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Volume 6 No 6
2008
Cover: Collingwood residents stand amid the ruins following the 1904 fire. The Nelson Provincial Museum, Tyree Studio Collection 177094/3
Published by Nelson Historical Society (Inc), PO Box 461, Nelson.
Edited by Dawn Smith. Formatted by Noelene Ford. Printed by The Copy Machine, Nelson.
ISSN 1173-9711
Copyright: Permission to reprint any part of the Journal should be sought from the Committee of the Nelson Historical Society and the source of any such reprint should be acknowledged.
We are grateful to the Nelson Provincial Museum and contributors for making photographs available.
Considerable energy was put into the 2005 publication of our 50th anniversary history of the Nelson Historical Society. Now, after a five-year break, it is with pleasure that I write this foreword for a further Nelson Historical Society Journal.
This year our members have responded to the call for historical articles and, with the addition of the 2006 Jenkins Memorial Lecture, we have seven articles.
As a new president who has recently returned home after a 15 year sojourn in Wellington, I can appreciate the value of the Journal to members who are living away from Nelson Province. Incidentally, 16 such members are on our membership records. The Journal is, of course, a tangible benefit to our membership as well as fulfilling our Society's constitutional objective to foster/record history of the northern part of the South Island.
The value of our past Journals has been recognised in a proposal by the Friends of Nelson Libraries group to microfilm them. Our committee has given its approval and permission is also being sought from the Marlborough Historical Society to include the combined issues with them. There will also be copyright issues to clarify. Once the Journals have been microfilmed it is proposed to then digitise them and make them available on a website, Top of the South Stories, which is being developed by the combined Tasman Nelson Libraries. This will make the Journals readily accessible to researchers a development from which we history lovers will all benefit.
We were all shocked this year at the sudden death, on Sunday 22 July 2007 of our Immediate Past President, Alvin Brett. Alvin was working as a caregiver that day when he died suddenly from a heart attack. He had done our Society proud in his term of office and had organised many memorable field trips. It was most tragic that he died at only 51 years, with still more to offer in future years. My lasting memory of him will be as a very warm and caring person who always strived to acknowledge each of our members. Our deepest sympathy was extended to his father and fellow member Gordon Brett and we dedicate this Journal to the Memory of Alvin.
Finally thank you to all article contributors, Dawn Smith for her editorial work and Noelene Ford for setting and layout. I hope you enjoy reading this issue and we look forward to members contributing future articles for the next Journal.
When I was growing up in Nelson during the 1960s, the Returned Services Association (RSA) played an important role in the life of my father, who was a returned World War II soldier. I remember seeing a large, metal, lifeboat sized craft in the RSA grounds, which was known as the Turkish pontoon. I have researched it for six years and its history goes back 92 years, to the early years of World War I at the Suez Canal, Egypt. The pontoon was nationally significant on two counts. Firstly, it was the very first World War I war trophy to be brought back to New Zealand and, secondly, during its capture, Private William Ham from Ngatimoti became New Zealand's first serviceman killed in action.
When war was declared in New Zealand, on 5 August 1914, there was great enthusiasm amongst the local Territorial volunteers, who had been training regularly since the inception of the force in 1911. All men aged between 14 and 20 years had been required to attend training and annual camps, which were held throughout New Zealand, from 1912. Geo MacMahon's farm at Tapawera
1
had hosted the annual camp in April 1914, when 1,000 men arrived from Blenheim, The Sounds, Collingwood, Takaka, Motueka, Nelson and the surrounding valleys. It was located to the north of the present Tapawera Village.
At the declaration of war, the general feeling throughout New Zealand was that, once the British army landed in France, the Germans would be easily overthrown
2
. The Territorials were ordered to their closest drill halls
3
to be enrolled in the 1st New Zealand Expeditionary Force, as part of the Canterbury Regiment. They soon all arrived in Nelson by steamer, train or horse and, after signing on, were accommodated in tents at Victory Square. Early on the morning of 15 August the Nelson contingent departed from Port Nelson on the Pateena for Lyttelton. In Christchurch they were encamped at Addington Race Course and underwent further training with the whole Canterbury Regiment.
