Publicly accessible
URL: http://www.nzetc.victoria.ac.nz/collections.html
copyright 2016, by the Victoria University of Wellington Library
All unambiguous end-of-line hyphens have been removed and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line, except in the case of those words that break over a page.
Some keywords in the header are a local Electronic Text Collection scheme to aid in establishing analytical groupings.
In order to make new content available faster this work has been uploaded but does not have comprehensive name authority mark up for sub-works and corresponding authors. We will endeavour to add this mark up as soon as possible.
Her job as a wages clerk in a soft drink factory brings Pan home $72.00 a week.
Pan left school without any qualifications and went to a Business College in Wellington, "I don't know why I went there, my art teacher wanted me to go to polytech and do a design course, but I left school in the fifth form with my other friends... I managed to stay there for eight months, but it was far stricter than school, so I left. I couldn't stand their authoritarianism."
For nearly two years Pan has been a wages clerk in a soft drink factory, "I do everyone's wages, including management's. I suppose I pay an average of fifty people a week."
Pan brings home $72.00 and, with her husband Peter, they have a combined weekly income of $163.00. In
Having bought their home, they are certainly tied down for the moment; they don't go out a lot, nor have many people over for dinner. "We can't afford to be out of a job, nor can I study for the job I'd like to do. I'd like to be a dietician but the mortgage repayments mean I can't train for it now. I didn't do it earlier because, as a Greek, I was not brought up to assert myself. But I'm only 21, and by the time I'm thirty our situation will be completely different."
Of the $163.00 a week income. $100.00 a week goes towards mortgage repayments. They've been paying out $100 a week since
They live on $62.00 a week and get by on it easily: $25.00 goes into kitty for food and household supplies; $22.00 into a cheque account for electricity, rates, doctors bills, and so on; and they have $8.00 each a week for lunches and movies.
"I don't spend much on myself. I'm given most of my clothes, the rest I make or buy from a second hand shop." Pan wears her black hair long and straight and has comfortable flat shoes which show beneath her black floor length skirt: neat and nice.
"Fortunately we get a car with Peter's job, and we only spend about $5.00 a fortnight on it. We wouldn't be able to have a mortgage if we had to run our own car, and out where we live you need a car because the bus service is terrible: with only a couple of buses in the mornings and evenings and none in the weekends.
"As costs go up we will have to put more in our household kitty, we've only just increased it by $5.00 a week. It means we will have less to spend on things like Christmas presents and doctors bills, even now we can't afford to get sick.
With mortgage repayments of $100.00 a week, they need every cent of their combined income: what would happen if one of them loses their job, or Pan falls pregnant?
The days before Muldoon's economic message. Rumours flying thick and fast. Rushing around madly stockpiling cigarettes, beer, records and petrol. We were wrong. We should have been stockpiling colour TV sets, hire purchase agreements and mortgages. Not that many could afford that.
Nor could many understand it. Muldoon: 'It is a very sophisticated package'. Meaning he didn't really understand it either I suppose. He claims to have lifted the Interests on Deposits Order. Don't know what that was really but as there's still all the controls on interest rates banks can pay it can't have meant much.
All sorts of people reacted to Muldoon's ideas. Hire purchase people were pissed off. Not surprising. Economists clapped loudly that marked interest rates were to be followed. Means either they're totally confused by it as well or they've gone off their rockers. And your average poverty student didn't know the first thing about it......
Muldoon's worried about a balance of payments deficit, large Government overspending, inflation and unemployment. So he says. These measures improve the first very slightly, worsen the second slightly, do absolutely nothing for the third and could dramatically increase unemployment. So what's he up to?
After a high level conference lasting long into the small hours at Sasrac, the Salient think tank has come up with its conclusions. We enjoyed the discussions so much we're thinking of having them again sometime Anyway, on to the conclusions. Reckon the only thing he's achieved is to make things easier for his wealthy mates.
Horrible idea! Surely the Government of New Zealand is solely interested in the good of the country! We wouldn't be suggesting that New Zealand is split into economic classes! Or would we? Let's look at the things Muldoon got up to. Each time - what exactly was achieved, and who benefits from it?
Hire purchase generally has been toughened up, and on new cars and trucks it has been abolished. What will this achieve? In the short run, it will reduce the buying of cars, colour TV's and the like - as Muldoon did in his
Who benefits from this? Not the car traders, nor the finance companies (and my heart is bleeding for both of them - but they will probably lay off workers because of the reduced trade). The average bloke wanting to buy a car or colour TV will find it much more difficult. The rich however, who can find other sources of loans to pay the deposits, will be affected very little. Particularly they can borrow off solicitors who have a strong bias towards wealthy clients.
These stem directly from outdated economic ideas that if the rate of interest is varied people will save more. With 15% inflation people are feeling, quite rightly, that they'd be stupid to save money at 4% interest. Surely they'd be just as stupid to save at 5%? Besides, if they do want to invest money for three or more years, there are much better things to invest it in. On the same page in Wednesday's 'Dominion' that Muldoon said 8% interest over 3 years would attract savers, the Lombard Finance Company was advertising 12% deposits.
Muldoon has also put up Local Body Loan interest rates, to 8.5% over 10 years. He reckons this will encourage people to put their money into the loans. There's only two problems
So it doesn't look like these savings incentives will achieve much. Who do they benefit? Directly, no one. Indirectly, they bolster the finance companies offering the high rates of interest who Muldoon reckons are 'distorting the market'. As the alternative was to hit them hard, they've come out quite well. And that means the rich benefit, as, like solicitors, these companies have heavy biases, both in borrowing and lending.
There's one more point. If the savings incentives do work, it means people will spend less. Consequently firms will cut back production (since people aren't buying their goods) and lay off staff. So, either the rich get richer or the poor get poorer. Nice choice.
Because the savings incentives are supposed to attract more money, there should be more money available for housing loans. If, as argued above, they don't, what does that mean. Nothing. The only real effect of the measures here is to making low interest housing loans more expensive. If you're mortgaged to the hilt you've got problems.
Who benefits? Housing finance will be no more expensive for the wealthy, so there's no change there. Things just get worse for the rest of the population. Muldoon also varied overdraft rates more, so now if you're a good golfing mate of the bank manager (i.e. rich), you've got it easier. If not, watch those overdraft rates rise. This could hit hard some business firms (most of which operate on large overdrafts). If so, they could well put more people out of work.
So, we're thoroughly unconvinced Muldoon has the faintest idea how to run an economy. He claims to be worried about a high rate of inflation and a large Government deficit. The measures he's just announced do absolutely nothing for the first, and the only way they can affect the second is if he's planning to reduce Housing Corporation Loans. There's nothing else. With no general effects on the economy, the only thing to be affected is the distribution of income. Things for the rich have been left the same or else improved. Things for the poorer sections of the community have got tougher. Housing loans are more expensive, and unemployment could well rise. But then we all know that class analysis of society doesn't make any sense. Don't we?
Last Wednesday the Student Representative Council gave notice that it will continue to hold the power in the Students' Association during
Over the last few years great emphasis has been laid on grass-roots student participation in Association affairs and hence SRC has been invested with a much political clout as possible, because of its very definition. It is the Students.
The unfortunate problem with large meetings as such as SRC is that they are intimidatory for those students who do not have a grasp of meeting procedure, are not familiar with the constitution, and who are not in, or on the edge of, the elite that know what's going on around the union building. Last Wednesday it was the leaders of the Association (the executive) who were rightly in the firing line from students attempting to get to the bottom of the circumstances surrounding the dismissal of the office manager, Mrs Goodall.
Salient pointed out last week that there are many questions that still need answering in this affair. Although Mrs Goodall cannot be brought back now, the Executive owes an explanation to the people they are meant to be representing. Salient believes that any further action by students should be directed towards the relationship between the Students' Association, as an employer, and its employees in the Students' Association office.
This could be done in three ways:
These are not the only alternatives. There are others. The important thing is that something is done for the future.
The no-confidence motion in NZUSA International vice-president Don Carson could be all over with before anyone knows what's going on with regards to the Asian Students' Association meeting.
When the SRC called for an SGM, it did so with the full knowledge that Don Carson would not be there to face up to his accusers. What makes it worse is that even his accusers don't seem to know of what they are accusing him.
The report in Salient last week of the National Executive has also been labelled as confusing, mainly over the reasons that Don voted on the Israeli motions. Before I finish this editorial (due to confusion) I would like to say that I believe that the whole situation would be much clearer if the SGM postponed its debate on the Carson affair until Don Carson is able to be present.
These be the second Salient notes of the year and like the first ones will bear absolutely no resemblence to the truth. The editor is still John Ryall who hasn't been sacked yet although God only knows he deserves. Actually John is the best Editor of Salient I have ever seen and I've been through a few. Publications Officer is still John Henderson although he mightn't be after next Wednesdays SGM. All's the pity although I'm sure he will continue to stir through other channels. Treasurer and Advertising Manager is Warwyck Dewe who is still an accountant and who is still suffering. Don Carson who dropped in is, as you well know, one of the NZUSA heavies and his intellectual abilities, much maligned in the past, are now proven without doubt. The man is very thick. And then we have young Lindy Cassidy who is no longer young (everybody seems to be having a birthday these days except me, mine's coming at a remarkably inconvenient time'. And Lionel Klee, Lyn Peck, who are really the same person, Judith Ting, Greg Taylor (ex Nexus), Mike Stevens (ex Canta), Patrick Mulrennan, Rod Prosser, David Buxton, Leigh Thompson, Tony Ward (as per bloody usual), James Robb, David Murray, David Newton, Kevin Philip Bong (slightly silly), Leonie Morris Anne French, Michael Fowler, Young Joe Stalin (the seminarian) making yet another guest appearance this week, Leon Trotsky who got purged. Mark Sainsbur, John McDavitt, Keven (the pen) Swann, Gerard van Someone (humble apologies), The girls in the office, Lisa Cohen and Bernie Randall. And some others whose names we either don't know or have forgotton. So that's it for this week. Wait around for next week, or better still come in and give us a hand. We always appreciate your help and we are willing to teach you anything. Including the meaning of life! Se ya.
