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The president of the Students' Association, Doug White, doubts the effectiveness of the New Zealand University Students' Association in all its responsibilities.
In a report on the Winter Council of NZUSA prepared for the executive of VUWSA he says the main responsibilities are to act as a university educational pressure group, to represent New Zealand students on national and international issues, and to obtain and provide services for students such as travel, insurance and concession.
"A united national student body could be extremely effective in all three spheres," he says.
"Despite the tremendous efforts of its two full-time Presidents, some of its officers, and a few Constituent Executives. NZUSA at its general meetings spends lengthy soulsearching debates on justifying its existence to sceptical delegates and considering whether it should do or say anything.
"Between Councils constituent associations for various reasons regularly investigate the value of NZUSA.
"The very nature of student affairs, particularly the transience of the participants, ensures that there will always be those who need to be convinced of the value of the national student body."
Among the decisions of Winter Council that Doug noted were these.
• The voting system was changed to give more recognition to the size of a Constituent.
• Half of the commission received from the NZUSA Insurance Scheme is to be paid to the constituent of origin of the business and the other half is to be retained by NZUSA. Victoria will receive $170 from policies sold.
• The NZUSA Executive is to draw up constitutional amendment to give NZU Arts Council autonomy provided that NZUSA keeps a general supervisory function on the state of NZUAC's finances.
• An allocation of $1,000 is to he made to NZUAC for the promotion of cultural affairs through a planned programme of activities provided a suitably qualified treasurer is ratified by the NZUSA Executive.
• The 1969 budget of $14,683 was adopted by NZUSA after it had been approved by Finance Commission.
"We're not planning any violence," said It Will Be.
A cheque for five dollars, payable to the editor of Salient, arrived in the mail early in the holidays.
With it was this letter.
Dear Sir,
I see on P.1 of the latest Salient that a collection was or will be taken up for Alan Wiltshire's —
I haven't much money myself but would like very much to contribute to both causes if I may.
I am enclosing a cheque for five dollars.
If it is too late to contribute to Biafran refugees and Alan has all his fine paid then the money could be used to keep pay for some impecunious student to go to the Foreign Policy Conference in Hamilton on August 17 and 18. (See P.12 of Salient.)
Yours Sincerely,
Mrs Irene F. Long.
P.S. If my cheque is used to help someone go to the Conference in Hamilton, might I ask that in return he or she send me news about the Conference afterwards—over and above what I'm likely to glean from the paper, TV or radio.
Better still if he or she could and would visit me here (after finals would do, I know you're all no busy) and tell me personalty. I'll shout the rail ticket from Wellington in that case.
Anyway best wishes for the Conference and to you and all you fine students at the University.
Yours sincerely,
Mrs Irene F. Long.
As only about $5 of Alan Wiltshire's fine has been paid as a result of the appeal to students the editor will pay the whole amount of the cheque into the appeal fund.
Would anybody who went to the Conference in Hamilton and would be willing to visit Mrs Long, please contact the editor for her address?
Craccum and Canta have been named as jointly the best student newspapers this year.
The judges were
"They awarded first prize in the features section to Salient (June 25).
"Salient is printed weekly and in this respect works under heavier pressure than the other entrants.
"The judges were divided about its approach to layout end its use of technical resources. Salient is printed offset but although one judge admired layout another strongly maintained that, notably on the feature pages, its use of thick horizontal rules and its tendency to stretch articles horizontally across the central gutter were unattractive and irritating.
"Bill Logan's story in Salient (June 18) about student photographs displayed a certain amount of resourcefulness but was not completely researched. It was the best news story before the judges who decided, however, that it was too slight to merit an award.
"If anything, Craccum is the kind of student newspaper that reflects student life as parents would prefer to see it lived, whereas Canta is probably more faithful to the image of students as they actually are.
"Since public debate in this area is unresolved, the judges saw no need to upset the polarity. They decided, finally, to award a joint prize to Canta and Craccum, as best student newspapers in New Zealand."
The Student Union Planning Committee has been requested by Exec. to meet and "explain the plans of the Sub and to consider possible modifications".
At Exec. meetings 6 and 9 August the proposed Sub extensions were discussed without reaching any other decision.
Student
He said that the plans were out keeping with the neighbouring buildings, and that they would merely repeat the mistakes embodied in the present Sub.
At the second meeting, University Vice-Principal Dr
Major changes in the plan would result in loss of the government subsidy, which had just been granted after two years' delay.
The motion was passed 6-4, after opposition from
After rejecting a second motion urging the University Council to immediately call tenders for the extensions, Exec. passed the motion requesting the Planning Committee to meet.
Gerard Curry (below) has been elected overwhelmingly as President of the Students' Association for 1969.
In the poll at the end of the second term he received 200 votes more than his six opponents put together.
Graduating B.A. this year, he is now engaged in LL.B honours.
He was Salient co-editor in 1967 and won the prize for the best news story.
He was chairman of the Debating Society last year and is a past president of the Catholic Society.
Others elected to the Executive were: Men's Vice-President,
About 40 per cent of the electorate voted—well above normal.
The future of the polling booth in Hunter Building is brought into question by the very small vote there.
However, in all cases but one the Hunter vote was more favourable to winners than the vote at other booths.
An interesting sidelight to the election is that the counting of votes (including the checking of the rolls against double voting) took nearly 11 hours, being completed shortly after 6 a.m. on 8 August.
Students are becoming much more interested in their own education.
This became obvious at NZUSA Winter Council held at Victoria before Tournament.
Education Commission, sub-committee of Council, was in session for nearly two days.
It considered the individual reports of constituents; accommodation; bursaries; student loans; educational pamphlets; liaison with other interested bodies; the appointment of a paid research officer; and a proposed national education conference.
One interesting aspect was the number of new education officers appearing.
Auckland, Waikato, and Massey Student Associations have recently created specific executive posts dealing with education and Otago will have one early next year.
This means that now all NZUSA constituents have officers concerned specifically with educational affairs.
The reports of each officer outlined the particular problems of each university.
Victoria reported efforts made to end the language requirements for B.A. students.
Lincoln has invoked an unlikely student ally—the Federated Farmers—in attempting to change bursary regulation unfavourable to Dip. Agriculture students.
A report is to be produced on the advantages and disadvantages of various forms of accommodation.
It was felt that the student point of view was often overlooked by the authorities concerned in this field. The report will make student opinion known.
The commission also heard proposals for a national education conference.
This would be along the lines of the recent "Peace, Power and Politics" conference on New Zealand's foreign policy and could possibly be held in May next year.
Although it would involve other groups, A.U.T., P.P.T.A., and combined educational committees the idea of such a conference demonstrates the tremendous growing interest of student organisations in educational matters.
The seven constituent Presidents of NZUSA are to meet at least three times a year, apart from Council meetings, under a Canterbury motion passed at Winter Council.
The decision arose from an Otago-initiated discussion on the concept of the present national executive.
Originally suggesting that the National executive should consist of the President of NZUSA, the Education Vice-President, Treasurer and the seven constitutent Presidents,
"The resurgence of student activism is a sign of maturity and of wisdom, rather than one of juvenile folly and adolescent noise."
Mr
Mr Henning began his speech by outlining the tremendous opportunities available in tertiary education in the United States today.
University education was more available to the American young, than to the young of any other nation.
Even in spite of this, educational opportunity has still moved ahead in recent years.
"There are more negroes per thousand in universities in the United States than there are white people per thousand at universities in Great Britain, France or New Zealand," he said.
He then outlined details of the activities at American universities.
In particular, students had developed in three ways.
In a feeling for the negro.
In a feeling for peace.
And in a feeling for autonomy.
Mr Henning said he would speak on the first two of these, but he had no knowledge about the third.
"The negro revolt," it was explained, "would not have started without the negro, but it would not have survived without the help of whites."
This help came from many sources—the Courts, the Federal Government, the church —and particularly the students, who had gone South in their holidays to have themselves arrested.
"Even my own son was involved in this," the Ambassador concluded.
NZUSA is to appoint a full-time paid Research Officer.
This was decided at Winter Council.
When first mooted at Easter Council the proposal raised considerable opposition, particularly from Canterbury.
Since then differences, especially over the precise functions of the officer, have been resolved.
A motion from Massey and the Education Vice-President saying the officer shall be "responsible to the executive for investigating areas of immediate concern to NZUSA and for liaison with other agencies with similar concerns" was passed with very little discussion.
It was decided that the appointee should be qualified to use quantative statistical methods in primary and secondary research.
Considerable discussion took place over the priorities of research for the officer. Staffing problems, salaries and individual projects of each university were mentioned.
The officer will probably be asked to concentrate initially on staffing issues, as these are regarded as "central to all New Zealand university problems".
Profits from NZUSA Travel Bureau and insurance schemes will provide the salary of $2400 and expenses of $300 for the officer.
Nine entries faced the starter for the Bridge Cup, run at Auckland over five furlongs, during Arts Festival Meeting this year.
Victoria A (
Scores: Auckland A 965, Victoria A 950, out of a possible 1760.
Victoria C, after a slow start, improved steadily and made up a lot of ground, and finished well to take third placing.
In the Pairs Stakes, with 18 starters, the top Victoria pair (Lynskey and McKenzie) took an early lead and were five lengths clear at the turn, but encountered heavy going outside the furlong, and were narrowly beaten at the post by the top Auckland pair (
Scores: Auckland A 497, Victoria A 492, out of 880.
A big upset was caused when rank outsiders
Rumour has it that the newly elected member for Hutt, Mr Drench. An invitation to speak was also extended to Mr Young. It is understood that lemonade was not available.
Some interesting placards at Dave Shand's protest party: "The Pill is a Protestant Plot to Prevent the Propagation of Protestants"; "Hollyoake has borer".
It would appear that you have certainly left the left side out in your report on student attitudes to the Czechs. Should you care to engage in a minimum of research you might find that the Labour Club gave its support to Czech reforms at its AGM in March, at which time the Spartacist Club was not even affiliated to the Students' Association. Yours sincerely,
Ironic perhaps, that the present Salient office will become a lavatory block when the Student Union building is extended?
A Botany I student in his theory exam confused life cycles of two algae Ulva and Volvox. Due to the confusion and an unfortunate juxtaposition of the two names the examiner was presented with a labelled diagram purporting to be that of a Vulva.
Another student labelled the reproductive structures of a seaweed, Hormosira as contraceptacles instead of concaptacles—no Popish influence in the plant world!!
"Three years ago New Zealand discovered that she was trying to do too much too quickly. She had to slow down but did not do so quickly enough," said Mr E. Holland, Government M.P. for Fendalton, speaking recently on the economy.
If it had not been for the sharp deterioration of the economic situation, the public may have accepted a slower rate of growth. It was necessary that we must correct the economy, though, not too quickly with too drastic action.
The government has decided that the economy needs a "gentle lift" to build up an air of confidence but must not throw away gains that it has made.
"As a result of the conservative policies of the National Party over the past twenty years this country had gone ahead fast and everyone was better off because of this", he said.
Part of the answer to a sounder economy was to ensure increased investment, leaving as much as possible in the hands of the people, to lift the standard of living and retain the welfare state.
Encouragement of investment by the general public, in industry, would considerably step-up production.
"It is the duty of the government to give full reign to private enterprise," he said.