They were then shipped to Wellington on the Athenic (HMNZT No 11) and Tahiti (HMNZT No 4) on 2 September, with a cargo which included 350 horses for the mounted rifle squadron. At Wellington they met up with other troop carriers from the south and the north and went ashore daily for route marches and manoeuvres. The mounted troops were sent ashore to camp for the benefit of their horses. Following the arrival of a naval escort of four warships, all ten troop transport ships finally sailed on 16 October for Albany in Australia. There they met up with 28 Australian troop transport ships and two cruiser escorts, and all sailed for the Suez Canal on 1 November. Everyone thought 4
as a German ally. To strengthen British forces at the strategic location of the Suez Canal, the troops disembarked at Alexandria, Egypt, on 3 December 1914.
The troops trained and acclimatised together and this joint contingent, known as the Australian and New Zealand Army Corp, led to the coining of the name ANZAC
5
. The Anzac troops, Indians, Gurkhas and some British troops initially guarded the western bank of the Suez Canal, in preparation for an expected attack on it by the Turkish troops. Intelligence had noted Turkish troops building up in Palestine, and primitive aircraft of the day observed Turkish columns in the desert. These planes had a range of 60 miles
6
and were some of the first planes the Kiwis had ever seen
7
. Battleships and torpedo boats were stationed at various parts of the canal to provide big gun fire at the advancing Turks
8
.
The Turkish military had been supplied with senior German officers who assisted with training and military planning. Their attack orders were to cross the canal at its narrowest point at three locations between Serapeum and Tussum, establishing bridges, to attack any forces on the Western bank and to disrupt shipping for up to three days. There was also hope that the Egyptians might turn on their British rulers. Little has been recorded in New Zealand of the epic journey by 25,000 Turkish troops across the Sinai Desert in three separate groups, enduring considerable hardship from fatigue and thirst. They were top quality regular troops and arrived at the canal in fit condition
9
.
One small group travelled to the north, far enough from the coast to be safe from battleship guns. Another small group travelled to the south, while one large group travelled through the centre of the desert, something no army had ever attempted
10
. They were most fortunate that rain had fallen in the desert during November and all the wells were full. As the troops neared the canal they travelled by night and hid during the day.
Pontoons, which formed part of the Turks' equipment, had been built by the Hilgers Aktiengesellschaft Company in Germany
11
. They had been smuggled through neutral Bulgaria to Turkey
12
. Made of galvanised iron, the pontoons were 7.5m long, 1.54m beam and 0.8m draught, and they were fitted with thwarts and rowlocks and had long pairs of oars. They were dragged by oxen on heavy wheeled frames, to which rollers or sledges could be fitted on soft ground
13
. The Turkish troops left Hebron on 11 January 1915 and were close to the canal by 26 January.
The attack came at 3am on 3 February 1915 at three locations and was successfully repelled. The 12th Nelson Company and 9 and 10 platoons of the Canterbury Battalion, 100 men of all ranks, were the only New Zealand troops 14
. The NZ troops were commended for their efforts at stopping the water-borne invasion at their section of the canal using only rifle fire. Their commander, Major CB Brereton, attributed the low casualties to the superiority of their rifle fire
15
. The Turks sustained heavier losses, with an estimated 900 killed, 1,500 to 2000 believed to have been wounded, and approximately 650 taken prisoner. The total British force loss was 18 killed and 83 wounded. The Battle of the Suez Canal, although significant to the Nelson Company, soon lapsed into insignificance in comparison with the Gallipoli campaign, which came a few months later.
The Nelson Company had two casualties. One, 22 year old Private William Arthur Ham of Ngatimoti, died from a bullet wound to his neck two days later
16
. The first NZ soldier to die in action during WWI, he was buried in the civil cemetery at Ismalia. The other casualty, Platoon Sergeant AJ (Billy) Williams, who was injured in the shoulder by shrapnel, had the Cockney gift for profanity and, on this occasion, he excelled himself
17
. Sergeant Williams had been a member of the NZ defence staff for 12 months before the war and had been stationed at Blenheim. Aged 32, he had begun his military career 13 years previously in the British Army, serving in South Africa and then in the Somalia campaign, while stationed in India
18
.