Were you impressed with the first issue of Salient? Do you want to join a go-ahead newspaper?
Salient is made up of about 20-30 ordinary students who give up a little time a week to help in the production of a student service.
They are getting together Tuesday night at 7.30p.m. to discuss the first issue and the layout and content of the second issue. Also, the priority for this meeting will be to assign individual tasks to people so as to run a more tightly co-ordinated newspaper.
Everybody Welcome ......
Tomorrow
See you there.
'For whom does the university exist?
Fear not my friend it exists not for you!
The author of the above quotation may have been something of a hardened cynic, but the sentiments are only too readily visible here at Victoria.
An ideologue would say that the university exists to reinforce the control which the ruling class ethics and norms have on our society, and in many respects this is true. But on a more basic level the university can often be seen as a self perpetuating institution which absorbs students and spits them out as 'educated units' ready to take their place within society. An essential part of this process is the administration housed in the Robert Stout building. Very often the university is only too willing to fall in with the wishes of those downtown, and this is often to be the detriment of students.
A recent example of this is the course EDUC 335. The facts are somewhat blurred but the lesson and the principle stands out clearly. This course was advertised in the calendar and on the surface appeared like any other graduate course, with the usual pre-requisites.
However, what people enrolling for the course were not told was that there was a restriction on the numbers allowed to take the course. Naturally when students heard that some of them would supposedly not be allowed to take the course they were upset and had the good sense not to just sit there and accept it as gospel.
It now transpires that the reasons for placing a restriction on the course were really none of the university's doing and they were merely obliging a government department. But the disturbing thing is that with no prior warning to students, and on the authority of the Chancellor and Vice Chancellor, (action on behalf of the University Council) a restriction was placed on this course. It seems that in the list of priorities, students were well and truly at the bottom.
The circumstances of this case are special but it seemed that students were certainly the last people to be considered when this decision was made. The important lesson to come out of this incident is that in many decision making processes at the university students are neither consulted nor taken into consideration.
Where this happens then it is essential that students take the initiative in their own hands and be prepared to fight the academics and the administration.
This same attitude must be adopted when people are looking at their courses in the first few weeks of this term. If there are faults or problems then the time to act on them is now and not later in the year when it is too late to bring about change. It is also important that people are willing to stand up and fight if necessary for what they see as being legitimate and just demands.
Remember that the university does not exist purely to satisfy the demands and whims of university administrators, downtown businessment, or politicians. Make the university work for you as students, not vice versa.
The New Zealand University Students' Association today described the introduction of the Standard Tertiary Bursary as a 'complete shambles'.
Commenting after a week-long visit to university campuses, NZUSA's Education Vice President (Mr Michael Shaskey) stated that it was difficult to know whether university administrators or the students were more ignorant about the provisions of the new scheme.
'Nobody has been given sufficient information', Mr Shaskey said. 'And decisions on individual cases have been delayed because the new bursary regulations have not been gazetted. The National Government's failure to make decisions promptly has placed us in the invidious position of being unable to advise our members about all the details of the new bursary.'
Mr Shaskey said that the Guidelines for Registrars, which had been promised before student enrolments began, had not arrived at universities. Therefore university administrators were forced to make ill-informed decisions about students' eligibility for the bursary. In some cases decisions on eligibility had been delayed until the regulations had been finalised and circulated. This meant that some students have had to enrol without any assurance that bursary assistance would be available for their courses of study.
'This situation has been aggravated by the lack of information for students', Mr Shaskey continued. 'In December last year the Department of Education committed itself to producing a pamphlet which eventually appeared just over one week ago but had to be scrapped because of changes in government policy earlier this week. The latest version of the pamphlet will not be circulated before students complete enrolment.'
A special General Meeting of the Students' Association is to be held next Wednesday to debate no confidence motions in the VUWSA executive and in the NZUSA International Vice-president Don Carson.
The Special General Meeting was requisitioned by last Wednesday's Student Representative Council (SRC) meeting, following a motion from Robert Lithgow and Mark Sainsbury.
Robert Lithgow was mainly concerned with doing something about the executive's dismissal of the office manager, Mrs Goodall (see Salient No. 1
'Will we put in the advertisement for the next office manager that the successful applicant has no job security nor any right of appeal? Or that their employer cannot be relied upon to discuss openly any tensions that may arise."
Steve Underwood and Anthony Ward spoke to Robert Lithgow's remarks but said they felt discussion should wait until the SGM.
While the SGM will clear the air on the Goodall affair, it will also hopefully clear some of the confusion over the actions of Don Carson at the Asian Students' Association conference.
Don Carson was the NZUSA chief delegate at the Asian Students' Association conference in Bangkok. During the conference he moved a resolution on behalf of NZUSA, that expelled the National Union of Israeli Students (NUIS). The motion had been approved by NZUSA National Executive last October.
At the Asian meeting he also voted for a resolution that supported the admission to ASA of several Arab student organisations.
Several members of Jewish Society fuelled by a Salient report of the National Executive meeting (at which the voting was discussed), were out for Don Carson's head. So they conveniently jumped on Robert Lithgow's 'we want an SGM' bandwagon, and said that they wanted an SGM to debate their motion.
As far as Salient can work out, there are no grounds for passing a vote of no-confidence in Don. Even though there is still some confusion, it seems that the National Executive approved the motion to expel the Israeli Students body because of its international policy which holds that 'imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism to be the major stumbling blocks to self-determinations', and because NUIS are active supporters of the imperialist Israeli Government.
If anyone disagrees with this decision, they should move a motion of no-confidence in the National Executive, or else move to change NZUSA policy.
The motion on the admission of the Arab student organisations, was according to Don, of no great moment. The student bodies supported the ASA principles, and the principles within the NZUSA policy, and so should be admitted. At the National Executive meeting, which Salient reported, there was mention of that fact that NZUSA policy said that the ASA boundaries should stop at Pakistan. After conducting some research into NZUSA policy, Salient found that there was no written policy, the only thing being a verbal agreement that Don, while in Bangkok, would investigate whether there was any support for the boundaries stopping at Pakistan.
Notice is hereby given that there will be a Special General Meeting held on Wednesday, 10th March at 12 noon in the Union Hall.
This meeting was called by an SRC decision on 3rd March 1976.
The matter under discussion being as follows:-
"That this association has no confidence in its elected Executive."
also,
"That this association has no confidence in Don Carson, Vice President, NZUSA.
Education Officer along with International, National and Welfare officers are elected by SRC in the second or third meeting of the year along with all of the other student reps except the executives.
The job is as difficult or as easy as you want to make it. There is no specific portfolio and so you are free to concentrate on the areas of particular importance at the time. Since education is what the university is all about, there is no end to the help you can get. Theoretically it should mainly come from the Education Committee, a student rep committee of about 20 which she/he chairs.
The main function of the education officer is to act as a co-ordinator in seeking help with students' problems especially where assessment methods and course workloads are concerned. But above all the person should attempt to persuade students into backing up their words with action.
The slightest hint of action being taken by a group, even within the walls of the one class room, causes the head of the department to nervously chew the end off his parker pen. Don't get me wrong here though: Action should not be directed against the staff. The staff have just as much to gain as anyone by fighting with the students to solve the problems created by the iniquitous education system and by the society in general.
Last year our fight for a decent living allowance for students was our biggest task, and so the bursaries question took up a substancial part of any time (too much of my time). This year, although the question of bursaries is not solved, I don't think the Education Officer should waste his or her time with it.
There are many other areas to work in. For example Maori and Polynesian education, Women in education. Adult education. Course regulations, exam regulations, enrolment regulations, teaching methods and so on but here again because of the sheer size of the assessment issue, all these other things must take a back seat, or better still, be given to other people to deal with.
The Education Officer should be familiar with all the different forms of assessment and should continually attempt to inform the students of them. Occasionally it is a good idea to organise forums on topics perhaps like "Why we are pissed off with this place" or "What are the least onerous forms of assessment?'
Experience has shown that mass action is the only effective means for real change. It is all too easy to get involved in the ugly individualism that contaminates the executive at the moment and bogged down with committee work and letter writing.
Mass involvement will only occur when people are conscious of the issues. The students must be informed!
Last year the somewhat nebulous position of National Affairs Officer resulted in a dearth of activity during the first two terms, and an unprecedented spurt of galvanic action in the last - a result basically of the imminent elections, and a guilty conscience.
Six election forums were held in the time available, all of which received media coverage, interspersed with three special interest forums, featuring speakers or such diverse appeal as Mathew Conner (well know 'socialist'), the Hon Peter Gordon, Ashley Ross (Carpenters' Union Secretary), and Margaret Gellen (of brothels on Soames Island fame). A forum was also held in cooperation with the Young Socialists on Women's Rights.
Later in the year, Lisa Sacksen and NZUSA's Alick Shaw were asked to host a Radio Windy Target Talk-back.
This year plans have been formulated for the running of a fortnightly forum on current affairs throughout the full academic year, one of the first of which, on March 31, will directly relate to the proposed visit of Nelson Rockerfeller. Displays have also been suggested as possible activities.
The orientation programme (published in the last issue of Salient) promised that a debate would take place on the topic, That this house has confidence in the Government', was to have been battled out between the Young Nats and the Labour Club. Unfortunately this much-looked-forward-to encounter did not eventuate.