The overall policy of the government was designed to meet "normal circumstances". The government, however, did believe in long-term planning, but there may be unexpected change in the state of the economy.
Over the past twelve months we had accepted a lower standard-of living and it was the policy of the government to ensure that it did not rise too quickly which, he said, contained a certain amount of risk.
This was lessened as the Minister of Finance could make use of the "mini budget".
If circumstances changed more restraint of freedom could be applied to the economy.
"Nevertheless the government realises the need for long-term planning."
Mr Holland said the New Zealand could not achieve satisfactory growth unless we made use of the available tools—manpower and machinery.
But it did not matter to what extent industry could be stimulated, there were still many who could not find employment.
Unemployment was a social problem, an off-shoot of the economic situation. Such people must be trained for jobs they were capable of doing.
Finally, on the subject of tertiary education, Mr Holland said that this branch of education was very costly, particularly in building and that university education should be restricted to those who would make use of it.
"There must be some sort of weeding-out process," he said.
"Comprenez—vous — stage—deux francaise?"
This is likely to be the plaintive cry of Victoria french students during the next fortnight.
During the second week of the third term the French Club and the Language Department are planning "une semaine francasise" ("a French week", for the benefit of those optimistic about their reading knowledge).
Basically the aim of the week is to encourage French students to use French—all of the time, in the caf, in the pub, in bed ... with the possible exception of tutorials in other subjects.
To help them along, a programme of french films, art prints, concerts, and a dinner has been arranged.
Meeting on 6 August, Executive spent most of its time in committee on the Student Union Building extensions (see story elsawhere).
* * *
* * *
Treasurer
* * *
The President-elect was nominated to fill the vacancy on the Student Union Management Committee caused by the departure for overseas of 1967 Women's Vice-President
* * *
University Council recently approved student membership of three more Council sub-committees. Various Exec members were appointed to these positions.
* * *
The Classic Car Club and the Wine Society were affiliated to the Students' Association.
* * *
The Treasurer was asked to prepare a report on the financial state of the Association.
* * *
It was decided to look into the questions of air-conditioning and the provision of a drink-vending machine for
The President and Executive of the New Zealand Student Press Association, and the editors of the student newspapers from Auckland, Lincoln, Wellington and Dunedin have deplored the attitude of the editor of the Canterbury student newspaper who intends to publish a report of a speech against the wishes of the speoker.
Mr
It was made clear at the meeting that Mr Johnstone did not want his speech to be reported.
To report in these circumstances would be in direct contravention of the NZSPA Code of Ethics. We disassociate ourselves from any such breach and express the hope that this will not inhibit any future speakers at other universities.
A university was not an island unto itself but was part of the main stream of tertiary education, Sir Peter Venables, Ph.D., F.R.I.C., said recently.
Sir Peter, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ashton, England, was speaking on "New Institutions for a New Age".
The university was dependant in the last resort for its freedom and responsibilities on the understanding and goodwill of government and body politics, he said.
With a greater degree of academic autonomy accorded to tertiary institutions, there had to be a greater understanding of their nature and work by the community.
There were certain aspects to institutional autonomy, Sir Peter said.
Each tertiary institution should have a governing body which should include members of the teaching staff, and there should be no interference in internal administration by external regulations.
"The autonomous institutions of an effective system system of tertiary education must be interdependent in the rational distribution of courses and resources, but also in ensuring the escalation of ability through the system".
This must be achieved without inducing a corroding sense of failure in those who have not the ability, aptitude or temperament to go to the op, Sir Peer said.
Tertiary education must meet the needs of industry and commerce.
'Sandwich' courses could be innovated. This means the application of knowledge: six months at a technical college or university and six months in industry each year for four or five years.
He also spoke on student involvement in the life and work of an institution, and unrest.
"Students are not competent academics and their involvement in the conduct of academic examinations and judgment of standards, and in the appointment of staff, is inherently unsound and ought to be fully resisted.
"Short of this ultimate academic responsibility, student participation in the work and life of a university should be as full as possible", he said.
Sir Peter said protests had become identified with bearded, long-haired, strangely clad, far-out hippy students.
One should not fall for this communication-image because its undertone supported a campaign in some quarters to disparage the universities.
Students in general are not aware of the amount of money earned by the Students' Association from its catering contract in the dining room.
Members of the Joint Commitee on Student Participation in the University agreed that the information should be given suitable publicity.
The Acting-Managing Secretary of the Student Union has therefore released the following figures.
Income from conferences is not included in these figures as an overall fee for the building is charged on these occasions.
With this additional money the income over the last seven years has exceeded $40,000.
The money thus raised goes to the Sub extensions fund. So far it has provided more than a quarter of the funds needed for the proposed additions to the union building.
Books are used for recreation, education, information, communication, and their importance in every-day life to us all is daily growing apparent.
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The profession of Librarian is an interesting one for it necessitates meeting a great variety of people and ensures a rewarding occupation. The work itself is very varied and has many opportunities for advancement whilst the importance of the contribution towards education cannot be emphasised too strongly.
Each year the Library School in Wellington holds a one-year diploma course for graduates who receive generous living allowances while attending. On satisfactory completion of the course the students are qualified Librarians with a field of secure, varied and important employment open to them.
Why not enquire now about the course by writing to: National Library of New Zealand, Graduate Course, Private Bag, Wellington.
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Grogzone School (our motto 'Steady does it') has done it again. Yet another term of good solid work and steady progress. True, there's a staffing crisis (and you may be sure the government has watched it develop with grave concern). True enough, there's a shortage of post-primary teachers, but that sort of problem's world-wide, you know. And have a look at these figures: In 1962, only 48.7% of primary school classes had 35 or less pupils; in 1967 53% of the classes were in this happy position. This year, for the first time in Grogzone's history, probationary assistants have a maximum of 30 in their classes. What's more, if you still need more, some time in the 1970's, no primary school teachers will have more than 35 pupils. There's progress for you. Well, the 1930 Atmore Report did envisage such a happy state of affairs for 1935. Even so, 'some time in the 1970's' isn't bad. The inspector who said last week or so that schools today 'are in the grasp of dynamic forces of great power and energy' wasn't far out. To be sure, the Minister of Education is aware that there's a broad field of liberal general studies such as economics, citizenship and the fine arts that we've hardly got the plough into yet. But we will, in due course. And there are real weaknesses in the system, which must be recognised and grappled with. You can be certain that the Education Department will be getting to firm grips with them. Now, or in the near future. Economic circumstances permitting, of course.
There's the rub. Good old Grogzone, the governors regret to inform you, is up against it financially. When the cashbox is low, you can't afford the little luxuries, you know. Might as well let the free text book scheme go the way of the free milk scheme. (How to save money without affecting the cost of living index.) The teachers arc complaining that syllabus changes, book prices increases and the effects of devaluation have made their present grants unrealistic? Their textbook grants have been unchanged for five years, and they were promised a review after three years? They've made a report to the Minister of Education on the inadequacy of text book grants? Throw the report out. Throw the scheme out. They'll have no problems with it then.... Primitive but effective, you know.
Is that how the government does its reasoning? Some secondary school teachers fear so. They don't talk so loudly about it in the primary schools. One teacher who performed an interesting arithmetical exercise for his P.T.A. journal, on the inadequate textbook grant in the primary service, was reported to a senior inspector and charged with unprofessional conduct. He worked out that his textbook grant would equip one class with one textbook in one subject—in thirteen years. One catch, the text book had a life of five years. Other members of the N.Z.E.I. will perform similar arithmetical feats at the drop of a piece of chalk. They point out that although the Department of Education supplies books for maths and infant reading, and certain journals and bulletins. the present grant, (30 cents a pupil at contributing schools, 38 cents a pupil at primary schools, 63 cents a pupil at intermediate schools) is little more than derisory. So the P.T.A. runs a raffle or a fair or a Bingo meeting, to attract a Department subsidy. Even assuming that it's every parent's bounden duty to join the P.T.A. or the Home and School Association, should they, or will they, join what becomes no more than a fund raising committee?
Schools not only require text books. They need equipment for the 'new science courses', and for 'audio-Lingual training in foreign languages'. The Institute of Production Engineers calls for a wide range of better-class modern machine tools for technical courses Headmasters request more 'specialist' rooms.
The Department of Education is sanguine on this one. If recent schools are based on 1958 plans, and don't have the necessary specialist rooms, well, the department will do 'an exercise in the planning changes necessary'. And it promises that construction of school buildings will be given higher priority than, for example, a higher leaving age. But what sort of priority is it, when the choice for many school is more temporary classrooms, or a smaller intake? What sort of priority is it, when a high school accepts prefabricated classrooms, so several classes 'move out of the school's potting shed'? Or when a school of 1,030 has 13 permanent rooms and 13 prefabricated rooms? Or when only three of the six country schools approved in principle for conversion to 'Forms I to 6' schools are, in fact so converted, the original plan being shelved because of economic circumstances? Mr Kirk asks. 'Why are we holding up on certain aspects of the building programme—and I am thinking for example of technical institutes while in the same breath the government is talking about the need for job re-training?' The answer must be that economics, not school building, has priority. And it's short-sighted economics, at that.
What is the effect of the economic situation on the staffing of Grogzone? Says Mr Holyoake, Present indications are that recruitment to all teacher training courses for next year is proceeding at a very high level.' Certainly the following factors work in favour of a bigger intake at the training colleges:
So far, so good. The government's attitude toward that unproductive investment. education, could, paradoxically, give us more teachers. And the prospective teachers thus gained could well make up for the forty teacher we lost to Canada during a recent recruiting mission. They might also take care of the 4,000 extra pupils we have staying on in our schools because of the economic situation, They cannot do much to alleviate the Staffing shortage outlined in the 1967 P.P.T.A. bulletin. 'Lost Opportunities'. For the following reasons:
To sum up. The government may, albeit unwittingly, have speeded up teacher recruitment. There will be doubts as to whether this is anything more than a temporary alleviation of the stalling weaknesses revealed in 'Lost Opportunities.' Recently, a Vocational Guidance officer, finding on his horizon no unemployed school leavers, said, '... fears on unemployment were unfounded.' This statement seems to ignore the people who have stayed on at school because they could not get employment. It seems to avoid questioning whether the school-leavers are in satisfactory employment. It is to be feared that the Education Departmen, seeing an adult in the classroom and less than 35 pupils in that classroom, may conclude in similar fashion. '... talk of a staffing crisis is uninformed.' It may say, (and I now quote a Secondary Schools' Council). 'We were agreeably surprised at the quality of the temporary classrooms supplied to us.... These prefabs are good and the teachers find them satisfactory.' But it's doubtful whether economic crises create enough teachers or enough textbooks or enough classrooms. And it's certain that ministers of finance can have less consideration even for the suitability of teachers, textbooks, or classrooms. A small Otago University survey once found that 289% of the students wanted to go leaching; and 61% expected to go teaching. Will the recent policies of the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Education change such attitudes?
I have written about free text-books, building programmes and teacher recruitment to show, in part, what is happening to our schools. A black picture. In my next article I hope to show what is happening in our schools. Colour my next article dull grey.
Opinions expressed in Salient are not necessarily those of VUWSA.
The Prime Minister and the good women of the Dominion Council of the National Party don't like the idea of contraceptive vending machines on university campuses. The reactionaries reacted, predictably perhaps, to the decision of the Executive of Canterbury University Students' Association to look into the possibility of vending machines on their two campuses.