William Ham was born on 14 April 1892 in Ireland
19
and had emigrated with his parents, William Edward Ham and Hester Hawthorn, nee Barnwell, and two younger brothers, to Gisborne, arriving in October 1900
20
. The family travelled on the RMS Athenic, the very ship that transported William to Egypt 11 years later. They lived in Wanganui before arriving at Ngatimoti in 1905 and William was enrolled at Orinoco School on 29 May 1905
21
. The Hams later ran a general store at Ngatimoti and William worked as a farm labourer for the Beatsons at Ngatimotr
22
. At the time of his army enlistment he was employed by Waimea County Council as a labourer. A month after William's death his father died at Nelson Hospital from pneumonia
23
. The next eldest son, Thomas Henry Ham, went to war in December 1915 and eventually completed his service
24
. Hester Ham was remarried in 1916 to Cyril Bartlett
25
, who enlisted in May 1916
26
and was killed on 15 December 1917 in Belgium. She eventually moved to Dunedin with her remaining sons and died there on 1 February 1947
27
. A poignant war memorial in the grounds of St James Church Ngatimoti honours Private William Ham and other men of the district. Erected by relatives and friends, it was unveiled on Anzac day 1921. Of the 14 men who left Ngatimoti with the 1st New Zealand Expeditionary Force only two returned, both of whom were wounded
28
.
All 25 of the Turkish pontoons had been recovered following the battle and were rendered unserviceable
29
. Sir John Maxwell, General Officer Commanding in Cairo, Egypt, made a gift of one of them to the NZ Government
30
. The Minister of Defence, James Allen, decided that, because of the Nelson regiment's sterling action during the Suez Canal attack, the pontoon should be given to the Nelson City Council
31
. It was dispatched on the HMNZT No 4 Tahiti and arrived in Wellington on 18 May 1915. The Wellington Harbour Board put the pontoon on display in premises in Buckle Street, with the sixpence viewing charge going towards patriotic funds, and it also featured in a patriotic parade through the streets of Wellington on 3 June. It was then shipped to Port Nelson, arriving on 2 July, and was taken to the Nelson City Gas Works yard, where it awaited its final location
32
.
A request came from Dunedin to borrow the pontoon for patriotic fund raising but was not followed up. A second pontoon, which arrived in Wellington on 13 January 1916
33
, was put on display at the Woodhaugh Gardens in Dunedin during 1921 or 1922
34
. By 1962 it had rusted beyond repair and it was cut up by the army and buried
35
.
There were many debates about where Nelson's pontoon should be located, with initial thought being given to the newly created Anzac Park
36
. The newly formed RSA favoured this location, but it was eventually installed in the Queens Gardens, near the rose gardens, in late 1915
37
. Temporary mountings were made permanent late in 1917 and the holes in its side were repaired, and an explanatory engraved brass plate was installed in mid 1918
38
. The pontoon featured in a parade on 13 November 1919, during Nelson's peace celebrations, being carted on a wagon drawn by a draught horse. Its enduring guardian was Alex B Hoy, who had departed with the 1st NZEF from Nelson and had served in Egypt as a bugler when it was captured
39
. In 1917, as RSA Secretary, he was on the Council's case to find a proper home and provide the care needed to preserve it. He again lamented the deteriorating condition of the pontoon in a letter to the Editor in 1953
40
.
During World War II the Council gave consideration to getting rid of a WWI German siege gun, kept at the back of the Suter Art Gallery, together with the pontoon, which was still on display in the Queens Gardens. The RSA executive had no objection to the gun being disposed of, but wanted the pontoon preserved, as it had real historic association, and could be moved to another location
41
.