Instead the two or three hundred who eagerly arrived at the Union Hall in anticipation of this great event were treated (or mistreated) to a forum comprising of two of the lesser known M.P.'s in the House. On the right of Chairman Kevin Swann, was Tony Friedlander, respresenting the National Party, and, to the left, Russell Marshall, representing the Labour Party. If this seating arrangement was meant to convey some idea of the differences between the parties it certainly did not become apparent from the speeches which followed (although the respective speakers' answers to later questions did prove to be more enlightening).
Tony Friedlander opened for the Government. Obviously sensing that he was in the hotbed of academia, commenced with an introduction to Union astrology. This year, he informed us, was the year of the dragon, not the year of the mouse - (there was spontaneous applause but the incessant groans and dark looks soon shut the culprit up). Obviously encouraged by this overwhelming response (even one person clapping in a varsity audience is regarded as a feather in the cap for a new M.P.) Mr Friedlander wasted no time in displaying the other qualities he'll be taking into the House with him. He showed quite decisively that he has that same inherent ability to manipulate figures which has blessed so many of our other major politicians.
In bursts of logic, which were at times quite devastating. He was able to justify National's inflationary policies on the grounds that they were necessary to counteract the Labour inflationary policies, which in three short years had rocked N.Z. off a sound economic base (on which National apparently left us in
Enter Russell Marshall, Labour M.P. in Wanganui (and incidentally a minister of the Church). Although sporting a much more forceful tone than his National opponent, Mr Marshall's speech was uncannily similar in style and approach. Instead of Chinese mythology and the year of the mouse we had fairy tales featuring Rip Van Muldoon who apparently woke up on
I have a vague suspicion that Mr Marshall had somehow got hold of some of the National Party members speeches from around 3 years ago because the charge of being 'a one man band' which levelled at the late Mr Kirk is now apparently aimed at Mr Muldoon. The Nelson by-election result of course indicates that we do not have 'N.Z. the way we want it' - or was it inevitable anyway that Labour would win the seat. Mr Marshall spent some time criticising National's advertising over the election campaign which seemed to me to be rather a pointless exercise. He did, however, come up with what may be the answer to the whole problem when comparing the actions since the election with the promises before the election, he said 'Anybody with half a brain could see what National was promising."
Towards the end of the speech, Mr Marshall managed to finally drag himself away from the National Party's policies and expound some of the philosophical principles on which the Labour Party is founded. The significance of these comments however were lost somewhere in the Union Hall amongst a steadily decreasing number of bored faces and disheartened souls.
Having made out a case for their existence as M.P.'s, questions were thrown open to the floor. There were the predictable question on various subjects - Race Relations, immigration, election results, party leadership, S.T.B., housing, nuclear powered ships - and these in turn received predictable replies.
After the speakers were given the chance to sum up the Chairman closed the meeting and the few remaining listeners rushed for the exits.
What can you say in conclusion? Mr Friedlander would have done better if he'd been out advertising one of the toothpaste brands (what a lovely smile, I bet he hasn't got breath that would stop a herd of elephants). He has a lot to learn about the political game and his handling of hecklers was amateurish, his white confident his speech while confident was sterile and monotonous. Mr Marshall, as would be expected, had more support from the floor and this made his talk a little easier than that of Mr Friedlander.
I wasn't very impressed with this forum. It was boring because it was predictable - it was inevitable that it should deteriorate into a vehicle for the general party propoganda which adorn the election pamphlets. In an election year maybe this kind of forum has its place. Otherwise, surely it is preferable to have a forum discussing specific issues and this can only be done where the respective parties are represented by people who have some knowledge of the topic under discussion.
In an atmosphere reminiscent of an old war veterans home the first debate of Orientation week shuffled, coughed, staggered and generally fell into (for want of a better word) action.
The motion: 'That university is an anachronism'. If anachronism means lifeless and downright predictable, then that's a fair description of the debate. The arguments I suspect were hastily put together since I refuse to believe that a much higher standard could not have been reached.
The ingredient missing from this debate was sharpness of thought and wit. No that there was none mind you. There just wasn't enough to hold the audience's attention. The only thing they held were their lunches, newspapers and mouths. (Mostly in that order). Occasionally a retort would flash from between Roseveare's (first speaker against the motion) teeth, but even that was not enough to break a dull routine.
For the sake of completeness (and only for its sake) some of the arguments from each side: The affirmative claimed university was useless and nonfunctional, out of harmony with the present surroundings - a place where learning is done for its own sake.
'Even debating is an anachronism' announced Virginia Goldblatt (who swears she's a lecturer in the English Department). Well, it seems to me then that, since debating does take place outside the university, (a mutant form may be heard during Parliament sittings, that is, if it ever sits again), then the world is an anachronism? Please feel free to disagree.
Speaking against the motion John Roseveare argued that if university could not be an anachronism since it was founded by Government (but then so is the SIS!). He also stated that university perpetuates the middle classes, maintains the status quo.
The second speaker for the affirmative counter-argued by attempting to convince the audience that the status quo itself is an anachronism. Roseveare muttered something about dialectics, which raised a throaty response from a seemingly indifferent audience.
The last speaker against the motion suggested that the university must renew itself from the fruit of its intellectual labours if it is not be be an anachronism. Apart from that noble ivory-twoer ideal he did score a good point: that university is closely integrated with society.
The response from the audience when asked to decide the wineer was anaemic to say the least. Thus, the attempt to declare a winner was abandoned. The audience hardly seemed to notice the speakers leaving the platform. But perhaps it was just as well. You never know what could have happened if they had.
For 7 days over the New Year, 70 odd people gathered in a place called Glen Tui in North Canterbury to attend the annual summer conference of the N.Z. S(tudent) C(hristian) M(ovement). Although the theme of the conference was 'Leftovers' the ideas presented were hardly a re-hash of familiar old thoughts - the principal speaker, Basil Moore, saw to that.
Basil, a South African now living and teaching in Adelaide started off as a Fundamentalist Methodist preacher who moved through liberal humanitarianism to Christian Socialism and now aspires to a form of Marxism. At various times he has been President of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), the President of the (S.A.) University Christian Movement, banned by the S.A. Government as a Commo, and the coordinating secretary of the British and Irish S.C.M.'s.
It should be pointed out that at the time of his 'banning', Basil was unaware of Marxism and had never read any of 'that sort of thing'. After his banning he became interested to know what he had been accused of though!
Basil started at the point that if, in a capitalist society, ideology ha's an economic class base, then so does theology, and theology therefore seves the class interests of those who propound it. All very obvious to any good Marxist but not so to good Christians. Not resting at that gauntlet thrown down before the assembled multitude, Basil went on to question the role of middle-class organisations - like SCM - and to try and determine whether Christianity was in any way 'of the Left'.
Naturally this type of question caused considerable discussion among those gathered and after 'siesta' many persued the point down at the local boozer, to the confusion of the locals and pleasure of the publican.
The evening sessions were supposed to be instructional in alternative lifestyles but rarely get beyond discussions on whether it was better to work for short term institutional changes or long-term structural changes. After these early evening discussions the nights slowly degenerated into games of '500' and an occasional swim. The only thing shining during the conference being the moon.
As a workshop on a Marxist understanding of Christianity, the conference probably proved to be both thought provoking and useful. However any uncompromising Christian who attended would probably view SCM as having lost its 'C'. But then SCM has always been condemned by its detractors as being only slightly Christian at best. It is probably SCM's openness to new views - particularly left-wing ones - that has kept it going these past 5 years and this conference was merely one more view for the confused SCM to chew over and do with what it will.
Copies of Basil s papers are available from N.Z.S.C.M., P.O. Box 9792, Wgtn.
The heavies in action at Wednesday's SRC meeting.
Towards a Structural Configerational Approach in Cross-Cultural Comparitive 'Study; Some Problems in the Conceptualisation of Highlands Social Structure.
or; How Anthropology Fails to Save the Bacon of the Alienated Western Intellectual.
Scene - Anthropologist wearing loin cloth and sandshoes enters village. Note book in left hand, stenographers' pencil in other. Approaches 'big man' who is dressed in white shirt and sports trousers, listening to 'Voice of America' over a Sony 3 band transistor, thumbing through latest edition of 'Current Anthropology'. 'Big man' notices anthropologist and extends hand in greeting.
'Hello. I'm your native informant. My name is Andrew Smith but you can call me ego. I received your letter of introduction the other day. They tell me you've come to do in-depth ethnographic research on our society and culture using the structural configurational paradigm'.
Anth. - 'er....yes....of course.'
'Naturally, since reality is socially constructed and as part of that reality we also are social constructions with no intrinsic identity of our own, you will not be interested in our personal existential existance - day to day joys and misery etc - so much as their social significance. This being so, I guess the best thing I could do is show you a few social facts; then you will know all about us and when your thesis research grant ends, you can go home, write about the dialectics of our social life and answer the central question to which anthropology is address, what is man?'.
Anth. - 'er....yes....of course.'
'Well then, let us begin. On your immediate left you will observe our iniation ceremony, where my mother's brother's father's sister's husband's son is being drawn and quartered. This is to signify his passing from adolescence into manhood. Though this is a very real experience to him - since he is suffering extreme agony - as an anthropologist, I'm sure you will agree that such signified events are better comprehended as extrinsically defined relata, rather than as events in themselves; part of the on-going reconfiguration of social signs that is our dynamic social condition, rather than a boy learning that pain is the price of the responsibility that adulthood brings. It's nothing personal you understand, just part of our culture.'
Anth. - 'er....yes....of course.'
'Now, just here is marriage is going on between some cross cousins. Exchange and reciprocity as you probably well know, is the basis of our whole existance in the highlands. Here the woman is being exchanged for some shells and a few pigs. Over there is the pig's house, the wife and kids sleep there too. Not very sanitary, I must admit, but we mustn't be ethnocentric about these things. As I say, they're just part of our culture.'