If there are any arguments against the installation of the machines they are certainly not the arguments of the reactionaries who are afraid that young people may learn they can get away with fun without much danger. This danger, danger of pregnancy, is to be the only motive for the morality the National Party plans for New Zealand.
Immoral contraceptives may well be (depending on your particular theological standpoint), and some types even repulsive, but nobody can, in sanity, view a used French letter as more immoral or repulsive than an unwanted baby and its mother.
The question that Students' Associations have to answer is this: are the tragedies likely to be prevented by contraceptives worth the public goodwill lost by the installation of vending machines—public goodwill measurable in bursaries, staff salaries and building development?
The good women of the National Party have most forcefully pointed out that this is a moral question. Students' Associations must decide whether contraceptives should be encouraged, or unwanted babies. In deciding on such a moral question no weight should be given to questions of public goodwill and the government-given money tied thereto.
Contraceptives in various forms are available to anybody who wants them, and more effective types than the French letters likely to be available in any machine. The most satisfactory types are used mainly by people enjoying stable long-term relationships. French letters remain useful for more casual relationships.
As the machines cater for casual relationships and impulsive instances the argument that the machines are superfluous is countered by the distance of the nearest urgent pharmacy and the time taken for mail order delivery.
The Students' Association should not only install a machine at Victoria, but actively encourage their installation in other public places.
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Why can't policemen make up their minds?
They look forward to demonstrations and then squeal when the helmets begin to roll.
In March of this year, when the Peace Power and Politics Conference was most subtly timed to coincide with the SEATO Conference, Parliament was floodlit and garrisoned with enthusiastic policemen. Nothing happened.
An enterprising Evening Post reporter wrote: 'A high-ranking police officer disclosed today that his men were secretly looking forward to a 'bit of action' and, in fact, had weathered an extremely dull week in anticipation of a 'workout' when the conference opened this morning. Needless to say there were 35 'brassed off' policemen when the ceremony went off without a single incident."
It was only three months later that the ruckus at Parliament triggered its hysterical tirade from the press. The genial men in blue whose reported 'anticipation of a workout" had gone almost unnoticed suddenly became "the embattled blue line" apparently dividing democracy from anarchy.
The barrage of charge and counter-charge that followed, and the willingness with which the public hailed the constabulary as martyrs to law and order in Godzone obscured the simple fact that police, as well as students, have a sneaking predilection for a minor dust-up every now and then, as the Post article in March had made clear.
Essentially, relations between the police and students are good. Activists on the left and the right will naturally deny this, but the bulk of students, whose mediocrity is equalled perhaps only by that of the police force itself, still sutler childhood illusions of the police as the friendly bobby on the heat.
The "We Love the Cops" demonstration on May 1st was organised as a capping stunt. It was probably in no way different from any other demonstration, but for once its real nature was not obscured by antiestablishment placards.
"The march was reasonably orderly." reported the Evening Post. "Students making every effort to avoid clashes with the police, and the police taking no action at all to break up the demonstration."
In general relations between students and the Fuzz are as predictable and harmless as those of Noddy and Mr Plod the Policeman.
But when the placards swing, the fists fly, and the television cameras begin to roll both police and students have to act to defend their self-styled images as implacable enemies.
After the opening of Parliament demo Chief-Superintendent
It would seem that kicking shins. Chief-Superintendents for theuse of. is not a way to win friends in the police force. "When constabulary duty's to be done," wrote
"The Policeman's lot is not a happy on."
A month ago a Salient columnist included an 'unpublished Brecht poem' in his copy. It read:
When troop withdrawals are announced from Czechoslovakia
The plan for the conquest of Prague is already mean
Now what then seemed cynicism has turned out to be foresight. The Soviet Union has invaded Czechoslovakia.
The motivation for the Soviet action has been spelt out in the usual turgid Tass press releases: past the dubious revelations of 'Sudeten German rcvanchism' and 'coups' aimed at the restoration of capitalism', the heart of the matter turns out to be Czechoslovakia's break with "socialist constitutionalism" The Czech's wanted more than one political party. This was heresy.
Stalin argued that as only one class ruled in a socialist country, and political parlies represented social classes, only one party was needed in a socialist country. This was one legacy of Stalinism no one had repudiated. Even Yugoslavia had gaoled Cabinet ministers for demanding more than one political party in the most allegedly "liberal" Communist state Czechoslovakia was going far beyond Stalinism—and this meant, for the Soviet leadership, beyond Socialism.
Just as New Zealand's government first of all found the South Vietnamese National Liberation Front 'communist' and then decided it threatened New Zealand national security, the identification of the Czech political experimentation as pro-capitalist heresy led the Soviet Union to see Mr Dubcek as an agent of West German aggression against the Soviet Union. Fright at heresy led to political excommunication; and heretics are never legitimate dissenters because they are-necessarily agents of the enemy. As with the New Zealand adventure in Vietnam, a prejudiced and ideological judgement of events in a foreign country led directly to the taking of military, rather than political, measures.
The Declaration of Bratislava which so many hoped might end the Soviet-Czech confrontation seems now to have led to a sharper clash between Czech conservatives and liberals.
The Conservatives wanted to upset any prospect of Soviet acceptance of or long-term colaboration with the Dubcek government. The liberals wanted a purge of the hardliners in return for any moratorium on reform, and also to anticipate any reluctant crackdown on liberals by Dubcek to keep his commitments. The result was an atmosphere which gave substance to alarmist reports fed to Moscow by the conservatives, and East Germany, that a "coup" or a "capitalist restoration" was imminent. What these reports really meant was that the hard-liners positions were being threatened—a good definition, for them, of "capitalist restoration". But these people were Moscow's only reporters and the penalty of colonialism is enforced belief in the reports of the local agents of colonialism.
The Soviet Union has now made a deliberate choice to postpone international detente in order to consolidate "socialism" in Eastern Europe—as the local Embassy's first secretary put it. It is unlikely to yield the pressure from world opinion after so premeditatedly outraging it. Its action identifies Soviet-style socialism with military aggression and the single-party system, leaving those who saw Czech socialism as a form of socialism acceptable to the West with no choice but the strongest disavowal of the Soviet Union.
The agreement now reached between President Svoboda and the Soviet Government sets out formally what the last few days have revealed: that an East European Government has freedom only within limits severely circumscribed by Soviet political censors. What the Czechs get out of the agreement amounts to one thing only: that the government which will administer then freedom limited by Soviet guns is chosen by the Czechs, not by Moscow.
"St Simeon Stylites furnishes a most remarkable picture of the desert anchorite. He bound a rope around his body so tightly that it became embedded in the flesh, which putrefied around it. Worms found their way into the fiesh of ulcers that covered his leg. For a year, during which he stood on one foot, he had an associate by his side who picked up the worms which fell from his body to replace them in the sore."
Our understanding of bodily health and hygiene has improved considerably since the days of St Simon Stylites. We no longer regard the body as a hindrance and cultivate the mind at the expense of the body. In fact, the concept of mind and body as separate entities is no longer acceptable The persistence of these ideas, however, is still noticeable in the manner in which the University Gymnasium is used.
I am aware that many people find any form of vigorous physical activity quite distasteful and to them the very mention of the term "physical fitness" is abhorrent. Most of us are products of a secondary school physical education system which lends to over-emphasise team games, which tends to cater for people who are physically proficient and which limits individual choice very effectively. The Physical Welfare Service, however, provides a wide choice and caters for individual activities as well as team games. The Service also aims to cater for the inept performer as well as the "star".
With finals last approaching, attendance at the Gymnasium is tending to diminish and people are spending more time in the library or elsewhere. Perhaps this is not surprising but it does indicate a lack of understanding about the advantages of maintaining good levels of physical fitness. Some recent research in the area of physical performance related to academic performance shows that there may be a very close link between the two. A link, hitherto, not fully understood or appreciated. Doornink found that students at Oregon University with the lowest Physical Fitness Index (PFI) compared unfavourably with students who had a high PFI He reports that students with low PFI ratings had less chance of winning academic scholarships, successful graduation, being elected to positions of responsibility and winning awards and prizes. "Not only were the students at the high end of the PFI scale superior in all comparisons but they were markedly superior to an astonishingly high degree." Other research indicates that regular participation in vigorous physical activities is in no way detrimental to academic performance and in fact it may aid relaxation and sustained application.
Another factor which should be widely known (but is not) is the phenomenon of 'central fatigue'. This term refers to the lack of oxygenated blood going to the brain and the resultant feeling of sleepiness. The return of venous blood to the heart, depends to a large extent on muscular movement to overcome the effect of gravity. When sitting for extended periods the urge to stretch, change position, yawn or wriggle is an automatic bodily reaction to increase the return of venous blood. It is a natural and necessary reaction and maintaining a fixed position for periods longer than fifteen minutes increases the need to improve circulation. The lack of oxygenated blood going to the brain results in drowsiness and may induce complete sleep. A visiting American physical educationalist remarked recently that he did not mind talking to an audience that constantly moved and yawned because he realiised that people who did this were not being inattentive, they were merely overcoming "central fatigue" and therefore were more able to appreciate his lecture. It is now generally accepted that a high level of general fitness can delay the onset of central fatigue, and fitness can only be ahcieved through regular vigorous exercise. Fitness can be defined as the ability to perform a task without undue fatigue and to recover quickly from effort.
I urge all students to take advantage of the gymnasium facilities during the remainder of the year. We cannot offer a swimming pool (though there are definite thoughts to build one) but we can offer a third term bus service from the Library to the Freyberg Pool. We cannot provide Squash (we hope to have courts soon) but Badminton is an admirable substitute. We do not have facilities for physiotherapy but we can provide clean towels and suitable clothing. The Gymnasium is not heated but it is clean and three members of staff can help you to use all the facilities effectively.
Frequently, a degree is testimony to a person's ability to withstand monumental boredom. If you suffer from ennui (mental weariness from lack of occupation or interest) come over to the Gym (just past the Rankine Brown) and partake in some gentle or energetic recreation. Throw off the debilitating effects of sedentary living for a while and return to your books with improved circulation.
First reports of the Russian invasion from the NZBC. The "Evening Post" features [he story on its front page. Students gather outside the Russian Embassy in Messines Road at 6 p.m. An NZBC television team arrives at 6.30 and we render our anthem ("Stalin's body lies a'mouldering in the grave but his troops go marching on") in picturesque postures — publicity whores all. Gager. Logan and Wilde activate. We meet Pornography, the First Secretary, and present a hastily drawn-up petition. It reads: "We. the undersigned students of Victoria University, protest against the action of Warsaw Pact troops in invading the territory of Czechoslovakia". There arc about 30 signatures to this first edition—including that of
We leave at about 7.30 (shortly after the press). Later in the evening a spontaneous demonstration takes place at the Embassy in the course of which a Russian car drives over a constable's foot. (The police tell the "Dominion" — presumably on instructions from the Minister of Police—that the policeman has a "grazed hand".) The police friendship campaign escalates alarmingly. The slogan "Fascist Pigs" is out according to the police. "Porcine Fascists' is O.K.