The Council removed the pontoon from the gardens in January 1953, returning it to the Gas Works yard where it was repaired and repainted. After much discussion, it was relocated to the Nelson RSA grounds in June 1953
42
, with the Council agreeing to provide a cover to prevent further deterioration 43
. The cover was never provided however and, in 1958, Colonel Brereton wrote to the RSA Executive expressing his concern about the upkeep of the pontoon
44
. In 1961 an RSA member humorously suggested that it could be inverted and used as a roof for a cycle shelter
45
. The pontoon was finally unceremoniously dumped in the Nelson rubbish tip, the site of present day Founders Park, late in 1970 or early 1971, to make way for extensive additions to the RSA clubrooms
46
. By this stage it was a rusting hulk, full of leaves and rubbish. It was a shame that the pontoon was not preserved, given its history as New Zealand's first war trophy, but this was at the height of anti-Vietnam War feelings and anything military was not popular
47
.
The following letter was published in a Buckinghamshire historical journal. William and Charlotte Small came to Nelson on the Sir Charles Forbes in 1842. They raised a family in a mud cottage with attic bedrooms on land along from the Tod Valley turn-off at Wakapuaka. The farm was called Sunnyside. The Smalls were friendly with Maori from the local Pa, and Maori ovens remained on the property, near the creek, for many years. William served on the Suburban North Education Committee. Henry Small was awarded a first prize after the examination by school inspectors in 1858.
Nelson New Zealand February 20 th, 1855Dear Father & Mother, Brothers & Sisters Not having received a letter from any of you since I received one from my brother Tom I now take up my pen to let you know how we are getting on in this quiet corner of the Globe. We have one of the most abundant harvests that we have ever witnessed and finer weather could not have been wished for, for which we have much to be thankful to God for. As for myself I have had a beautiful crop of both Wheat and Barley. I suppose I have Wheat enough to last eighteen months and plenty of barley for feeding pigs of which I have a good stock, and everything else that heart could wish for. We have an abundant year for fruits of all descriptions.
Now as regards ourselves we are all in enjoyment of good health. We have four in family now two fine lads and two girls. Harry is nine years of age. He attends to all the milking. Lads of his age are getting five shillings per week with board and lodgings. What a contrast to wages in England. The great drawback to the provinces is the scarcity of labour. Labourers wages are as high as eight shillings per day and not many to be got at that. We have 27,000 pounds of public money to be expended in the province in public works in the next twelve months. The surveyors have started today to explore the road to the Dun Mountain Copper Mine. It is only five miles to the town. Some of the Ore has been shipped to England where it has been tested and proved to be the richest Ore that has ever been discovered. A company is formed in London for working it and a bank order for 10,000 pounds has arrived in Nelson for making a road and other necessary arrangements for working the mine.
Mr Williams and myself have government work in hand now to the amount of 120 pounds at which we can earn from 12/- to 15/- per day and not overwork ourselves. There is a great deal of work at a standstill for want of labourers and mechanics. We have had some down from Melbourne but not having been brought up to work they are of very little use to us. We want some of your good agricultural labourers who might get from 60 to 80 pounds per annum and their board.
Dear Father remember me and wife to all our old acquaintances. Give our love to John and his wife and family and tell them we often think and talk of them. Tell John not to forget to write to me for though absent ever dear hoping you are all in the enjoyment of good health as this leaves us. Allow me to subscribe.
From your affectionate son & daughter William & Charlotte Small Direct Mr William Small, farmer, Sunnyside, Wakapawaka, Nelson, New Zealand. Let Mr Watts of Banbury know that you have heard from us. Be sure you pay for your letters before you post them or they will not come. Write as often as you can. Tuesday Evening, Feb. 20 . Past 10 o'clock, good night.th1855To: Mr George Small, Brazier & Tin Maker, Gawcott, nr. Buckingham, Bucks, England.
Thankyou to Jean Van Ginkel and Sheila Oening for the copy of the letter. The added information came from Early Tide to Wakapuaka by PV and NL Wastney.
We would like to thank the Nelson Historical Society for inviting us to deliver this lecture – we are honoured to do so. We would like to acknowledge the work of James Jenkins in establishing the Society in 1954, and his bequest, which made the lecture series possible. We have flown in from Napier, where we are hiding from interruptions to work on Volumes II and III of Te Tau Ihu o Te Waka: A History of Maori of Nelson and Marlborough, which are scheduled for publication about mid-2007.