Anth. - 'er....yes....of course.'
'Over the hill, a ritualised battle is raging. It started generations ago and persists as each side in turn, takes vengence for those killed in the previous battle. We won't bother to go and see it, if you've read about one you've seen them all. As I'm sure you will agree, it's hardly peculiar to our area alone. Going to see it would only allow you to see the actual killing and bodily mutilation of individuals and this is scarcely necessary for you to recognise war as a common place reality in our lives. Suffice it for you to note, it's just another everyday part of our culture'.
Anth. - 'er....yes....of course.'
'And over here we have a mother feeding her baby and the house-hold pigs alternately from the same breast. She is suffering from malnutrition and has had too many children already. If she lives through the next child birth she may well be forced to commit infanticide - especially if it's a girl - because of economic pressure and scarcity of resources. An yes, I forgot to mention; the baby she has now may well catch disease or contract sores from the mother's breast because of the pig's salivating. Yaws are also a problem in this respect, but their asthetic repulsiveness and personal discomfort need neither worry nor distress you, since this would be a value judgement on your part, above and beyond that called for. Your participation in our lives is after all, in the final analysis, to facilitate your observation of us for your thesis. Mind you, the personalised touch is in vogue these days, though from your point of view I can't think why. Think of the enormous advantages the more distanced, rational mentalistic approach offers. With all that is human reduced to 'social facts' any need for personal committment or action is alleviated. Why bother to change things for the better good, when 'better' and 'good' are culturally defined relative terms? And what basis is there for social action anyway, when all that you see, is for you, just part of our culture?'
Anth. - 'er....yes....of course.'
'Well, I guess that's just about it; except for one last thing. In order" to let you develope your participant observation technique to a greater degree, we have decided to give you soc a demonstration of our indigenous cooking - an area of vital relevance to anthropology, and, as I'm sure you will agree, a very important part of our culture.'
Anth. - 'er....yes....of course.'
'Good! I'm so pleased you agree. Since we prefer the cooked to the raw we are now going to skin you alive, place you over the fire to roast, tear you limb from limb, eat your flesh and give your bones to the pigs. It's nothing personal you understand, just part of our culture'.
Anth. - 'er.........
'Sociology is a science which seeks to explain and understand human action and interaction says one introductory sociology textbook. What does this mean? For the benefit of those starting in sociology this year, or who are entering a second or third confusing year in the department, "The Committee of Nine" has written a sociology of the sociology department.
In
In
Fierce debates were conducted between the varied perspectives held by members of the various camps. Students in this year tended to develop a good understand of various sociological perspectives because of the ferocity with which the debate was conducted. The largest camp within the Department was known as the 'Conservatives'. It consisted of three members - significantly (as far as students were concerned) they were the least influential of all the camps within the Department.
During
Now in
The 'Conservatives' (representing 86% of the academic staff who have been employed by the Department since
All new staff members are in extremely weak positions with regard to any future employment as sociologists. None have published major works, many are in their first teaching jobs, none have made the impact of the teachers of
In
What can we predict on the basis of the above analysis, about the Sociology Department in
The Department, we predict, will remain conservative in orientation. Major sociological questions and debates will be ignored. Lip-service will be paid to non-conservative sociology and nonconservative staff and students will be frozen out of the Department. Little New Zealand material will be taught in courses (two-thirds of the staff aren't New Zealanders).
Students at all levels will be dissatified with the lack of opportunity for critical thinking. Drop-out rates will remain high. Nearly everyone who completes their required course work will pass their course (provided their sociology is not too radical).
In other words, if you think Sociology at Victoria University will stimulate you, or give you cirtical insights into New Zealand, or any other Western, society, you are dreaming. There is no chance of that happening given the present conservative unity of the Department.
Finally, this analysis, like any piece of scientific work is not definitive. We believe that we have isolated the true nature of the Sociology Department in this article. It is now up to other sociologists to challenge this view with different analysis. We challenge the Department to come up a viable critique of this article.
Scale: 1-5 (1=High 5=Low)
When the French Rugby team played a 'mixed' team in South Africa last year, many people in New Zealand asked themselves and each other if this represented a breakdown in apartheid sport, a move in the right direction.
The question was answered by a number of newspaper editorials, sports writers and headline writers. We were told that this did in fact represent a real breakthrough, that multiracial sport was just around the corner, and that if the All Blacks went to South Africa in
It would be very encouraging if we could believe that this 'mixed' team that the French played did in fact represent a breakthrough. Hart has been campaigning for six years now against apartheid sport. If there had been a breakthrough, we certainly would not try to pretend it had not happened - we would welcome it. But there has been no breakthrough; the 'mixed' side the French played did not represent a breakdown in apartheid sport; there has been no change in the apartheid structures in South African sport.
This was made quite clear before the game was played. It was made quite clear again after the match had been played. It was made clear by the people who control South African sport - the South African Government.
When he announced that a mixed invitation rugby team would be allowed to play the French, and a mixed invitation cricket team would be allowed to play a visiting team. Dr Koornhoff stressed that:
'The selection of the special invitation team did not mean that there would be any change in the Government's policy of apartheid in sport at the club, provincial or national levels. There would be no mixed trials before selection of the teams and neither would be considered a merit or representative side of South Africa it also does not prejudice selection of a white springbok team.'
Speaking after the match, a Government politician, Louis Pienaard said:
'Everything is not going to change. It will stay as before. The whites will play with whites, the half castes with the half castes, the blacks with the blacks.'
There it is in a nutshell. The two invitation sides are designed to allow international teams to visit. Nothing else. The French had said that if such a game was not arranged they would cancel their South African tour When it comes to tests, whites will represent South Africa. Apartheid sport will stay, and it will stay because the Government has decided so.
Reports in New Zealand newspapers have quoted the reactions of several South African Rugby personalities to the game against the mixed side. Dr Dannie Craven, Chairman of the whites-only South African Rugby Board, Mr Cuthbert Loriston, President of the coloureds-only South African Rugby Federation and the blacks only South African Rugby Board all well corned the match. This is hardly surprising, for all three rugby bodies are apartheid sports bodies; they accept apartheid sport and although from time to time they might criticise some aspect of the Governments sports policy, they have over the past decade done nothing to seriously challenge the whole apartheid sports structure.
Little mention has been made in the New Zealand press of a fourth South African rugby body - the non-racial South African Rugby Union. SARU is only one of many non-racial sports organisations in South Africa.
Although these non-racial sports bodies have large membership and outstanding sportsmen they are the subject of abuse, harassment, smears and cold-shoulder treatment. The Government harasses them; white and coloured apartheid sports bodies generally either ignore, try to ignore them, or if they can't do that, smear them; international sporting bodies until recently, have given them the cold shoulder, and the western press ignore or misrepresent them.
What are these non-racial sports bodies? How did they come into being? What do they want? Above all else, what have they got to do with us?
For the past seventy years sport in South Africa has been controlled by white South Africans (20% of the population). With one exception (table tennis) it is the white-only South African sports bodies which are members of international sporting bodies. Only whites represent South Africa internationally. The white sports bodies have the best facilities, equipment and opportunities. With a high income and plenty of leisure, white sport flourishes. The benefits that white South Africans get from the apartheid system they have imposed is not just confined to higher wages, better education, superb health-facilities. It covers every aspect of their life, including sport.
Blacks and coloureds suffer under all aspects of apartheid, including sport. No black or coloured South African is allowed to belong to the same sports body as a white. Blacks and coloureds have to have separate sports bodies. So do Asians. Under no circumstances will the South African Government, or the rich and influential white sports bodies allow people of different coloured skins to play together in the same team. With few well publicised exceptions, (for international propaganda purposes - to try and fool us) anyone who is not white has to be content with domestic competition within their own racial grouping. All of this coupled with low incomes (many below the poverty datum line) plus poor or no sporting facilities, black and coloured sportsmen have no opportunity to develop their potential; often they have nowhere to even play their sport.
The history of black and coloured sport has been one of frustration and exile. The best African and coloured sportsmen have, for the past twenty years, been forced to leave South Africa in order to further their sporting careers. All of them would have preferred to have remained in South Africa and represent their country. Yet because of the colour of their skin, their Government and the white sports bodies told them that they were not allowed to.
Some of the sportsmen that suffered in this way and were forced into exile are well known here in New Zealand. For many years Precious McKenzie was the best South African weightlifter in his weight division, but the South African champion was still a white, regardless of his lower standard. Basil d'Oliveria (cricket), Jake Ntuli (boxing), Ron Eland (weightlifting), Jasmat Shiraj (tennis), are a few of those who were forced to emigrate in order to develop and further their sporting careers.
Black and coloured sportsmen were not prepared to put up with apartheid sport. They wanted the right to represent their country internationally, and to play sport on an equal footing with all sportsmen in the Republic, regardless of the colour of their skin.
From
This was the first time the world had heard the term 'non-racial sport' mentioned in a South African context. This first major victory against a racist sports organisation encouraged non whites in other sports to press for justice and fair play.
In
The frustration encountered during these four years before
SAN-ROC rapidly became a popular and effective organisation amongst black and coloured sportsmen. Inside South Africa its support increased dramatically, gaining widespread support from the Republic black and coloured sportsmen. Internationally, SAN-ROC coordinated campaigns which resulted in whites-only South African sporting bodies being expelled from a number of international sporting bodies.
The South African Government replied by banning the SAN-ROC leadership and later the organisation. SAN-ROC went into exile, and is now based in London.