Pornography has given us an appointment with Dorofeev at 10 a.m. (There are about ten witnesses to this.) At 10 a.m. we are-told that the appointment had been at 9 a.m. and that the Ambassador is no longer available. The confusion is attributed by the Russians to the "language barrier". The language barrier sutlers under a barrage of muffled expletives. We present editions 2—5 of the petition anyway (142 signatures). A reliable source reports that Dorofeev is a pregnant lesbian.
On to the
Gager and I meet Pornography for about three-quarters of an hour. His manner suggests that he is either an extremely sophisticated automaton or actually has human feelings. He assures us that we will understand the justice of the Soviet action when more information becomes available. He says that "Russia's prestige has suffered in the eyes of the world as a result of Western propaganda" and that the situation in Czechoslovakia is leading to "erosion of the socialist mainstays".
The vigil begins at 6 p.m. Rain falls gently throughout the night. There is a lot of noise for a few hours.
Friday dawns cold and clear but, thank Keith, dry. An icy wind whips over the hill and we feel pretty sorry for ourselves.
Wednesday and the wacky suggestions (drop manure from planes: fire rockets through the windows; lie down in the path of cars) had been funny. Thursday and the funniest ones raised a snigger. By today we are well acquainted with and heartily sick of the Ten-Minute Activists—people who tell us to storm the (unlocked) gates and carry all (including Nasili, genial blond giant and Russian Olympic wrestling representative) before us. One of the T.-M.A.'s arrives a quarter of an hour before the NZBC and tells them all about our plans before leaving five minutes later We are puzzled to discover how far advanced our plans are when he hear the next radio bulletin.
The day crawls round. Soup, coffee, arettes, chocolates and apples arrive at regular intervals. The donors—most of them East European migrants—wave away thanks. Some bawl a bit. Preparations are being made down at Vic for a meeting in Parliament grounds on Monday. The news, that the Speaker, a Mr. Joke, has refused permission For the use of amplifiers at the meeting arrived. (A good item for the "Czechoslovakia-is-a-little-far-off-country-about-which we-know-little" file.)
Four students on duty at the vigil. Three decide to go off for some sleep. No. 4, plaintively: "You can't leave me alone'.. A cop in a doorway: "What about me? This small hardened crew is reinforced throughout the day by members of the public. A cigarette fund is raised by allowing masochists a short purview of Mike Rashbrooke's sleeping face. Josef hands out more propaganda.
Nasili and two cops come out to get the milk. Nasili starts talking to us (in Russian) about his family. He waves a milk-bottle in each eight-inch fist. One is "Papa" and the other is "Mama". He bangs (pun) them together a few times and grins broadly. A third bottle is "Gregory". Sex—an international language.
The signs read "Bolshevik Butchers". "Socialism Si! Imperialism Non! and so on. The best one reads: "Russia: Her troops are murderers and her diplomats arc Liars!" Gager specialises in slogans of twenty words and up. One that is unusually concise reads: "It isn't Russia you're dragging through the mud—it's Communism".
Some blond horror who looks like
A small red-faced man with bulging eyes edges into view. He says he is a member of the Friends of the USSR Society and has come to see all the lies and rubbish we are perpetrating. He darts from sign to sign muttering "Dusgusting" and "Bad taste". Then he leaves. Morale goes up a few points.
A bit later the fascists (N.Z. version) arrive. The leader yells: "Dubcek is dead! They found his body an hour ago!" We don't riot. He turns on us—"I suppose you'd like to see the North Vietnamese flag up here next week. You're Commie bums!" They stay until it gels cold.
It's quiet. We've been playing dominoes, 500 and chess. The Czechs have come back with more food. Some New Zealander arrives at 3 a.m. and asks whether anything is needed. Somebody said that they'd like some aspirin. The chap says he'll go back home to Johnsonville to get them. He goes. inspite of protests, and returns with aspirin. coffee and other supplies. More members of the public arrive during the day.
A church service! We stand, heads bowed (in prayer?), as
The vigil is maintained until noon. Nearly everyone shoots off to Vic to prepare for the Parliament demo/meeting.
Most people who are at the meeting reckon it is a pretty good show. Bailey raves.
The main thing is to reform the whole political system so that it will permit the dynamic development of socialist social relations, combine broad democracy with a scientific, highly qualified management, strengthen the social order, stabilize socialist relations and maintain social discipline. The basic structure of the political system must, at the same time, provide firm guarantees against a return to the old methods of subjectivism and highhandedness from a position of power. Party activity has, so far, not been turned systematically to that end. in fact, obstacles have frequently been put in the way of such efforts. Am these changes necessarily call for commencement of work on a new Czechoslovak constitution so that the draft of the new constitution may be thoroughly discussed among professionals and in public in all important points and submitted to the National Assembly shortly after the Party Congress.
But we consider it indispensable to change the present state of things right now, even before the 14th Congress, so that the development of socialism and its inner dynamics are not hampered by the outdated factors in the political system. Our democracy must provide more room for the activity of every individual, every collective, every link in the management, both at lower and higher levels, and in the centre, too. People must have more opportunity to think for themselves and express their opinions. We must radically change the practices that turn the people's initiative and critical comments and suggestions from below into words that meet with the proverbial deaf ear. We must see to it that the incompetent but adaptive (to anything) people are really replaced by those who strive for socialism, who are concerned with its fate and progress, with the interests and needs of others, and not with their Own power or advantages. This will affect people both "above" and "below". It is going to be a complicated process taking some time. It is necessary to make clear everywhere—at all levels of management, in the Party, in State and economic bodies and in social organizations—which body or which official or which worker is realty responsible, for what, where to look for guarantees of improvement, where to change institutions, where the working methods, and where to replace individuals. The attitude of individual Party officials to new tasks and methods, their capability of carrying the new policy into practice, must he the basic political criterion.
No responsibility without right Who, which body and which official is responsible for what, what are his rights and duties, must be perfectly clear in all our system of management for the future, and we consider this to be (he basic prerequisite for correct development To this end, each component part should have its own independent position. Substitution and interchanging of state bodies, agencies of economic and social organizations by Party bodies must be completely stopped. Party resolutions are binding for the communists working in these bodies, but the policy, directing activities, and responsibility of the state economic, and social organizations are independent. The communists active in these bodies and organizations must take the initiative and see that the stale and economic bodies as well as social organizations (notably the Trade Unions, the Czechoslovak Union of Youth, etc.) take the problem of their activties and responsibilities into their own hands.
The whole National Front, the political parties which form it, and the social organizations. will take part in the creation of state policy. The political parties of the National. Front are partners whose political work is based on the joint political programme of the National Front and is naturally bound by the Constitution of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, is fully based on the socialist character of social relations in our country. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia considers the National Front to be a political platform which does not separate the political parties into the government and the opposition in the sense that opposition would be created to the state policy as the policy of the whole National Front and a struggle for political power in the state were to exist. Possible differences in the viewpoints of individual component parts of the National Front, or divergency of views as to the policy of the state, are all to be settled on the ba ol the common socialist conception of the National Front policy by way way of political agreement and unification of all component parts of the National Front. Formation of political forces striving to negate this concept of the National Front, to remove the National Front as a whole from politi power, was ruled out as long ago at 19 after the tragic experience of both our nations with the prewar political development of the then Czechoslovak Republic; it is naturally unacceptable for our present republic.
The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia considers the political management of the Marxist-Leninist concept of the development of socialism as a precondition for the right development of our socialist society. It will assert the Marxist-Leninist concept as the leading political principle in the National Front and in all our political system by seeking, through the means of political work. such support in all the component parts of our system and directly among the masses of workers and all working people that will ensure its leading role in a democratic way.
Voluntary social organizations of the working people cannot replace political parties, but the contrary is also true: political parties in our country cannot exclude commoninterest organizations of workers and other working people from directly influencing state policy its creation and application. Socialist state power cannot be monopolized either by a single party, or by a coalition of parties. It must be open to all political organizations of the people The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia will use every means to develop such forms of political life that will ensure the expression of the direct say and will of the working class and all working people in political decision-taking in our country.
The whole existing organization, forms of activties, and incorporation of the various organizations in the National Front must be revised in principle under the new conditions and built up so that the National Front may carry out the qualitatively new tasks. The National Front as a whole and all its component parts must be allowed independent rights and their own responsibility for the management of our country and society.
Voluntary social organizations must be based on really voluntary membership and activity. People join these organization be cause they express their interests therefore they have the right to choose their own officials and representatives who cannot be appointed from outside. These principles should be the foundation of our unified mass organizations the activities of which are still indispensable but which should meet, by their structure, their working methods and their ties with their members, the new social conditions.
The implementation of constitutional freedoms of asembly and association must be ensured this year so that the possibility of setting up voluntary organizations, specialinterest associations, societies, etc. is guaranteed by law to meet the actual interests and needs of various strata and categories of our citizens, without bureaucratic interference and without monopoly of any individual organization. Any restrictions in this respect can be imposed only by law and only the law can stipulate what is anti-social, forbidden. or punishable. Freedoms guaranteed by law are applicable in this sense, in compliance with the constitution, also to citizens of individual creeds and religious demoninations.
The effective influence of views and opinions of the working people on all our policy, opposition to all tendencies to suppress the criticism and initiative of the people, cannot be guaranteed if we do not ensure constitution-based freedom of speech and all political and personal rights of all citizens, systematically and consistently, by all legal means available. Socialism cannot mean only liberation of the working people from the domination of exploiting class relations, but must make more provisions for a fuller life of the personality than any bourgeois democracy. The working people, who are no longer ordered about by any class of exploiters, can no longer be prescribed by any arbitrary interpretation from a position of power, what information they may or may not be given, which of their opinions can or cannot be expressed publicly, where public opinion may play a role and where not. Public opinion polls must be systematically used in preparing important decisions and the main results of the research are to be published. Any restriction may be imposed only on the basis of a law stipulating what is anti-social—which in our country is mainly the criminal law. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia considers it necessary to define more exactly than hitherto in the shortest possible time by a press law. when a state body can forbid the propagation of certain information (in the press, radio, television, etc.) and exclude the possibility of preliminary factual censorship. It is necessary to overcome the holding up, distortion, and incompleteness of information, to remove any unwarranted secrecy of political and economic facts, to publish the annual balance sheets of enterprises, to publish even alternatives to various suggestions and measures, to extend the import and sale of foreign press. Leading representatives of state, social and cultural organisations are obliged to organize regular press conference and give their views on topical issues on televisoin, radio, and in the press. In the press, it is necessary to make a distinction between official standpoints of state. Party and journalist bodies; the Party press especially must express the Party's own life, development and criticisms of various opinions among the communists, etc., and cannot be made fully identical with the official view-points of the state.
The Party realizes that ideological antagonists of socialism may try to abuse the process of democratization. At the present stage of development and under the conditions of our country, we insist on the principle that bourgeois ideology can be challenged only in open ideological struggle before all of the people. It is possible to win over people for the ideas and policy of the Party only by struggle based on the practical activity of communists lor the benefit of the people, on truthful and complete information, and on scientific analysis. We trust that in such a struggle, all sections of our society will contribute actively towards the victory of truth, which is on the side of socialism.
At present the activity and responsibility of publishing houses, chief editors, of all Party members and progressive staff of mass communication media, must grow to push through socialist ideals and to put into effect the policy of the Party, of the National Front. and of the State.