We are living on a grant from the Ministry of Culture and Heritage, for which we are very grateful. Volume II will be a social history of the impact of European colonisation on Maori of Te Tau Ihu, while Volume III will be a smaller companion volume listing all the evidence identifying Maori in time and place during early colonial times. It will include baptisms, marriages, census records, Maori Land Court records, land ownership records, and so on, and will be an invaluable resource for people tracing whakapapa, and will relieve us of many requests for help.
We are currently looking for funding to write Volume IV, which will contain about forty biographies of chiefs, leaders, interesting individuals and some families in the 1820 – 1860 period.
Tonight, we are going to discuss the process of producing these histories, rather than the stories themselves.
We started on this "journey", to use a favourite word of another John Mitchell, almost twenty years ago, in 1988. The Kaumatua Council of Te Runanganui o Te Tau Ihu o Te Waka a Maui, an organisation which at that time represented all eight Iwi of the Nelson-Marlborough region, asked us, as Mitchell Research, to produce a generic history of Maori in Te Tau Ihu. This history was intended to act as a base from which individual tribes, hapu, whanau and regional groups of Maori could prepare their specific cases for the Waitangi Tribunal.
Over the following four years we drafted a manuscript which was circulated to elders of all the tribes for comment. It was eventually submitted to the Waitangi Tribunal in 1992, and then resubmitted, with substantial revisions, in 1999. Since that time the Waitangi Tribunal has heard the claims from this district, a great deal more information has come to light through our own and others' efforts, and that original manuscript looks very dated.
We have our own motivations for publishing the Te Tau Ihu o Te Waka series. Some years ago in Nelson and Marlborough there was a general perception that few Maori lived in the region before colonisation, and that very little was known about those who did. One strong motivation was to correct that misconception by peopling the landscape, by naming the people, by presenting the sagas by which they came to inhabit, defend (and depart) these lands, and by identifying their pa and kainga.
We also wished to ensure that succeeding generations of Maori would have access to their heritage, much of which has already been lost or dispersed. In addition, the interested general public would have a greater understanding of the people who trod these lands, relationships which developed, and events which occurred. A secondary ambition was to correct some of the inaccuracies which have crept into the record, and are then repeated.
With regard to Volume II – Te Ara Hou: The New Society – we particularly wish to illustrate the very active roles Maori played in the new society born of European colonisation. Their generosity and assistance to new immigrants, their delight in Christianity, their entrepreneurial response to opportunities within the new economy, their pivotal presence in European exploration and on the goldfields, their reaction to, and adoption or adaptation of new technologies, new ideas and new customs deserved to be highlighted.
We intend to show how Maori were affected by a European legal system, Pakeha-dominated legislation, anglocentric education, and eventual marginalisation from most aspects of the new society. Their struggle to retain their own language, social structures and customs is discussed, as are the effects of colonisation on Maori health, fertility, prosperity and wellbeing.
We have puzzled over why this rich history has almost disappeared from the general record. It is certainly not from lack of evidence, and some historians such as Ruth Allan, Elvy and Peart, as well as modern writers like Mike Johnston, have recorded it and acknowledged its importance. Others, particularly in recent times, have simply ignored this aspect of our history,
The conclusions we have reached to explain this gap in knowledge and understanding of our past can be summarised thus:
In the earliest days of the Nelson Settlement, when Maori probably Nelson Examiner published much detail of Maori activities, and relationships between Maori and officials, surveyors, businesspeople and farmers. Maori individuals were named, and their tribe or kainga was frequently referred to. As Europeans began to outnumber Maori, their skills, knowledge and produce were no longer required and new arrivals had no experience of being reliant on, sustained by, or working with Maori. Maori came to be referred to as "the natives", "the savages", or, sarcastically, as "our dusky brethren". No problems with political correctness in those days!