But the struggle inside South Africa for non-racial sport continued. There are now non-racial sports organisations in all major sports (including rugby, cricket, tennis, swimning). They have very large memberships and some outstanding sportsmen amongst their ranks. They are all members of the non-racial South Africa Council of Sport, established in
The non-racial sports bodies have stood firm on the principle of no amalgamation with the whites until there is total integration at all levels. A key resolution passed at the Annual General Meeting of the SACS summarised the policy of these non-racial sports bodies:
'We want non-racial sport right from club level, and we shall have no truce with separate racial bodies for the different (racial) groups. We want one tennis body for the whole of South Africa; one swimming body and so on. Nothing else will do. Nothing else is acceptable.'
This after all is no more and no less than what exists in every other country in the world. It is no more and no less than the implementation of the Olympic principles of sport, which spell out in unequivocal terms that there should be no racial discrimination in sport.
How much support do the non-racial bodies enjoy. The short answer is that the majority of black and coloured sportsmen support non-racial sport. Hundreds of thousands belong to the various non-racial bodies. With all the cards stacked against them, the non-racial sporting bodies are flourishing.
It is also clear that the majority of blacks and coloureds in the country, whether they are sportsmen or not, support the struggle of the non-racial sporting bodies.
It is worth remembering that Basil d'Oliveira, a Cape Town boy, was once a national hero to black and coloureds, and on his first visit home a few years ago he received as close to a ticker tape welcome as Cape Town could manage. Yet when he became involved in Colin Cowdrey's cricket tour of South Africa he was shunned during his visit. The extreme unpopularity of his willingness to play in a team which would play against segregated racially selected teams was made quite clear to him, and he dropped his plans. If that could happen to someone of d'Oliveira's prestige then there is clearly widespread belief in and support for the non-racial principles of sport.
The response of the South African Government, white South African sports bodies to the non-racial
If South Africa were moving toward non-racial sport as we keep being told, it would be reasonable to assume that these non-racial sports bodies would receive encouragement from the Government and white sports bodies. Exactly the opposite is the case, the non-racial sporting bodies have been harassed, abused and intimidated by the Government.
Mr C.M. Bassa, President of the internationally recognised South African Table Tennis Federation, had his passport withdrawn after competing in the world championships in Stockholm.
Morgan Naidoo, President of the non-racial S.A.A.S.F. was visited by the Special Branch of the Police on several occasions, was once threatened. In
Mr Hassa Howa, immediate past president of the non-racial South African Cricket Board of Control and current vice president of the S.A.S.C., was prevented by the Government from attending a meeting of the International Cricket Conference in London where he was to put the case for the affiliation of SACBA to the international body. He has had his passport removed, and earlier this year was prevented by the Government from visiting New Zealand.
Last year the Government told Norman Middleton, President of the non-racial Soccer Federation that he could attend the Annual General Meeting of FIFA, the International Football Association if he was prepared to sign a sworn statement before he left stating that he would do nothing while he was at the meeting which would be detrimental to (white) South African Soccer interests. Middleton refused.
This compares with the case with which an apologist for apartheid sport such as Leslie Sehume (who was in New Zealand last year) is able to obtain a passport and travel overseas speaking out as a mouthpiece of official Government Policy.
Whenever non-racial federations arrange matches or competitions the South African police never fail to turn up. On numerous occasions they have asked for the names of all participants. On several occasions they have stopped matches being played.
The response of the white sports bodies internally has been either to ignore the non-racial bodies, to abuse them, as Dannie Craven has frequently done, or to adopt a paternalistic attitude. Internationally, white sportsmen and white sports administrators shield behind Government policy.
'Racial white sportsmen and sports administrators religiously follow Government policy because it gives them something to hide behind. Thus they continue to take advantage of their protected and priveleged position while mouthing platitudes that they are in favour of non-racial sport but cannot oppose the policy of the Government.' - Morgan Naidoo.
But as soon as they are threatened with isolation, they make repeated representation to the Government for 'concessions'. Unfortunately the only concessions they have asked for are those which they think will be sufficient to stave off isolation.
While Leslie Sehume was in New Zealand he said that the Government's multi-national sports policy was breaking down apartheid in sport, and that eventually it would lead to an end to apartheid in sport. This is nonsense, yet it is the nonsense the South African Government would like us to believe
The South African Government are attempting to pull one of the biggest con tricks in international sport. In response to the pressure South Africa is facing from the international sporting community, the Government has realised that if they were not be be completely isolated from the international sports fields, there would have to be a change in policy. What the Government has done is to come up with a policy which gives the appearance of change (thus satisfying the international community), but which in reality reinforces and further extends apartheid in sport (thus satisfying the white electorate).
The success of the policy depends upon South Africa's ability to persuade the world that real change is occuring. It is therefore vital that the non-racial sports bodies are not permitted to leave South Africa and tell the true story. What is the true story? What changes have there been since the multi-national sports policy was introduced in
Do people of different colours play together in the same teams? No. Has there ever been mixed trials to select a South African team? No. Have the different racially exclusive sports bodies been joined together into one single sporting body? No.
What changes have there been? White, Coloured and Black teams are occasionally allowed to play with each other in the context of International tournaments. At these tournaments the whites represent South Africa and the Coloureds and Blacks represent their racial grouping only. Black and Coloured teams are allowed to play against touring international sides.
Multi-national sport, rather than bringing sportsmen from different racial grouping together into the same team, keeps them apart. But we are being asked to believe that it is leading towards the breakdown of apartheid in sport. Far from it. Multi-national sport is a double dose of apartheid sport.
Stanley Uysm, writing in the Johannesburg 'Sunday Times' (
He goes on: 'there is a fundamental difference between multi-national and multi-racial sport. The former causes race divisions to reinforce team partisanship and to channel spectator and player emotions into race outlets. Multi-racial sport in unsegregated stands could help to knit black and white players and black and white spectators into groups that are not racially defined.'
The biggest multi-national farce to date has been the South African Games, held in Pretoria in
The current issue of The South African Swimmer, the newsletter of the non-racial South African Amateur Swimming Federation sums up the situation well:
The purpose of multi-national sports meetings is stark and clear for it is intended to persuade the unsuspecting outside this country into believing that apartheid does not effect sport. How untrue! We would rather deny ourselves the doubtful 'distinction' of participating in the multi-nationals so long as we suffer, for the rest of the year, the indignity of being contained, confined, controlled, and contaminated by the shackles of group areas, separate development, an official state 'sports policy' and the full gambit of racial legislation under which we have suffered since
When white sports administrators wish to organise 'multi-national' meetings to hoodwink the world, the Government waives the
At the moment the sports policy in South Africa is balanced on a knife edge, trying to reconcile the pulls of world opinion with the demands of its own hard liners.
Whether white supremacy will remain in the saddle of South African sport to a large extent depends on the outside world. If we capitulate now and allow her back into the fold, the so-called multi-national policy will be frozen solid and there will be no reason for white South Africa to move any further.
But if the world stands firm and demands the full and uncompromising introduction of non-racial sport at club level, then the Government will be forced to change in the knowledge that international opinion will be satisfied with nothing less than fully integrated club-level sport and national teams selected on merit by non-racial sporting organisations.
While Massey and Canterbury Student Associations are having fierce debates and referendums to decide their policy towards sporting contacts with South Africa, Victoria's policy has been clear for a number of years.
At the 1969 Annual General Meeting students decided that
Last week, the Socialist Action League made public fifty-one pages of files of the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) covering the period February to December 1970. The CIA was forced to release these files under a court order resulting from a civil liberties law suit by the Socialist Workers Party and the Young Socialists Alliance against the American government.
The files published here (available in the form of a booklet with relevant articles from the newspaper Socialist Action) consist of thirteen CIA dispatches to America, anti-war leaflets and clippings from various radical, student and daily newspapers. In most cases the 'subject' is George Fyson, a member of the Socialist Action Legue, focussing on his visit to a convention of the Young Socialists Alliance in America; some also cover the tour of New Zealand by Andrew Pulley, a black anti-war activist and Marxist. The files were heavily censored by the CIA before they were released; the names of the senders have been deleted and replaced by "(Classified Matter)", or "(CIA Source)". No cities are identified, although in the context "(Foreign City)" could only mean Wellington, and sometimes more than half a page has been erased.
Nevertheless, these documents are highly significant for two reasons; one, they are conclusive proof that the CIA operates in New Zealand, and two, they are all headed up "Operation CHAOS".
Operation CHAOS was organised in the
Operation CHAOS took a special interest in the activities of students, who were prominent in the anti-war movement in the period that the files cover. This interest is reflected even in the very few files that have been released that relate to New Zealand.
There are five pages that refer to Victoria University, two references to Salient, including a two-page article on the American protest movement by George Fyson.
Because of their role as leaders of many of the protest movements of the last decade, university students are a prime target for Security groups. In a series of articles on the New Zealand Security Intelligence Service (SIS) in the Dominion,
Six years ago an SIS agent, Rex Banks, was caught on Victoria campus trying to persuade fellow-students to infiltrate anti-war groups like the Committee on Vietnam. These were tactics identical to those used in the CIA's Operation CHAOS.
Inevitably, such tangible proof that the CIA does operate in New Zealand makes one wonder about its relationship with the SIS. Phillip Agee, an officer in the CIA for twelve years, described in an interview how the CIA combines with local Security groups:
"I worked very closely with the local police intelligence services we used the foreign intelligence service as if it were our own the most important thing was that these local groups would engage in repressive actions when we requested it."
There is also evidence that the CIA and the SIS have an unusually intimate relationship. In theory the CIA engages in no New Zealand operations without the knowledge of its New Zealand equivalent.
The response of the New Zealand press to the release of the files on February 19, at a press conference called by the Socialist Action League, was, to quote TV2 "hostile". One almost suspected a CIA plot.