Legal norms must guarantee more exactly the freedom of speech of minority interests and opinions also (again within the framework of socialist laws and in harmony with the principle that decisions are taken in accordance with the will of the majority). The constitutional freedom of movement particularly the travelling of our citizens abroad, must be precisely guaranteed by law; in particular, this means that a citizen should have the legal right to long-term or permanent sojourn abroad and that people should not be groundlessly placed in the position of emigrants; at the same lime it is necessary to protect by law the interests of the state. for example, as regards the drain of some categories of specialists, etc.
We must gradually solve in the whole legal code the task of how to protect in a better and more consistent way the personal rights and properly of citizens, we must especially remove those stipulations that virtually put individual citizens at a disadvantage against the state and other institutions. We must in future prevent various institutions from disregarding personal rights and the interests of individual citizens as far as personal ownership of family houses, gardens, etc, is concerned. It will be necessary to adopt, in the shortest possible time, the long-prepared law on compensation for any damage caused to any individual or to an organization by an unlawful decision of a state organ.
It is a serious fact that hitherto the rehabilitation of people—both communists and non-communists—who were the victims of legal violations in the past years, has not been always carried out in all its political and civic consequences. On the initiative of the Communist Party Central Committee bodies, an investigation is under way as to why the respective Party resolutions have not been fully carried out, and measures are being taken to ensure that the wrongs of the past are made good wherever it has not been done yet. No one having the slightest personal reason from his own past activity for slowing down the rectification may be either in the political bodies, or prosecutor's and court offices that are to rectify the past unlawful deeds.
The Party realises that people unlawfully condemned and persecuted cannot regain the lost years of their life; it will, however, do its best to remove any shadow of the mistrust and humiliation to which the families and relatives of those affected were often subjected, and will resolutely ensure that such persecuted people have every opportunity of showing their worth in work, in public life, and in political activities. It goes without saying that even in carrying out full rehabilitation of people, we cannot change the consequences of revolutionary measures made in the past years in accordance with the spirit of class law aimed against the bour-geoise, its property, economic, and social supports. The whole problem of a rectification of past repressions must be approached with the full responsibility of the state bodies concerned, and based on legal regulations; the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia supports the proposals that the procedure in these questions and the problems of legal consequences be incorporated in a special law.
A wide democratic concept of the political and personal rights of citizens, their legal and political safeguards, are considered by the Party to be a prerequisite for the necessary strengthening of social discipline and order, for a stabilization of socialist social relations. A selfish comprehension of civil rights, an attitude to social property according to the principle "it's not my concern", a preferring of particular interests over those of the wholesociety—all these are features which communists will oppose with all their might.
The real purpose of democracy must be the achievement of better results of practical work based on wider possibilities of purposeful activity, in order to carry out the interests and neeeds of the people. Democracy cannot be identified with general speechmaking, cannot be understood in opposition to discipline, professionalism, and effectiveness of management. But arbitrariness and obscure stipulation of rights and duties makes such a development impossible. It leads to irresponsibility, to a feeling of uncertainly, and hence also to indifference towards public interests and needs. On the other hand, it is a more profound democracy and its measure of civic freedom that will help socialism to prove its superiority over the limited bourgeois democracy and will make it an attractive example for progressive movements even in industrially advanced countries with democratic traditions.
In the whole stale and political system it is necessary to create, purposefully, such relations and rules that would, on the one hand, provide the necessary safeguards to professional officials in their functions and, on the other hand, enable the necessary replacement of officials who can no longer cope with their work by professionally and politically more competent people. This means to establish legal conditions for the recall of responsible officials and to provide legal guarantees of decent conditions for those who are leaving their posts through the normal way of replacement, so that their departure should not amount to a "drop" in their material and moral-political standing.
The Party policy is based on the principle that no undue concentration of power must occur, throughout the state machinery, in one sector, one body, or in a single individual. It is necessary to provide for such a division of power and such a system of mutual supervision that any faults or encroachments of any of its links are rectified in time, by the activities of another link. This principle must be applied not only to relations between the elected and executive bodies, but also to the inner relations of the state administration machinery and to the standing and activities of courts of law.
This principle is infringed mainly by undue concentration of duties in the existing ministry of the interior. The Party thinks it necessary to make of it a ministry for internal state administration including the administration of public security. The schedule that in our state was traditionally within the jurisdiction of other bodies and with the passage of time has being incorporated into the ministry of the interior, must he withdrawn from it. It is necessary to elaborate proposals as soon possible passing on the main responsibility for investigation to the courts of law; separating prison administration from the security force, and handing over of press law administration. of archives, etc. to other state bodies.
The Party considers the problem of a correct incorporation of the security force in the state as politically very important. The security of our Lives will only benefit, if everything is eliminated that helps to maintain a public view of the security force marred by the past period of law violations and by the privileged position of the security force in the political system. That past period impaired the progressive traditions of our security force as a force advancing side by side with our people. These traditions must be renewed. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia deems it necessary to change the organization of the security force and to split the joint organization into two mutually independent parts—Stale Security and Public Security. The State Security service must have such a status, organizational structure, numerical state, equipment, methods of work, and qualifications which are in keeping with its work of defending the state from the activities of enemy centres abroad. Every citizen who has not been culpable in this respect must know with certainty that his political convictions and opinions, his personal beliefs and activities, cannot be the object of attention of the bodies of the State Security service. The Party declares clearly that this apparatus should not be directed and used to solve internal political questions and controversies in socialist society.
The Public Security service will fulfil tasks in combatting crime and in the protection of public order; for this its organization. numerical state, and methods of work must be adapated. The Public Security force must be better equipped and strengthened; its functions in the defence of public order must be exactly laid down by law and. in their fulfilment, the service will be directed by the national committees. Legal norms must create clearer relations of control over the security force by the government as a whole and by the National Assembly.
It is necessary to devote the appropriate care to carrying out the defence policy in our state. In this connection it is necessary to work for our active share in the conception of the military doctrine of the Warsaw Treats countries, the strengthening of the defence potential of our country in harmony with its needs and possibilities, a uniform complex understanding of the questions of defence with all problems of the building of socialism in the whole of our policy, including defence training.
The legal policy of the Party is based on the principle that in a dispute over right (including administrative decisions of state bodies) the basic guarantee of legality is proceedings in court which are independent of political factors and are bound by law The application of this principle requires a strengthening of the whole social and political role and importance of courts of law in our society.
Part 20
The ancient tunnels have been found. Surprising to us that they are full of scratched, square, white stones, identical with those that used to grow in our ground, and the same as those (with scratches hidden) that the Ocarina-building is now being constructed from. Also in the tunnels were some old bones, too large to be of our ancestors. Perhaps they are the bones of Grombix, the constant enemies of our ancestors, (just as well for us that all Grombix were annihilated during the Great Fiasco of Elephant-Giraffes Crossing Rivers.)
Today Fandango was taking a walk through one of our newly discovered tunnels. He saw a shaft of lignt and climbed through it. finding himself in a hole at the top of a chimney somewhere in Gnisu. (Behind him he could see the cedar trees of this country.) He saw a few pale people below the chimney, so he let-out an unearthly cry:
and the people fled. If more tunnels prove to travel far under Gnisu we may use them to harass the enemy citizens.
Ocarina was found to be missing today; he was not to be found anywhere in his usual habitat, but, finally, instead, in the northwest peninsula, where Oerlikon was searching in vain for more new colours. Ocarina no longer exists. It seems that the dog of tragedy has been much with us, that our leaders are so short-lived in recent years: Ockeghem. Sparadrap ( ). and now Ocarina (the late) have unwillingly left us. I find myself not very distressed that Ocarina is no longer. Perhaps 1 shall even be suspected of provoking his demise*, by those who know of his recent conduct towards Mazinta. After a decent time has passed. and Ocarina's head has been separated from his body for preservation, we shall be able to read his chronicle. I expect to find a lot of untruths in it.
* Up till now I have avoided commenting on the texts, but the fear that Whirligig expresses here is totally unfounded; no instance of murder has ever been recorded among our people [K.K.]
Proud shame forces me to admit that I have been unable to resist temptation: I went to Ocarina's wagon. Nobody was there I took his chronical and have been reading it. What will happen when I am discovered? I hope to be forgiven. What cunning Ocarina had! He omits anything that might discredit him. Why did he not mention what happened at the top of the hill before we descended into Ytinutroppo? He noted that the Troppoes laughed at him; he did not say why Why. a little further on. was he so scornful of the Triumph of Cuckoldry? Perhaps I should answer these questions, to help our descendants to understand what happened to us. Or perhaps I should not; it cannot make much difference to the future. Here is Mazinta's account of the incident at the pass:
Ocarina was too friendly with my young brother Nenuphar. My mother disliked Ocarina, so she asked me to watch them and listen to them while they were conversing. Ocarina talked to Nenuphar of his young days: Nenuphar usually did not bother to listen. One night I could not sleep. Before dawn I got up and walked to the nearest hilltop I found some stones there and began to build a wall around myself. When the wall was above my neck I sat down inside it, removed a stone, and looked into the distance. Then I heard somebody come galloping up the hill; it was Ocarina. He looked over the top of my wall and saw me sitting inside. He reached into my pit and tickled me mercilessly under my arms Then he went on his way.
Ocarina does not mention that we left Troppo because Peccadillo and Cumulonimbus were kidnapped, and that the Troppo women came with us not willingly but as hostages. nor does he mention that he purposefully lost the Troppo women in Aggabug (one of his most shameful acts) His account of what happened in Aggabug is riddled with subtle inaccuracies that most of us will not notice. Luckily I have noticed them and here I Tell Everybody Of The Future That Ocarina Was A Liar! Much of his so-called history is nothing but fiction. There were no soft sticky rocks in the desert we encountered after leaving Troppo. (Nor was it a desert.) What a preposterous story! Who could he expect to believe it? Surely he must have realised that his falsity would be discovered by all those who survived him. What a fool! Perhaps he thought he would outlive all who accompanied him ... but as early as his first encounter with Mazinta he realised that he was ill. Phenylketonuria has been meditating over Ocarina's skull; he has perceived in the outline of the left nostril unmistakable signs of the Splaunge in its most advanced stages. Now we-have even more proof that this disease is caused by perverted reasoning. It must have been his prolonged proximity to water in the recent flood that brought his life to an end.
I wonder who the new leader will be. A meeting of elders is arranged for tonight, immediately after the gegenschein, in the new Ocarina-house—only the tunnel, the floor, one wall, another wall (partly), and some of the roof are complete. The builders have seized the lifeless body of Ocarina as an excuse for not going on with the building. I tend to agree with them that this plan was something of pretension and folly on Ocarina's parts. I am going to suggest that we name the building Ocarinas Folly. Tonight the elders will decide how our new leader shall be chosen.
My cave has at last been constructed. A giant mole came to the upper clearing and dug a large cave under a tree (not the tree I wanted—I wanted the gingko tree—but it does not matter much; Anaxagoras, who drives the mole, must have misunderstood my instructions). As the mole left, it tunneled a tunnel from the back of the cave to somewhere below Ocarina's Folly. Only one tunnel! Below the lower clearing, and in Gnisu. our tunnels are so long and complex that already Popocatapetl, Chattanooga, Necrophilia, Epiglottis, Pikestaff,
This is the first eight parts of Niel Wright's translation of the second half of The Loves of Hero and Leander by the fourth-century Greek poet Musaeus. The first half is translated by Marlowe.
