be included in the next edition of Salient;
On leaving the Union Hall after attending the Forum on March 3 regarding the Abortion Issue, I felt disgusted and sickened by the behaviour of my fellow students. In fact I was ashamed to be associated with a group of people whose response to the invited speakers was nothing less than an insult and a display of blatant disrespect.
At any public meeting or forum, as I understand it, it is the part of the audience (if they have any manners or respect at all) to listen, not to interject abusively, throw darts or talk themselves. If the meeting is properly chaired (which this one certainly was not) the time for questions and clarifications comes after the speaker has completed his or her address.
Regardless of whether one agrees with the speakers or not, it is surely common decency to allow them to present their views especially when we have invited them along expressly to do just that.
I see no point in inviting people to speak at forums if their voices are going to be drowned and their rights abused by the irresponsible behaviour of so many of the students. The right to life was not the only right challenged at that forum — the right of our invited speakers to present their views was also challenged.
It seems to me that many people have not only a total disregard for the right of the unborn child but having sacrificed and lost sight of this most fundamental of rights — the Right to Life —they are now intent upon the destruction of further human rights.
One might well ask "Where will it end?"
What a splendid cover it would be; an almost fool-proof disguise....... I couldn't help wondering during the forum in which a supposed former SIS agent look the stand and allowed himself to be questioned, whether we were being hoodwinked .......
Surely, if Mr G.F. were as authentic as he claimed then someone, somewhere would have been keeping an eye on him; but I saw no other shads types in the audience who might have been there for that purpose.
I suggest that we should be more careful before accepting what this man says; after all we're living in suspicious times.
Now that he has won every body's support by saying that he is on our side, he has managed to get a foot-hold on campus and is able, perhaps, to get pretty close to student matters.
What, then, if in fact he is still a government agent, using this story as a cover? He freely admits that he was a spy once, but has he really finished ? How can we trust a character who likes to play at spies and will resort to all sorts of cunning in order to gain an inside view?
Let's be careful before accepting his story: it might be a piece of bait, you know, another government ploy.
The time has come the Walrus said "and indeed it has for it is no coincidence that the Walrus is one of the great thinkers of our time so if he says the time has come then in fact it has come. You may get your skeptics who say that the time is never ripe but they cannot see the wood for the trees, as we all know those who disbelieve have no right to anyway.
So where does the Walrus figure in "Salient".? We shall return to this later after further expounding the symbolic importance of the character in question and his precise relation to highly subjective student newspapers. Subjectivity is not necessarily an evil as it does make the student feel more secure but is a false reality as the powers that are the power in this society do not agree with student ideology. We cannot survive like this as we are but a near-powerless microcosm of New Zealand society. We adjust or we rebel. Take heed of the Walrus and strike now! Salient join with the Walrus and me now to wage war against the ridiculously high price of records.
What is the Use of using your bursary to purchase a stereo if you cannot get (because of the price - $7.99-) anything to play on the thing? I remember the days when they (records) only cost $4.40 so Labour will not get my vote! Tape others' records, borrow or beg but do not steal them and do not buy them we will show them (the capitalists behind this plot to deny the people music) that they cannot survive without us — I hope.
Show Biz. — the new aristocracy — they are only normal people, at least support local talent first. Having read most student newspapers I must say "Salient" is rather prominent in its superiority so perhaps we are not so badly off. Do not let them get you down just remember, in times of hardship, that the ultimate good shall win so just be patient and wait for the revolution and do not forget to eat your porridge and rhubarb. Viva La Walrus!
Salient received two letters complaining about our letters policy requiring letters to be typed.
We require this because both the editor and typesetter are barely able to keep up with the flow of copy coming through and handwriting slows down the process of sub-editing, typesetting and proofreading. Typed copy moves through the "mill" much faster, and will be reproduced more accurately.
Most commercial typesetters simply refuse to handle untyped copy. So far we have been extraordinarily lenient with hand written letters, because we know that you didn't know it was rude to give a typesetter untyped copy. But if you could see the smoke come out of his ears when I hand it to him, you wouldn't ask me to do it' So please......
We Jo have typewriters here for you to use if you haven I got one available, — Ed.