The Evening Post attacked the revelation in two articles; one questioned the authenticity of the "alleged" files, and the other, a review of a TV1 interview with George Fyson, said in complete contradiction that the files had been public for several months! The same article scoffed at the lack of ".....facts, quotes from the files we got next to nothing." This when the Evening Post was in possession of a complete set of the files!
Again, the TV reviewer said "... revealing CIA secrets has become a stale old party game" - well, concealing them is an even older one, and hardly provides a service to the New Zealand public! This type of reporting is, at the very least, irresponsible.
The presence of the CIA or of any secret service in New Zealand is not something we should accept as inevitable, as does the daily press. The mere existence of these organisations discourages people from becoming involved in political protest. They are a direct infringement of our democratic rights.
The fact that the CIA and the SIS pay particular attention to the campuses should make us call all the more loudly for their removal. We must demand a full public inquiry into the activities of the CIA in New Zealand, and into the SIS, and we must demand that the CIA and the SIS and any secret organisation get off the campuses!
On Tuesday there was a forum organised by the V.U.W. Young Socialists, at which George Fyson and Alister Taylor spoke on the subject of CIA and SIS activity in New Zealand. It was attended by about fifty people.
Fyson spoke about the CIA files which, he said, "constitute the first tangible evidence of CIA activity in New Zealand." The files consist of CIA dispatches, all heavily censored, plus clippings from various newspapers, notably Socialist Action and Salient, and leaflets from anti-war protests.
Taylor began with a number of stories, some of them funny but all with sinister implications, about his own confrontations with the SIS. Most of these dated back to the late sixties and his involvement in the anti-war movement. He spoke of how on separate occasions his own office had been bugged and his correspondence intercepted and used against him.
He then outlined the history of the SIS briefly and talked about the background of their employees - "the dregs of the colonial police forces". He described the close contact that exists between the SIS and the CIA - telex links and visits by Brigadier Gilbert to the U.S. and of CIA officials here - and emphasized that "when it come to action, the two are very similar" and that "the SIS is very much an operating hand... of the CIA."
The question of tactics arose when a speaker from the floor asked Taylor if he was prepared to release the names of any CIA employees working here, as left-wing opponents of the CIA had done in Europe. Taylor replied that this tactic had been tried with SIS agents involved in the Sutch trial, and was considered to be counter-productive to the accumulation of information about these people. If they were named they would only be replaced.
The main issue, he said, was to inform the public of the dangers these organisations present, and releasing names was expensive and ineffective in this direction. When the questioner pointed out that a great deal of public interest had been aroused in Europe by the publication of the names, he answered that it was really a matter of timing.
From the moment that the group ripped itself from a bag and was strobed so dramatically on stage, the heart and imagination of a packed Town Hall was captured and enveloped for 90 minutes. It was the totality of an act which could only be Split Enz.
Tim Finn cramped his way around the stage like a jazzed up version of Wilfred Bramble (of Steptoe & Son fame with his fellow jesters in support. It was hard not to believe you were at the Enz of the Earth. This pot-pourri of Harlequin-type characters controlled the mood. The music, the visual effects created a sensual experience which would have done justice to Ken Russell.
The audience never wanted to recover from this traumatic (pleasantly so) experience as colours from the groups costumes were tossed about by the flashing lighting - splayed and flashing in reckless motion.
Paint your face as a mask and wear it until it breathes and lives...... Tin Finn fired so many arrows into the target (the audience) - in the form of facial contortions, extraordinary vocal expression and prowling, prancing, creeping across the stage - that the audience was overwhelmed with the splendour of its execution. The feeling was warm toast spread with marmalade.
The rare sight of a superb New Zealand rock group was drunk greedily by the appreciative audience. Split Enz - a light at the end of a dark monotonous passage.
The line-up of personnel in the group has changed slightly since their last tour. Guitarist Wally Wilkinson (who also appeared on the Mental Notes L.P.) stayed in Australia and Robert Fillies (who was with the group about two years ago) comes in to add trumpet and saxophone to an already impressive instrument range. The visual theatrics are also now indicating a willingness on the part of the group to experiment and at the same time demonstrating an enthusiasm for their work.
The stage act was inventive and at times unpredictable. For example during one particular number the percussionist suddenly picked up an electric guitar which up to that moment had lain hidden. He began to play - tortuosly and agonisingly. The rest of the group all look at him. Finn calls him 'stupid!' Percussionist looks sad, wistfully so, and slowly put the guitar down. As if in a hurry to forget the 'incident', Finn tells the drummer to 'take it from the top', and once more sound poured forth.
During the final number the percussionist picks up the spoons, taps them into sound and dances, half walks across the stage. Whilst on the back the rest of the group look at each other with puzzled stares, then crowd together towards the exit backstage. Suddenly they turn, producing spoons themsleves. They begin flailing them everywhere, hopelessly trying to imitate the percussionist. The audience loved it.
The music? Those of you who have seen Split Enz before or have heard their recordings need not fear - I shall not bore you with the same adjectives which nebulously attempt to express what the music really is.
For those who have an idea what the music is, one or two introductory lessons: brilliant use of jazz and rock, changing moods and rhythms produced by a splendiferous array of instruments (including numerous keyboards).
Take 'Spellbound' for instance. Phil Judd (lead guitarist) introduced it with meaty acoustic guitar. Later the malotron added depth to the song as it progressed, whilst a strong sax line ran through the whole number.
A complete composition is 'Lovey-dovey' - introduced by Finn as a cynical love-song, it was just that. Some sharp jazz piano from Eddie Raynor expressed (amongst other things) the fickleness, shallowness of lovey-doveyness.
It is perhaps a waste of time to once again list the drawbacks of holding a concert such as this in the Town Hall but to put it bluntly, the visual experience of this show saved it from being a disaster. The acoustics were so bad that even when sitting five rows from the front downstairs it was well nigh impossible to pick out the vocals.
This complaint was common to all sections of the Town Hall and one has to wonder whether the group's knowledge of this major structural defect had anything to do with its decision to make its N.Z. tour substantially a visual display. The lighting was generally good but at times it was rather slow in picking out who was doing the vocals. This was particularly so in the couple of songs where Phil Judd took over the vocals from Tim Finn ('Under the Wheel' and 'Spellbound').
All in all it was an excellent performance. What more can be said? The local groupie set tells me that the group was overwhelmed by the audience response but they all say that about Wellington audiences, don't they?
I would appreciate hearing from anyone interested in visiting 'Lomond Villa' at Porirua Hospital from 6.00 to 7.00 every Thursday evening. The group visiting this particular ward (female patients only) was for some years affiliated to the Red Cross but is now a completely independent group. Called the 'Nicholson Group', the only formal structure is that the two conveners have to vouch for the genuine concern of those in the group.
The purpose is to gradually establish friendships with the girls so as to offer them some support while they are in the ward and if/when they leave.
If you would like more information or would be keen to join the group please ring Peter at 723-160.
The exhibition of political cartoons and drawings by Peter Bromhead at the Wellington Settlement is the best show in town graphically and politically, and definitely the funniest thing to have surfaced in this gully for a long time.
Erstwhile Salient scribbler (as is Tom Scott might I add), and for sometime, resident editorial cartoonist on the Auckland Star, Bromhead is a devastating satirist, streets ahead of any competition in this country, and very much up with the game internationally. Guardian cartoonist and expatriate N.Z.'er Les Gibbard, who drew for the Evening Post for a few weeks recently, to pay, no doubt, for his holiday in Godzone is a pedestrian bore by comparison, with a line like a strand of soggy spaghetti, only less interesting. Perhaps he was out of his depth in the subtle intrigue of N.Z. politics.
The local mutual admiration society of Nevile Lodge and Eric Heath are about as funny and as predictable as Tweedledum and Tweedledee, although Heath is capable of the occasional surprise. His op art tie on the quite large dark blue expanse of the shirt he wore to take in the Bromhead show certainly surprise me. He looked as if he'd fallen out of one of Bromhead's colour drawings, one of which (exhibited here) was runner up at the slightly reputable Tokoroa Competition last year.
Bromhead is a splended cartoonist, he best we've got. His colour drawings however lack the bite and incisiveness, the economy of line and the pointedness of the cartoons. Although they are quite whimsically charming, they come across as doodles, which, I am sure he'd agree, is precisely what they are. Not in my opinion, prize-winning or even runner-up material, they are hardly to be compared with 'Dubuffet and Matta and that tribe' as Ernest Smith (director of the Auckland City Gallery and incidentally, judge of the Tokoroa show) does in an unbelievably pretentious Star review (which smacked not a little of backscratching or worse) of Bromhead's recent Barry Lett show.
I wonder how Mr Muldoon feels when he sees himself caricatured on The Star's leader page. Oddly, his striking physiognomy seems to elude Bromhead who depicts him as a slit-eyed toad, or as some kind of malevolent Humpty Dumpty. Perhaps when our broadcasting and TV news are on a more 'responsible' and manageable basis, the screws on editorial pages (and cartoonists) will be tightened even further.
With other personalities, Bromhead is more adept at getting to the essence. The unforgetable cartoons of Arthur Faulkner playing High Noon at Kawerau, Hugh Watt peering myopically at an optician's chart which reads 'go home Hugh' and Whetu yoked to Rowling in a helpless three legged race. These are classics, as is the superb Marshall knighthood cartoon. Perhaps when the Prime Minister learns that this and several others have been irresponsibly purchased by the Turnbull Library he will call for the resignation of the National Librarian.
Bromhead's line lives and breathes. His mature style, which this work represents, is highly articulate. His sense of the macabre and the ridiculous, prerequisites for a political cartoonist in this day and age, is impecabble and his acute intelligence and acerbic wit are I hope irrepressible. Don't miss this show, you'll kick yourself if you do. I predict there won't be too much to laugh at in the near future.