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ii
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viii
They are still showing too much crap, and I refuse to endure much more of it. They've been giving the children of New Zealand, a pseudo-infantilic botch of contrived cinema that wouldn't even seem fit at an IHC Christmas party.
Charge of The Light Brigade is all Victorianal fantasies, sporty vignettes of Dickensian fashions and squalor, a
* * *
The most exciting, and visually incredible film that I opened my eyes fully to look at was Sergio Corbucci's Navajo Joe. This is one of these Italian/Spanish affairs, that is mutilated beyond intelligence by Mr McI. It was at the St James for a week. I had never heard of it recently until a new
* * *
Gerard Oury's Don't Look Now ... we're being shot at, is a French comedy (advertised as British), in French (sometimes) and English (I think) with a French cast (usually) hiding behind English titles, wot are in English if they re not speaking French, or dubbed by same, drop jokes (mainly naughty French ones) about the body and Berlioz. A nun wearing a gasmask and the Turpinesque chappy with his squint are the highlights of this multicoloured welcomely funny Anglo-French film. Bourvil and Louis de Funes (starred in the less happy The Sucker) are perfect clowns, and Terry-Thomas enunciates. It's a new film to most shores and since they're doing so well, Rank should have the courage to release Jacques Tati's Playtime.
* * *
King of Hearts (UA) eventually got to all those who saw it. Like the Kubrick experience, the Lets-Co-Lido was brimming with healthy varsity cinema lovers, after word of mouth got round, unprecedented since the great W'arkworth Incident.
Philippe de Broca is a latter-day Renoir at times, and his lesser efforts include, Chinese Adventures in China and to a degree That Man From Rio. He certainly lets his mood change from film to film, but King of Hearts is back in the clays of le Farceur and les Jeux de I'Amour.
It was rather like a musical Marat/Sade with overtones of Federice, and the quaintly-pantomimical surrealisms of Came. All sadly expressed on the borderlines of tears arid farce, its De Broca's loveliest effort since
* * *
The Gnome-Mobile (Walt e mort) is about jaunty cars, little people that wear nests to nothing, and
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You aren't elected hedonist-supreme when its wade through Anthony Simmon's Four in The Morning (N.Z.F.S.)-time. This little English film made over four years ago doesn't startle as it should. It contains enough Kitchen sink to be labelled fiat-Lux, but adopts a speed of its own, namely impotent realism in the crawling lane.
Admittedly it had gained an underswell reputation, but even that didn't prepare us for the baffling vagaries of Deadly Roulette (Universal), which had a one day release recently. After
That said, one might wonder what the attraction is. Those who have seen Wagner on TV will realise how unsettling he is: there is no aura of comfort or assurance—he's strictly minor in league and talent. This unsettlingness is reinforced by the degenerate cruise ship—surely once occupied by Gabriel and Mrs Fogarty. This time we not only have
Universal, it seems, not just content to specialise in the low-budget TV-film, are dead set on unnerving audiences by letting younger directors and writers create with as much freedom as those in the Underground cinema, usual strings attached. With less money, you chance less. Deadly Roulette smacks of what we might believe from Emshwiller, but
The Great Value Shift (CVS) was a phrase used by a Sydney colleague to delineate what has happened to the Western since High Noon was interpreted as anti-McCarthy. The GVS, from Guns in the Afternoon through EI Dorado, now has to withstand body blows from the Sergios and bounty hunters (their existence was never recognised in America). Hollywood has its subversives too. Killer on a Horse (M-C-M) is the most subversive of all, so far.
The town of Hard Times (US title was Welcome to Hard Times) is one of those vulnerable blights of habitation frequently marauded by the Madman. This Badman (an unspeakable
Blue insists on staying—he has run too much and he can't go any Further—pledging to rebuild the town into an invulnerable civilised place, We have seen Blue in action already, and our hopes are not high although we know that he will probably succeed. With Molly as a "wife"—there is no hint of liaison—and an orphaned boy as a "son", Blue sets about his mission. But the only civilising forces he manages to get to stay in Hard Times are a backward gunslinger, a poky shopkeeper, and a dubious entrepreneur (
Blue's intentions are frustrated mainly by Molly, Her only reason for staying is to avenge the Badman To this end she coaches the boy in shooting, and makes him despise cowardly Blue. In one scene Molly makes sexual overtures to Blue; he responds only too keenly, hoping that all has changed, but just as things gel heated. Molly screams, the boy rushes in with shotgun eoeked, and Blue is forced down. This inverted sexual conflict is the most important theme in the film: the man stands for law, order, pacificism; the woman means chaos, egoism and violence.
The more one considers this remarkable film, the more its anti-western essence predominates, both in character and setting. The town itself is squalid, muddy patch surrounded by eharred timber. Depression is relieved only by some relapses into cliche when the miners come to town—and even this is more sentimental than real. The return of the Badman is juxtaposed in the same frame as the only "pure" sexual relation appears to be at the point of consummation. The climax and killing of the Badman solves nothing, with Blue and the boy surviving and ambiguously surviving the still unrebuilt Hard Times.
The writer-director, Killer on a Horse I wonder whether the western can ever remain in a bastion of male superiority. And that leaves only the war film; and perhapes
This is a novel about an apartment house in Bloomsbury and the assortment of people who live in this urban doss-house; their memories, their ghosts and their dirty little sexual itches.
Not content with having only one of his characters retarded the author has decided to add a few more colourful characters to his menagerie. Clare who blackmails her flatmate with her Lesbian tendencies and is taken to seducing the retarded 40 year old; the Abbots who have the nasty habit of correlating eating with sex; the Marchioness in the basement reliving a military seige; and other varied oddities.
This is a tasteless and grubby little novel, unfunny and unsubtle In its toenail sketches of people's physiological deformities. Lynne, who looks like an elderly mod on the dust-jacket, has the dubious distinction of having his first novel being filmed by the makers of
.
The long-awaited Royal Society report on Omega has arrived offering little in the way of new facts on the system.
It does, however explain the two major discrepancies between official and unofficial statements.
The 220 yards accuracy quoted by Mr Offen at the Omega Teach-in in July, is the theoretical accuracy of the system under perfect propagation conditions. Under normal conditions the error is increased to 1,200 yards during the day and 2,000 yards at night.
The high level (10 kw.) of radiated power planned will be necessary to give adequate coverage over the tropical thunderstorm regions, but for normal purposes in less noisy areas the 1 kw. quoted by Mr McNeil at the Teach-in would suffice.
It now appears that Omega (to quote US Defence Dept.) will be a "general purpose, completely global, all weather navigation system for use in airborne, surface and submerged submarine applications".
During both peacetime, and a military and civilian naigation system in its own right, and in event of a war at least an auxiliary military aid for less venerable systems.
"Since navigation is so highly important to the success of military missions, more than one system is usually used to satisfy this requirement." (US Defence Dept.)
It seems that because of the extra information, equipment and cost required to attain any degree of accuracy, it will mainly be exploited by the US military.
Furthermore, the US could have offered the system to the UN agency, Civil Aviation Organisation (who are planning a satellite navigation system to be in operation by mid-1970's, and accurate to within a few hundred yards), if their motivations were entirely altruistic. Before the government accepts this base (if it is offered one) it must realise:
And protesters must realise:
I must preface this column with an observation that last month's classical record releases were of the highest overall standard that I have heard. Looking back at outstanding recordings reviewed in the last four years, 1 cannot find a month in which every disc was of such a consistently high standard. So bear with me and pardon the rush of rhapsodic praise.
Pictures at an Exhibition and Britten's The Young Persons' Guide to the Orchestra.
This is one of the best recordings of an orchestral work that I have heard. The Chicago Symphony has long been one of my favourite orchestras, and on this disc they really excel themselves. Prominent Chicago music critic
Moussorgsky's music might not be particularly appealing, but Ozawa's direction, outstanding playing and splendid stereo recording, all combine to make this record a must for an) collection. My only complaint is must wait so long for another release from this magnificent orchestra. I have no doubt that Ozawa will be recording frequently with them, so let us hope that RCA will press the discs out here.
There is quite a choice of recent releases of Beethoven's Eroiea Symphony—all available in record stores. If one is on a limited budget where every dollar counts, there is good value on ACE of Diamonds SDD 103 ($3.50). Ernest Anserment and the
Now HMV have produced a version that is even better. (ASDM 2348 Stereo). 1968 is going to be the year that belongs to Sir Eroica. (Lovers of the brash orchestral gymnastics evoked by Bernstein with the New York Philharmonic will disagree with this opinion.) The first movement begins at a rather staid, dramatic tempo which sets the pace for Barbirolli's interpretation. Highlight is the sedate, sympathetic account of "Marcia funebre", The BBC Symphony orchestra anno match for the VPO on the Decca LP, however their playing is of surprisingly good standard. Stereo recording is excellent.
On top of these discs are two outstanding HMV recordings of the New Philharmonic. On ASDM 2355 Daphnis and Chloe with the Ambrosian Singers. On ASDM 2358 is a moving account of the
Until 1 heard the de Burgos LP I had previously only listened to recordings of the second part of the ballet. While it is pleasing to be able to listen to the complete work I hardly feel that all my life 1 have been missing out on something. Requiem is much more attractive to my ears. The album has been universally praised overseas. Gramophone) lauded it as "a recording as near as can be to absolute perfection." The choral work is delightful and HMV have managed to get a nice clean sound.
The Dances of Dowland (RCA LSC 2987 Stereo) contains beautiful and sensitive performances of recently unearthed music. According to the excellent sleeve note written by
The pieces are even more delightful than their quaint names—"Lachrimae antiquae", "The Shoemaker's Wife" and "Sir Henry Gifford's Almaine". As to be expected Bream's lute playing is impeccable. A very good stereo recording.
Here we show some sketch plans of the Student Union Building with the extensions now to be added. The alterations involve:
Ground Floor:
Extensions to north end vestibule and lobay, men's and women's toilets. Another phone box.
Present TV and coffee room to be changed into catering staff dining and shop stores and kitchen stores.
First Floor:
Club room will be made a part of present Activities Room. Rest of present Activities Room will become Salient office.
Theatre extended to provide an Exhibition Foyer.
Old Salient office to be divided into men's and women's toilets.
Common Common Room is dining room and kitchen. Partitioning will divide off another private dining room.
Second Floor:
New Common Common Room above present Common Rooms with a mezzanine floor around three sides. Coffee bar will be at that level.
Music Room above present Activities Room. Club-room next door, above present Coffee Room.
Men's and women's toilets above present Salient office.
Fuller plans are available in the Stud. Ass. office, and a display is being prepared by the architects for the S.U.B. Foyer.
Otago, with wins in the women's outdoor basketball, judo, cross-country, badminton, table tennis and a first equal in the women's hockey, totalled 62 points to retain the Tournament Shield.
Auckland was second with 48, followed by Canterbury on 42. Victoria, after wins in fencing and golf, finished fourth with 35 points.
Massey was the only other team to score, registering nine points, with Waikato and Lincoln again sharing that symbol of sporting inadequacy, the Wooden Spoon.
One unfortunate feature was the fact that of the 25 tournament trophies, only eight were available for presentation, the others not being found.
It seems a great pity that rugby cannot be included in Winter Tournament.
Undoubtedly a large number of students do play this sport and it is, after all, the game for which we are renowned internationally.