This was probably the first step in writing Maori out of the collective history. It also illustrated the breakdown in relationships between Maori and Europeans which, in the first years of settlement, had been characterised by generosity, mutual assistance and mutual respect.
The most important sources, especially from the perspective of putting flesh on bones, identifying roles and relationships of named individuals, and interpreting significance of actions, are the Maori ones. In particular, whakapapa books and family traditions, some oral and others recorded and/or published.
As Maori acquired literacy skills in the first decades of European settlement, they began to write down their whakapapa and family stories, which had hitherto been handed down orally for many generations. In each succeeding generation a family member was appointed to keep this taonga and add to it. These books are probably the most precious possessions of many families, often jealously guarded and rarely shared, even within the family, let alone with outsiders. We were particularly privileged to be granted access to dozens of these extraordinary treasures and they are the most crucial foundation for the work we have done.
Another Maori source is evidence given in Maori Land Court cases to investigate ownership or determine succession, which often traverses alliances, battles, wars, truces, marriages, gifts, and the names of those who occupied lands. Maori also wrote letters, but those that have survived are usually to the Governor or other officials, and concern land issues. We are not aware of any significant Maori account from Te Tau Ihu of impressions of Europeans, the new society, or the effects of colonisation.
The host of European sources, official and unofficial, include land title records, New Zealand Company and Crown correspondence, reports and journals, the minutes of, annual returns of, and reports to both Provincial and central Compendium collated all the records relevant to land purchases from Maori, Maori-owned land and Native Reserves in the South Island up to about 1870.
The field books of surveyors such as Heaphy, Brunner and Stephens are often much more than just pages of transects and triangulations. Some were used as daybooks for recording events, as attendance records and wage-books, and as sketch books. Heaphy and others adorned the formal survey diagrams with maps which clearly identified the locations of pa, kainga and cultivations.
These official records are the ones most used by "real" historians in Waitangi Tribunal evidence. We have often found, however, that unofficial sources are invaluable in making sense of official records, in explaining reasons for actions and in suggesting motives. They are particularly important for their reflection of attitudes of the times.
Newspapers are amazing in their detail, their uninhibited use of language and, particularly during the Taranaki and Waikato Wars, their prejudice against Maori. The Nelson Examiner, The Colonist, the Marlborough Press, the Marlborough Daily Times, the Havelock Guardian and, later, the Nelson Evening Mail and the Marlborough Express, are absolute treasure troves. It can be frustrating, however, when they begin a story, but we cannot find the outcome.
There is also much published material in the form of regional and local histories, histories on particular topics or themes, memoirs and reminiscences, autobiographies and biographies, church, school and family histories. There are collections of materials in museum archives by individuals such as Bett, Knapp, Brayshaw, Hale, Newport, Margaret Brown, and dozens of unpublished diaries, journals, log-books, reminiscences and collections of letters written by officials, settlers, surveyors, and clergy. Church records are particularly valuable, given the close relationship which often existed between missionaries and Maori, and baptismal and marriage registers are the best record of names and places of residence in the 1840s and 1850s.
There is clearly no shortage of material, but there are potholes and pitfalls to be negotiated if an accurate record is to be achieved. The overriding issue is the integrity and accuracy of the sources and questions may arise on a number of grounds. There is the ability of eyewitnesses to interpret what is happening when there are both language and cultural barriers. A newly arrived European may completely misunderstand or misinterpret an action
There may also be mistaken conclusions arising from misunderstanding of relationships, for instance whether the woman in question is the chief's wife or a slave. The perceived treatment of her takes on entirely different meanings if the wrong assumption is made. There is also a risk in using fragmented pieces of information which may represent only part of the picture, such as the Pakeha perspective, or one chief's version.
The validity of second hand accounts in comparison with eyewitness reports can be questioned and the motives of writers also require examination. Missionaries reporting to their parent bodies were inclined to emphasise the success of their endeavours, as are New Zealand Company agents reporting to their superiors. Government agents such as Assistant Native Secretaries wrote glowingly of the wellbeing, good behaviour and loyalty of their charges. Some individuals, such as Frederick George Moore, tended to inflate their own part in various incidents and endeavours, and Maori giving evidence in the Maori Land Court were highly motivated to exaggerate their own tribe's role in order to gain rights to land.