As an afterthought, portraying Muldoon as an egg may not be so inapropriate. The Oxford Dictionary defines a humpty dumpty as a person who makes words mean what he chooses. Did you know that Bromhead?
My overall impression of the exhibition is that old techniques of media are being used to say new things. Tapestry, carving, lacquer work, sculpture, silverware, basketry, painting and textile work are among the crafts exhibited. All are traditional, yet many are being used in entirely new ways that speak vividly of China today.
One of the most arresting pieces was a traditional painting of mountains with very non-traditional railway in the foreground, while another - one of my favourites - was a large tapestry called 'New Barefoot Doctors' which conveyed a strength and vigour that was really startling. Strenth and vigour seem to be key words to describe what is happening with crafts in China today (all the exhibites are under five years old), where craft is used to speak of the experience of the people. This is illustrated by the statuette of the barefoot doctor (or any of the other 'barefoot doctor' exhibits), the paintings of bridges, construction works and railways, the sculpture entitled 'A Graduate Leaving for the Countryside'.
All these seem to show that crafts are being used to express meaningfully the experience of the craftsman in the new China.
All this tends to emphasize what is only one aspect of the exhibition. Other exhibits - jade carvings, silk screens - sewed entirely traditionally, a witness that the old crafts are not forgotten, and that the degree of skill is still as high as ever. That level of skill is certainly rarely seen in New Zealand. I recall the 32 concentric ivory balls that took two people a year to carve.
Finally, then, one thing at least is clear from the exhibition that the arts are flourishing in China today.
This time the Folk Club excelled themselves. Towards 8pm, in preparation for the 7.30 concert, over 200 people had filtered into the Union Hall and were waiting expectantly.
Lights dimmed - and Margaret Leighton kicked off with a Milissa Cotton song ideally suited to her strong, rich, deep voice. A good strong beginning to a great concert. Margaret has a voice strikingly different from anything produced at a VUW folk concert recently, and it is to be hoped we'll hear more of it.
It was good of course to see Jean McAllister back. Jean's is an act one never tires of, and despite rumours that she slept through the first half of the concert, her performance suffered nothing from this apparent exhaustion.
Jade, now with two television performances behind them (imagine how long they took to tune up before all that!), were of their usual high standard and were well received. They seem much more at home now and the audience responds accordingly.
One of the highlights (if not the highlight) was Hollis (i.e. Dave Hollis of Chez Paree fame), plus friends. I could almost write a whole review on them alone (but I won't). Dave played guitar (boy, did he ever) and sang - and his two friends sang and harmonised.
I've got to hand it to these people - some of their arrangements were very ambitious with excitingly unusual harmonies - and never did they falter. They maintained throughout a professional air, and yet a friendly sort of freshness which created an immediate rapport. And the crowd went wild They sang a satirical song about television which (so I am reliably informed) is part of a 40 minute satirical rock opera they wrote themselves and which they will be performing soon at varsity. We must see more of Hollis - they are good.
Another new face well worth a mention is Colin Speir. Apparently this guy was sprung upon an
Steve Ashby also has a very pleasant relaxing sound, his voice is soft and melodic.
Gilbert Egdell was really mellow and easy to listen to too, but rather lacked the sort of vitality necessary to match him with the preceding acts.
And as for the Last Chance (said with strong American accent) string Band with the old American Toons - enough said. Every folk concert should have one.
I enjoyed this concert more than any other I have seen the Folk Club put on, and they have set themselves a high standard to match for the rest of the year. It was good to see so many enthusiastic new faces both in the audience and on stage, and the whole atmosphere was one of envigorating newness. I look forward with expectation to anything the Folk Club have to offer in the future, hoping Monday night was in fact a sign of things to come.
A follow-on from Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid with Paul Newman and Robert Reford, set, however, in Chicago in
The film is 'so richly detailed and so muted in tone that one almost forgets the film is in colour - and who can possible imagine Al Capone's Chicago other than in terms of black and white." - Sight and Sound.
It involves a con using more twists than a rock-python as the cons are conned. The audience is taken in by the procedings as much as anyone as well.
The plot is incredibly absorbing. From scene to scene it never fails to leave the audience amazed as if bemused by a magician.
This is a 'rugged contest between a quartet of city folk and the white water rapids of the Cahulawassee River" - Film Quarterly.
Deliverance is not simply another adventure movie - the multiplicity of themes soon makes this apparent. For example, it is not man's physical strength and cool courage that wins when pitted against a cruel nature, as in a typical adventure story. It is the ordinary humanity that is in all of us that proves to be the group's greatest asset.
The film impressed me, first and foremost, as being very real and vital. The rapid pace of the action matched the frequent and sudden changes of emotion, and overall it was totally absorbing.
Will be shown in the Memorial Theatre
This column will appear regularly giving opinions from workers on things that affect their lives and their working environment.
Every day we read and hear of the activities indulged in by Trade Unions. One of the more contentious issues of the
The relationship between the Unions and the Labour Party could be stronger, indeed some Political Scientists have said that Labour will only return to the Government benches when it is able to encourage a more active participation in Party affairs by Union members.
As an election promise the National Party stated that the membership of "Unions would become a voluntary decision by workers themselves. As the Party explained, all workers would have the chance to vote for a system of either voluntary or compulsory unionism. Very fair and democratic you say. But is it?
Under the proposed National scheme all employees of a company will get a chance to vote on the issue regardless of whether they should be in the union or not.
For instance, take a large construction company with a swag of carpenters and labourers as well as a few drivers, engineers and clerical staff, who are all covered by their separate unions. No only will these people vote on the issue but so will all salaried staff, including top management in the company!
It makes you wonder whether the National Party is trying to give all workers the right to choose whether or not they belong to their union - or are they after another, and far wider reaching goal?
If the National Government does hold the ballots for voluntary vs. compulsory unionism in this manner then some unions will suffer severely because of the unfair opportunity given to management and non-members to participate in the decision making process of the individual unions.
The weakening of individual unions will have a snowballing effect. Not only will services to members be cut back through lack of resources but a far wider reaching event would also eventuate.
A large proportion of funds which support the Labour Party comes from Union Capitation Fees. Through the Capitation system unions which are affiliated to the N.Z. Labour Party pay 20c per member to the Party. (It must be pointed out that not all Unions are affiliated to the Labour Party).
Of all the Unions in New Zealand which are affiliated to the Federation of Labour the Engineers Union (approx. 40,000) and the Hotel Workers Union (approx. 30,000) are the largest, and they are also affiliated to the Labour Party.
Therefore we ask (and answer) the following:-
The only conclusion to be taken from this is that the National Party scheme of ballots to decide the issue of compulsory unionism is no high flying sign of democracy and decency at work, but rather a shabby and underhand attempt to severely weaken the strength and financial resources of the Labour Party and the industrial labour movement as a whole.
A case of shoplifitng was heard before Mr Richardson S.M. in the Wellington Magistrate's Court. The defendant was an elderly woman and a pensioner. She removed two articles of clothing from Kirkcaldies. It was the defendant's first offence, Mr Richardson S.M. convicted the defendant but suspended sentence for 12 months.
A middle aged man appeared for sentence on a charge of attempted false pretences before Mr Richardson S.M.
The defendant found a cheque book in the street and attempted to cash a cheque for the sum of $40. The defendant was a married man and at the time of the offence in financial difficulties.
The defendant admitted that he had requested a friend to sign the cheque. The defendant had appeared on three previous occasions in the past six years. Mr Richardson S.M. imposed a penalty of $75 and ordered the defendant to pay $5 court costs. The defendant's request for suppression of name was refused.
The Wellington Magistrates Court has a new magistrate. Mr Richardson S.M. comes from Auckland Since his arrival in Wellington Mr Richardson S.M. has gained an unenvied reputation. His arrogant attitude and behaviour in court has been the subject of much criticism from lawyers. Even the police appear exacerbated at times.
A man aged 24 appeared before Mr Richardson S.M. in the Wellington Magistrate's Court. The Police Prosecutor stated that the defendant had towed a car away, spent $50 on repairs and resold it as his own.
The defendant was married with two children and had not long been in N.Z.
In view of the fact that the defendant believed it was a derelict car with no owner he was given a suspended sentence and ordered to pay $50 court costs.
Two young men appeared separately before Mr Richardson S.M. on charges of being drunk in a public place. The defendants had spent the night in the police cells. Mr Richardson S.M. takes a lenient view on people who are drunk. Each defendant was convicted and discharged.
Some years ago the police were issued with instructions Not to arrest people because they were drunk. The police were told they should endeavour to take drunk people home. It appears these instructions have fallen into disuse.
Seldom does a day go by when Michael Flower, Mayor of Wellington, does not hit the headlines of the local dailies, whether it concerns the $5 million Town Hall, a $27,000 car, or yet another plan for the streamlining of Wellington streets. Some have called him far-sighted, some have called him foolish. In this interview Salient tries to find the real Michael Fowler, the man behind the robes. We failed.
An editorial in last weeks 'Dominion' said that your style of leadership provided a refreshing change from the style of leadership that Wellington had grown accustomed to in recent decades. What is this new type of leadership and how does it differ from previous styles?
I said prior to the election that if I were elected Mayor there would be a different type of mayoralty. It was inevitable that this would be so, for I am a very different man to my predecessor, Sir Francis Kitts. Indeed I've got a very different situation now. For most of the 18 years of Sir Frank's mayoralty he was a Labour mayor with a Citizen's majority on council.
q This time it's a Citizen's mayor with a Citizen's majority. For the first time since I've been involved with Council, the Citizen's group wrote a policy on what they would do if they were in a majority group, and this is what we refer to each month.
Do you think that this style means that you press straight ahead and ignore any opposition that comes in your path? This seems to have been the case with both the Victoria St extensions and the new Town Hall project.