It was unfortunate that the universities skiing competition clashed with the National Championships at Coronet Peak. Otago, as a result, was unable to send a fully representative team as their best racers were competing at the Nationals.
Vic had its greatest success of Winter Tournament in the Drinking Horn.
Ably led by the President for 1969. the Vic men showed devastating prowess in winning the teams' event and providing five of the six fastest individuals.
Victoria did better than expected to take third. First was Canterbury followed by Auckland.
Victoria also contributed two to the NZU team,
Wellington (1977.147) beat NZU (1953-128) in their match. The top University shot was
Mulvey ended the three days of shooting, during which 10 cards were shot, with an aggregate of 994.70.
Second was Grave with 987.71.
In the team competition, Auckland and Victoria tied with 37 games each. Initially Auckland, Victoria and Massey had each won four matches, and on a count-back of sets all were still level.
However, examination of the individual games revealed that Massey had won only 36 while both Auckland and Victoria had won 37.
Of the 14 points allocated to the team event Auckland and Victoria each took six and Massey two.
Auckland won the individual section, thereby winning the title, with Victoria finishing in second place, followed by Canterbury.
Vic did well to gain eight points and finish in second place to Auckland. Otago was third.
Vic had the misfortune to meet Auckland in the first game and went down 2-3. Then followed wins against Massey (5-2), Otago (7-2). Lincoln (3-0) and Canterbury (2-0).
Four Vic players.
Auckland, with wins over Canterbury (24-7), Victoria (59-10) and Otago (20-15), clinched the competition. Otago was second with Victoria in third place.
Victoria did not perform up to expectations, losing to Auckland and Otago (49-26). Their only win was against Canterbury (19-15).
One Victoria member,
As expected both the men's and women's teams from Victoria encountered strong opposition. Both finished in fourth place.
In the women's section, Vic scored only one win, against Auckland (39-16).
Both finals were all-South Island affairs, with Canterbury heading Otago in each instance.
The highlight as far as players were concerned was the men's final, with Canterbury sneaking home 48-45.
The only Victoria players to make NZU teams were
As expected Robertson of Massey easily won the race being half a minute ahead of Bcath of Otago. The teams race was won by Otago for the fourth year in succession.
The first 4 Victoria runners (
However in the Shackle-ford Cup for the top North Island team, the first five home counting, Victoria, with the addition of
Seconi and Titcombe were selected for the NZU team which competed against Wellington Provinces.
The race, at Queen Elizabeth Park, Paekakariki was won comfortably by NZU with
This turned out to be one of Vic's weaker sports. Otago, Auckland and Canterbury took the places.
Interest was added to the inter-varsity competition by the participation of an Australian Universities team who competed on an unofficial basis.
Two of Vic's players.
The former Hutt Valley player
He beat
Murphy and the triple national junior titleholder Miss
The women's events were a triumph for the Australians. Miss
Victoria's team did extremely well here to come out on top. Otago was second with Massey and Canterbury third.
Victoria won the stroke play from Otago with Canterbury third. Their respective totals were 933, 946 and 982. Massey returned 984, Auckland 987 and Lincoln 1031.
Victoria's
Otago's Freyberg Rose Bowl player,
Adams beat another Victoria representative,
This was the second sport in which Vic showed itself clearly superior to the others. Minor placegetters were Auckland and Otago.
Victoria, after beating Auckland 9-7, had a resounding win in the men's foil section. Victoria in its earlier matches had easily accounted for Canterbury 14-2 and Otago 13-3.
Although Victoria won the men's foils,
The surprise of the foils were the losses of the NZU Captain
Ring, an Olympic trialist lost to Gaudin and his Auckland team-mate
In the sabre Victoria beat Canterbury 13-3. Otago 15-1 and Auckland 10-6. The sabre placings were Victoria, Auckland and Canterbury 3rd.
The women's foil saw Victoria beat Massey 15-1 and Canterbury 16-0.
However. Auckland 8 beat Victoria 8 on a countback; Otago 8 lost to Victoria 8 on a countback.
For Victoria an all-time low appears to have been reached in winter-varsity competition, with the men failing to gain a place and the women managing only a third equal with Canterbury.
Although the women had a new coach this year, their final placing was below that of last year's team.
The dominant team overall at Tournament was Auckland who finished first in the men's section and first equal with Otago in the women's.
Auckland narrowly won the men's section from Canterbury. The southern team. needing to beat Auckland in the deciding match could obtain only a 1-1 draw.
The only Victoria players to achieve NZU selection were
Both NZU games against Wellington ended in draws, the men's scoreless, and the women's, 1-1.
Although Victoria's team was greatly weakened this year by the loss of several key players, Vic's representatives competed exceptionally well to finish second to Otago with Auckland filling the third berth.
This was one of the few sports in which Waikato University participated.
However, the opposition proved too strong with Otago (16-0), Victoria (16-0), Canterbury (15-1), Masey (15-1) inflicting severe defeats.
Good form was shown by the Victoria players when besides their big win over Waikato they trounced Canterbury (16-0) and Massey (16-0).
Otago, as expected won by beating Canterbury 35-12 in the final. Victoria was third.
Further confirmation of the South Islanders' superiority was provided when South beat North 42-7 in an inter-island fixture.
This sport seems to have reached a low ebb as far as inter-varsity competition is concerned with Vic failing to gain a place or provide any members for the NZU team.
The three placegetters were Otago, Canterbury and Auckland.
The NZU team beat a Wellington invitation judo team 3-2.
O, New Zealand, land of untrammeled lusts. "He developed a friendship with Spencer's wife through delivering goods to her home and later through a mutual interest in howls." (Court report). We demand that public morality and order be restored by banning sinful howl-playing by gregarious middle-aged butchers.
* * *
A hotel in Lower Hurt was refused permission to add a 20-bedroom motel block because it would disturb the tranquility of an order of nuns and of the US Ambassador. Particularly important at the moment, I am told, as God has almost been persuaded to intervene for the Americans in Vietnam.
* * *
Well, they always said that the Soviet Union was catching up to the United States. Let's see now — Guatemala, Lebanon, Cuba, Dominican Republic; Hungary, Czechoslovakia — yes, they're progressing well.
* * *
Did you attend the vigil? I did. Wasn't it fun! I'm going to stop demonstrating against the Americans now — it's so much more worthwhile against the Russians. A kind member of the local Czech community baked some bread rolls, provided some boiled eggs, and to, a quantity of brandy and ginger ale. You see what I mean?
* * *
"Repulsive", said Our Guardian of Public Morals. "With civilised methods like the Pill available, I find it quite repulsive that they should use the old messy methods. Anyway, why can't they use the mail-order, like I did when I was a student?"
* * *
My spies report that the Auckland Arts Festival was about half the size and scope of our three years ago. Naturally.
* * *
A friend, musing upon the fact that the North Pole has been discovered, even indeed the South — which doesn't really count because of the bear shortage—is equipping an expedition to find the Evening Post. Men of unbounded vision are sought, and women.
* * *
"Receipt of a pension is deemed to be sufficient means of support", opined Chief Inspector Kean, of Taranaki Street Fuzzhouse. Ah yes, we know—like bursaries.
* * *
For lo! tis the springtime, and the traditional buds are bursting forth—hello dears—while in the library the heavy murmur of spring heats ineffectually against the grey concrete, and youth and maidens, students too, struggle wearily, gallantly, hopelessly against the forces of Morris dancers, Maypoles, and shafts, as if were, of sun. Scurvy knaves, they all, knavelling scurvily in dim recesses, waiting to grow seed and blow mead cum rumbustious summer.
Sir—peter Butler has written criticising my article on the Plun-Ket Medal, making comments about my "reporting"but he seems to have missed the point that the article was just that, and made no pretention to being a "report". Its placing on the features page and not the news page should have conveyed this fact to all but the least observant, but mr Butler's inability to recognise the fact that its intention was humourous would seem to mark him as one of these unfortunates.
His emotive response would seem to indicate that my attempt to poke just the littlest bit of fun at the honourable Debating Society was fully justified.
Sir—This evening I anttended the Debating Societys annual Parliamentnry Debate. The nature of that debate, pitiful though it was I don't propose to discuss here. What I do propose to discuss are the actions of a certain member of the Society who in the late stages of the debate left the theatre to whip up some voting strength. The people he gathered heard posibly the last two minutes of the two-hour-long debate and yet had the effrontery to vote when the house was called upon to indicate which side had offered the best arguments for or against the motion. Not only did they vote but they voted as the member mentioned above directed them; crudely and enbloc.
I would suggest the the President of the Society declare the Houses decision annulled (or reversed as he please) and that both participating Members of Parliament bo officially informed of this decision. A gross injustice has been done and the Society's good name tarnished. Only prompt action can return a gloss to that name.
Sir—I feel I must acknowledge the justice of Andy Easton's reference to "criticism by the uninformed". It is precisely because I have not yet attained the exalted state of omniscience which Easton appears to claim for Prof. Buchanan that I criticised his attitude.
Perhaps even Prof. Buchanan would not, if pressed, claim to know everything about Asia. Despite his "particularly intimate study" of that area, I still consider he displayed a deplorable lack of acedemic impartiaility in so contemptuously refusing to accept an invitation to hear a speaker with whom he disagreed.
Easton should read the excellent article by Prof. Salient 18. Speaking of Erasmus, Campbell said:
"One thing alone he wholeheartedly detested, and that was fanaticism, which he looked on as contrary to reason. Every form of intellectual intolerances was irksome to him ... He detested bigotry in all its manifestations, and bias whether in a priest or professor".
I remain, etc.,
Sir—Re an article in 'Salient' of 30/7/68 concerning the shortage of telephones in the Student Union, well there's a phone in the new lecture block outside the botton entrance to L.B.I., only thing is, you have to pay two Why?
Gee, with two cents I could buy nearby half a packet of chewing gum or two-thirds of a chocolate fish or one gob-stopper. Besides, what are Student Association fees for?
Take me now etc.,
Sir—We would here like to express our utter contempt of the form and content of Mr Gager's reply to our letter published in Salient of July 16th. It consists of nothing but gross distortions and half truths, and descends to outright self-contradiction.
For example: Mr Gager sees the word "Cuba". His mind flashes to "nationalism", so down it goes—the Fourth International supports nationalism, and we are nationalists! Later, Mr Gager realises that the letter is chiefly concerned with Latin America, so his mind starts off again—result: we are not interested in our own nation! It is a fact that the Spartacist League split from the Fourth International on this very issue of guerilla warfare. How then can a Spartacist pretend that this is not an important issue?
To proceed. The very first accusation is a half-truth. Mr Clarke rejects any implication that he was a Spartacist he certainly would never describe the American Spartacist League as "the American Trotskyist organisation".
Mr Gager calls us "Pabloites" in mimicry of the sentence in which we referred to Mr Gager's line as "Spartacist". Mr Gager knows perfectly well that, whereas he publicly proclaims himself a Spartacist, Pablo was expelled from the Fourth International. Mr Gager banks on the fact that the term "Pabloite" is unknown to all but a few in New Zealand. He may say that we are Pabloites a thousand times but this will not make us so. We deny now as we always have done any connection with Pablo. Mr Gager seems only to want to confuse the issue. His naming us as "Pabloites"—without attempting to show "that we ore such even though we say the opposite"—is downright dishonest. It is also a typically Stalinist tactic.