I would think that was quite incorrect. One of the main features of this triennium is the constant referral to the electorate on major issues.
The Victoria St extension was referred to the citizenry of Wellington in the mid-sixties. A determination at that time was made that a road linkage was required to parallel Willis St. It was then incorporated on the district scheme. The Council could then have called it a day, but under this triennium we have called public discussions of considerable length, prepared discussion papers showing five basic alternatives (of which one is to do nothing), and held two forums. Many of the views presented here have been taken into account and the Council finally accepted a modified version of the original plan, widening Herbert Street and easing the corner from Parish to Manners St. I don't think that anyone in their right mind could say that the Council didn't heed the comments made, or that the Council didn't encourage participation and the free flow of ideas on the alternatives available.
In the case of the new town hall, there was a suggestion of having a poll to decide whether the citizens actually wanted to go ahead with it. Why wasn't this suggestion taken up?
It's not relevant. We have't received a formal request for a poll, there has been some noise created by one or two parties suggesting that there should be a poll. We are not in a position to acceed to that request because we haven't even got authority to raise the money. A poll is relevant to the raising of money. That is the issue.
The Council seems to be trying, but people still feel that when the crunch comes the Council will make the decision that serves the interests of the business sector. Do you think the Council has the attitude that what big business wants goes?
No, I disagree. The Council isn't a puppet of the business sector. What an extraordinary thing to say. It is very conscious of advocacy whether it comes from Johnsonville North Progressive Association, the Seatoun and Island Bay Progressive Association, a group of retailers in Courtenay Place, Action for Environment, or an individual. I don't think that anyone could instance anytime when the Council doesn't willingly hear such advocacy, particularly at committee meetings, in this office, or at Council meetings.
What pressure groups do you take the most notice of?
I take no more notice of any one group than another. But I must admit I, as would any elected person, have to exercise some judgement in regards to the clout which can be accredited to particular groups. By clout I don't mean political clout, but clout as to the weight of evidence or advocacy they are presenting.
Is the Council doing anything about the spread of the university and the haphazard development that has taken place because of this?
There is property around the university designated for university use before it is available. But that is proper planning. Personally, the university is a very welcome sector in the Wellington climate and the Wellington economy. I say that because Wellington is regarded as a commercial centre, and I think it is very good that it should be a place of light, liverty and learning.
It is good to have the university dominent on the skyline, just as I thought so in Auckland when as a member of the student executive I helped put up a tremendous battle to retain the university on the Princes Street site against outrageous odds. It's very good for the community - that symbol of an alternative way of life and learning should be so physically dominant in a commercial or government sector.
'Outrageous odds' - could that be a good description of your chances of saving the university's Hunter Building?
No, they're pretty good. There is a liaison committee between the university council and this council which will meet on 24 March. I'm sure we'll have some fairly rational talks.
I wish to discuss these matters rationally with Chancellor O'Brien rather than conducting the discussions through the news media, which is not his wish nor is it mine. I think the university council, with this council, share a desire to retain the Hunter Building if it is physically possible, and economically possible.
Would you be able to list for me what you believe are the four major problems facing Wellington at the moment?
The major problem is finance. I have long advocated that there must be recognition by central government of the need for additional finance for local government. It is necessary that cities remain financially viable and good places to live. And if that requires subsidies from central government then that's as necessary as subsidising farmers. Nearly 70% of New Zealanders are now living in metropolitan areas and that will rise to 90% before another 30 years are up.
Secondly there is too much autonomy to various planning authorities within Wellington. There is the Crown, its numerous agencies and such authorities as the Harbour Board. Some rationale must be introduced into Wellington.
The third problem is that because of Wellington's typography there is an increasing demand for central space in which to build offices. This means that the city of Wellington is becoming more and more an employment centre rather than a place to live in. That brings us into problems of the commuter coming in from the Hutt Valley and the Eastern Bays - which generally accentuate our transport problem.
Lastly, we have to many people in this city who don't owe allegiance to it. It lacks a parochial feeling. We haven't got enough people who feel that they owe some allegiance to this town and want to involve themselves in it. That is because we have a number of very large education establishments in Wellington. People come here for in-service training and then go out again. They stay here for three, five, or ten years and then their ambition is to get out. We are trying to create situations in Wellington with which people identify.
Letters can be handed in at the letterbox just inside the Salient office or handed in to the editor personally. However if you wish to pay 8c postage then send your letters to PO Box 1347, Wellington. Letters should be double spaced and on one side of the paper only.
Mrs Goodall's only crime was to criticise Curtwood enterprises - Underwood/Curtis - so it came about that she was tried without her knowledge and hastily dismissed by Underwood and his Yes men, with a one-third of the Exec, absent, of ridiculous trumped up petty charges. We don't want these people on the Exec, as so called leaders. We demand a fair hearing, Justice, and reinstatement of the best office manager Studass has ever had.
It seems to me that in the height of the controversy over the Goodall Affair, people are losing sight of the logical reality of the situation.
Surely at least part of the blame must be laid at the feet of those previous executives who have allowed such a situation, as an office manager being able to hire an office worker without executive approval, arise. It seems to me that Mrs Goodall merely had the misfortune to be in the wrong place at the wrong time.
I have just read Salient No. 1 and it has reinforced all my anti-student feelings.
Did they really kick someone out of a job they'd been doing for 3 years without any warning or consultation coz she'd hired somebody without asking the Big-Men-Around Campus (and with only 4 our of 10 voting for it)?
And then I read 'The holidays'. No wonder 'workers' get pissed off with 'students'. Lindy Cassidy criticises 'workers' for their blind prejudices. How about students' racial prejudice; about Malaysian, Poms and Islanders as evidenced by the toilet graffiti? What's wrong with not liking any thing too removed from chops and vegies? What about the student food where anything too far removed from yoghurt, muesli, rice, noodles, Vogel's bread etc is 'uncool'?
And as for her characterization of workers as blindly prejudiced, materialistic, yet gutsy and honest and hell of a funny! Would Salient have printed a description of the Maoris as lazy, happy-go-lucky yet funloving, generous and great on the guitar?
And then when I'd finished that and was feeling good and pissed off I read the bit about not being able to go to movies without an ID. Is it because students don't want workers' dirty overalls on their scats? Maybe the theatre gets too crowded and I apologise if this is true but its never been too crowded when I've been).
In case you think I have a grudge against students because I didn't get U.E. or some such reason, I spent 1 year and 2 weeks at Vic, passed everything I sat (mostly stage II papers) and am now working, and enjoying it, and have no desire to return to Varsity this year.
I have heard that the post-election purge by the Tory administration has caught on around here at the university. I understand that one of the academic staff sent a wee note to Muldoon informing him whom in his Department were active in the Citizens for Rowling campaign and recommending their dismissal because of it. Do you think that the investigatory powers of your newspaper, or your readers, could bring this villain to earth?
Could someone on the student executive please explain the misinformation regarding the purchase of Split Enz concert tickets.
Many of us were under the impression that being a student entitled one to a discount of about a dollar per ticket. When we went to buy tickets we were told that only International Student Travel Cards would be accepted as proof, and these had to be
Our identity card costs $30.50. A person bearing such a card, which also carried your signature on it, should be entitled to student privileges.
One hopes that identity cards will be sufficient proof of one's identity, or have promoters become hypocritical in their 'Specially for Students' attitude, knowing full well that hardly anyone has this year's I.S.I.C. Card yet.
We were shocked to learn of the underhand dismissal of Mrs Goodall. Surely the Exec, hasn't been long enough in office to judge her qualities - she seemed a very efficient and charming lady always ready to help.
The whole affair savours of victimisation how can Underwood/Ward justify a Kangeroo court with the victim stabbed in the back and no means of redress except student indignation at such a happening - and condemnation of the Power Game.
All Tenants of 321 The Terrace wishing to see fair play.
Food bills are rocketing in almost all student flats around Wellington, and in eating places around the city the prices are going up even faster. In order to enable students to get the best deal for their money, Salient will check out a different restaurant each week, and give its impressions.
First on the list Garlands Restaurant - upstairs in Manners Street. This place has the reputation for providing a good feed at a cheap price. As it turns out they have a limited menu dinner for lunch or tea priced at $2.00. As for the food, it is the sort of meal your dear old mum used to serve up in the days before she heard of Des Britten, garlic, Montana Rose' and wholemeal bread. (If all members of the family had a go at cooking, and it wasn't left up to 'dear old mum', to keep slogging at it every night you might have had more variety - Typesetter). An old fashioned Sunday dinner.
The soup was vegetable - clear, tasty and well stocked up with freshly cooked veges. It could have been a meal in itself. I for one would welcome the opening of a 'Soup House' somewhere in Wellington.
The main course brought back a few memories, with roast lamb swimming in mint sauce and gravy, creamed potato's (mashed) and roast potatoes as promised the meat itself properly cooked and tender. 'Veges of the Day' were tinned peas butter beans and carrots all overcooked.
Pudding of Apple Pie and Ice cream was dissapointingly tasteless and pie not hot. They charged me an extra 20 cents for a small serving of ice cream despite the fact that my partner had no sweet at all at bit slack I think.
Tea to finish - a damn sight better than most Restaurant Tea. Real Tea. I was generally left with the impression of an adequate square meal of an earlier age. Knowing what to expect I went away quite satisfied.
The decor has just been redone in vinyl and vaguely colonial style tables, Take a table by the windows if there during the day as the place is a wee bit dark in places. It's the sort of outfit that you'd go to for a feed, but not to relax and talk at length afterwards over coffee. Nor, I suspect, is it the place to take grog.
The service adequate though unenthusiastic. I managed to get a glass of water without hassle (no charge).... which is a definite plus in todays world.
The ratings that will appear in this column will be purely arbitrary, and because of the wide range of places visited, each will stand alone.