His next point—that we and the Fourth International have surrendered completely to the Castro line—is an outright lie.
Mr Gager fails completely to understand the idea of giving wholehearted support to all socialist tendencies, while at the same time maintaining forthright criticism. He is glued in his own sectarian, conceited position of never supporting anything unless it is "perfect". In this he is totally un-Marxist.
Gager's statement that we support "patriotic" revolutions, and the implication that we do not support socialist revolutions is a pernicious slander. It also reveals that Mr Gager has no balanced conception of proletarian internationalism. The right of national groups to fight for national selfdetermination against a foreign oppressor( e.g. Ukranians vs. Great Russian chauvinism) was upheld by Lenin and Trotsky.
The statement that the use of "guilt by association" is Stalinist and was repudiated by Trotsky, is typically false. See for example Trotsky in In Defence of Marxism(New Park publ., 1966, p. 137).
Trotsky used this method in exactly the same way as we did, when he criticised Schachtman for being too soft on the liberals—and fraternising with one
Gager accuses us of using a dishonest polemical device against him. He infers that we were saying "your position may be called Trotskyist but objectively is Stalinist". This masks the truth, and we emphatically deny the charge. We reiterate that we said (a I your position is not Trotskyist, and (b) In practice your position is the same as that of the Stalinists in Latin America. To justify his position Mr Gager would have to point out how his position differs in practice from the Stalinists', or indeed to show that the Stalinist position is the correct one. He does neither.
That we are inactive, and afraid to claim we are Trotskyists except in relation to Spartacists, is simply not true and merits no further attention.
Our letter obviously does not state our policy in relations to issuess other than guerilla war and Spartacism. Mr Gager's childish inference from this, that we therefore have no policy distinct from the Stalinists in New Zealand, is also dishonest—he well knows that this is not the case.
In conclusion, we should like to make a clear that our feelings, in dredging through the slime of Mr Gager's reply, are similar to those expressed by Trotsky, Trotsk, when in The Permanent Revolution, he regretted having to pick through the mass of Stalinist falsifications in order to reject them and re-clarify the truth. Readers may feel that our method of reply is tedious; we agree, but we reaffirm that Mr Gager's position and methods must be exposed.
Mr Gager is quite prepared to treat a serious us subject frivolously—this throws light on the nature of his sincerity and the force of his arguments. His dishonest reply to our last letter reaffirms our belief that certain of his practical positions are undeniably Stalinist.
Yours faithfully.
P.S.: Our attitude to guerrila warfare was clarified in an article on Che Guevara published in Salient.
P.P.S. 30 July: I have just read the second string of falsehoods concocted by the obscurantist in reply to our original letter. Most of the points raised are disposed of in the above.
Mr Gager accuses me of not having read am Trotsky. I do not wish to develop this childish dispute over this. However, it is clear that I have read enough of Trotsky and of Trotskyist publications to see that Mr Gager sides with the Stalinists as against those fighting for socialism in Latin America. He has not yet answered this point—G.A.F.
Sir—It is always good to discover what genuine Marxism is. therefore I was very glad to read Hugh Fyson's article on Che Guevara, which gave me this essential information. I now know that once you attack Che you "cease to have any resemblance to a Marxist"—certainly something. I would never have worked out by reading any of the currently available literature on Marxism.
Some people thoughtlessly cry down any comparison between Guevara and Marx, pointing out that Marx had some interest in Political action by the working class while Guevara, as well as fighting for Tshombe, "tends to ignore the character of the workers uprising" and "fails to mention that Socialism entails participant planning, not bureaucratic planning and authoritarian, almost capitalistic labour relations." (Mr Fyson's words, both times.) But it is good to see Mr Fyson is not deceived by these superficial dissimilarities, and points them out, quite oblivious to the thoughtless jibes and sneers which such words may attract from Spartacists and similar proto-Stalinists. Rarely do we find such intellectual courage in a writer for Salient. When this courge is coupled with Mr Fyson's originality—he links Lenin, Engels and, yes, Bolivar for the first time ever in the history of socialist thought—we can see what a shining light has been hid under a bushel for too long at this University.
The way Mr Fyson handled criticisms of the "elitist" character of guerilla warfare can only be admired as a model of polemical skill. The separation of the guerilla leadership from the people, he tells us, is only "initial"—you just have to stop peasants leading their movement to recover their own land in the early stages of guerilla activity, so turning things into an "armed peasant uprising". But even at the end of guerilla war it is not the peasants but 'Mr Fysons words again) the "guerilla leaders" who "become the new government".
Some of these turgid sectarians might argue that this meant the separation of the petit-bourgeois leadership from the peasantry was more than just "initial' but, as Mr Fyson has pointed out, these people are not Marxists, anyway.
From Marx, the advocate of workilng-class revolution we move in an unbroken line of tradition to Guevara, who does't really worry about working-class revolution at all, which all confirms that the more things change the more they remain the same. It is unfortunate that Mr Fyson's view of the Marxist tradition is shared only with a small groupuscle in France claiming to be Trotskyist and part of the Cuban governing part) and every other declared Marxist grouping rejects it. But, then, this probably shows the power of Stalinism, or something like that. If it is a choice between
It is particularly good to have on record so brilliant a eulogy for Che, immediately after the spectacular failure of his guerilla tactics in Bolivia, which Mr Fyson quite properly does not discuss—it might needlessly em barrass his position. After all he has said "at no stage do the peasants push aside these (guerilla) leaders", and it would be mere empiricism to point out that the reason Che is dead is because the Bolivian peasants did precisely this. Like all good revolutionaries, Mr Fyson is never a slave of mere historical facts.
Sir—I feel the part of the con stitution dealing with S.G.M.' needs amending.
Recently an S.G.M. passed
Because the meeting had dragged on and everyone was a bit bored, a motion to this effect was rushed through without anyone being able to speak on it. (A motion was passed to put the issue to the house before anyone spoke on it).
Although here it was only $14, next time it might be $140.
To prevent motions being passed without reasonable thought and consideration I would like to suggest an amendment to set a minimum number of speakers for and against a motion.
I would also suggest that a minimum number of students should be present before a motion can be passed.
Anyway, where can this constitution be found if students wish to read it?
[There is a quorum of 50 for a general meeting. Copies of the constitution can be obtained at the Students' Association Office—ed.]
Sir—I wish to thank you for saving me from the consequences of fame.
However, just this once (I mean, you may never publish anything of mine again), please give me credit for having written "Young Man Going Places".
Humbly,
Daysh Renouf&
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B.C.A. Students
Clarke, Menzies & Co., Public Accountants, practising in Wellington, Auckland and Christchurch, will have a limited number of positions available in their Wellington office at the conclusion of the current university year.
Appointments, which will be initially to the audit department, will provide experience in the use of modern audit techniques and will lead to the attainment of a working knowledge in the areas of taxation, accounting systems and management accounting.
Commencing salaries are based on academic records and in the case of graduates will be in excess of $2400.
Advanced students interested in discussing these positions are invited to
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Comment of senior police officer on pro-Czech demonstration last Monday: "First those students demonstrate against the Vietnam war, then they support the Czechs—just shows you how little intelligence they've got."
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This Week's selection from Hansard: "Yes, by jove, they are a hit puzzled, as well they might be, and a bit flabbergasted, but it is true the quotation was taken from one of these university papers, and it was said to the youth conference of the Labour Party. Of course, the member for Roskill would not have been at that It was said to the youth conference of the Labour Party this year, and it is true, and if members opposite contend otherwise let one of them stand up and make some constructive suggestion instead of moving these votes of no confidence which they have been doing all session."
* * *
Talking of politics, did you notice that Labour now wants to become a National Party in every sense of the word—an industrial policy, anyway, said Warren ("Phil will fix it") Freer. "I suggest we in Parliament agree to a bi-partisan approach to the development of our future ... the time has come for both parties to hammer out a plan that will establish the basic pattern of minimum standards acceptable to all sections of the community." (Dominion, August 30.) Once both parties agree on a small thing like the "development of our future", we can of course still choose intelligently between them because they disagree on everything else.
* * *
Outside Left, it must sadly be admitted, is no longer outside—it has been admitted to the inner sanctum. Remember that piece of doggerel we printed last term—some rude person pinned it up on Salient noticeboard as an example of the column's ineptitude—about People's Voice And New Zealand Monthly Review, and you can't get much closer to the dead left than that. So this poor waif of a columnist has been taken in from the cold.
* * *
We Were going to spend most of this column on the Exec elections, but there seem to have been more important things to talk about. One piece of hard news, though: the new Exec is certain to amend the constitution to give Miss Victoria an automatic Exec portfolio, and save her all the mud-slinging and bitterness involved in actually contesting an election. Nobody has ever said
Tony Haas, candidate for the Wellington City Council in the forthcoming elections, has written a statement for Salient exhorting students to reqister as voters.
"May I exhort all to register as voters for the City Council Election. For many people think that by having registered on Parliamentary rolls, they can safely turn out to vote on 13 October in the City elections.
"Everyone must separately register on City Rolls. And the closing date is September 20.
"Rolls are available for inspection at the Town Hall, and forms are available which must be in the returning officer's hands by 20 September.
"However, I have arranged for a roll to be held in the Students' Association office, with forms, to enable university-based voters to register more easily.
"Don't think that because you are not a ratepayer, and only a slum dweller you cannot vote.
"Residents are enfranchised—and anyway—if in doubt go through the motions and see what happens on application to your registration.
"Last elections I turned 21 alter the supplementary roll closed but before election day and was unable to vote.
"This has now been changed, and if you are in a similar position, special declaration to the returning officer will ensure your eligibility," he said.
The Presidents of all New Zealand Universities met with the Minister of Education during Winter Council of NZUSA in Wellington.
They spoke to Mr Kinsella in committee in response to an invitation from the Minister.
The informal meeting was not seen as in any way abridging Association auotonomy, but Mr Kinsella reportedly said that he welcomed an opportunity to speak informally to the Presidents and he hoped that the experiment could he repeated.
Among subjects covered were said to be membership of University Councils; student demonstrations and their effect on the community; bursaries — especially postgraduate bursaries, and possible changes to University Entrance standards in the light of rapidly rising enrolments.
Professor Danks, Chairman of the University Grants Committee was also present at the meeting.
The money raised at New Zealand Universities in 1966 for the South African Scholarship has finally been paid over.
The money, amounting to $950, was held while NZUSA accounts were sorted out and a decision made as to how the money was to be applied.
Originally it was proposed to use the money to bring a non-white South African to study in New Zealand, but the money raised was insufficient for this purpose and it was unlikely that the South African Government would grant an exit permit for this purpose.
For a time it was proposed to send the money to the International University Exchange Fund (IUEF), a division of the International Student Conference, for use in its African Scholarship Programme.
The money has now been paid over to the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) for use in its Prison Education Programme.
This provides for the education of South African Political Prisoners and their families.
Racial prejudice was wrong because it denied the right of an individual to develop his own existence and experience, Dr.
Professor Ritchie said men had a fundamental duty to make experiences available to other people, and to help other human beings to liberate themselves.
"It is the business of life to act on the side of life," he said, "and prejudice is a denial and on the side of death."
He believed prejudice was also evil because it made other individuals objects and sought to have fantasies accepted as reality.