A blatant example of writing for a particular purpose can be seen in a letter from James Mackay Jr to Donald McLean recounting a very dramatic confrontation between Maori and Europeans at Motupipi in 1856, which almost ended in serious violence. We were a little puzzled, as we had not seen any other reference to the incident, but on the next page Mackay sought a paid Government position to sort out disputes between Maori and Europeans. His account may be absolutely accurate, but there is a lingering suspicion that it may have been exaggerated.
Some more technical concerns arise from our use of typed or transcribed versions of original documents. We have been using, for example, the typed copy of Barnicoat's journal at Nelson Provincial Museum. We have come to know it well and have, over time, developed minor reservations about the accuracy of the typing. We have used a number of other typed or transcribed versions of original documents which may have similar flaws.
Very serious transcribing flaws can still emerge. For example, in 2003 a Crown witness presented a large typed transcript of the 1883 Maori Land Court investigation of the ownership of the Wakapuaka Block. This "evidence" was not only riven with spelling errors, but the conventions of the Court record were completely misunderstood. The names of cross-examiners (Maori) were often thoroughly confused with the names of the witnesses (also Maori) and names and contexts were also misunderstood. There was such objection to
Another aspect of sourcing materials which has concerned us is the ban on copying some items, usually because of fragility. We cannot understand why a single master photocopy of such documents could not be made, from which further copies could be produced. Such a strategy would reduce wear and tear on the originals. The cost of copying some archival records, for example when a professional has to be called in to make a digital copy, can be very high, and limits on the number of items which can be ordered at a time can be very frustrating.
The other paramount issue is, of course, our own integrity in selecting or rejecting material, in ordering material in a certain way, and in choosing or ignoring material to suit our own arguments and perspectives. We try to be neutral and even-handed, but it is probably up to the reader to decide on that issue. We have exercised some censorship by excluding some of the more vituperative attacks on individuals and, in some cases, whole communities. In many such instances it is obvious that the writings do not accurately describe people and events, but merely reflect the prejudices of the writers.
Acquiring all this material was one thing. Selecting from it, ordering it, and turning it into a readable history was, and is, quite another. There were a number of decisions we had to make about the scope and structure of Volume II. The original intention was to bring it up to the present day, but the sheer volume of material convinced us to cut it off at about 1900. Given that it is a social history, rather than a clear chronological events history, we also decided on a number of themes, which determined the chapters of Volume II. The chapter headings will be:
This approach then required decisions about particular incidents or events which were multidimensional and could be used as illustrations of rangatiratanga, in the discussion of slavery, or in the chapter on goldmining.
The style of presentation will be very similar to what we attempted to do in Volume I, which was to create a text in straightforward, simple language which will be accessible to the majority of the population, including school students. To increase accessibility we will again break the text into readable chunks, and use whakapapa, maps, drawings, paintings, and photos to illustrate the stories. Extensive use of quotes from eyewitnesses, newspapers, letter writers and commentators will be employed. The quotes are graphic, usually beautifully written and portray the flavour of the times which is difficult to capture in any other way. They communicate the writer's perspective far more effectively than anything we could write, they strengthen the validity of what we are saying and readers unfamiliar with the sources may be tempted to do some research themselves.
Brian Flintoff has again very graciously agreed to design chapter headings and "footprints" to divide the sections in each chapter. The quality of production, with glossy paper and full colour throughout, will prevail again, thanks to the support of Wakatu Incorporation, iwi trusts, and a number of business firms.
We don't, of course, intend to reveal the ending, for fear of spoiling the book for you, but we are going to comment on some aspects of the material which surprised us and may surprise you.
In general, European records, official and unofficial, tend to bear out Maori family traditions, with stories handed down through families most often verified, although not always. John's family, for example, has a tradition about the desecration of an ancestor's grave at Pariwhakaoho in Golden Bay. An official record found earlier this year explains what actually occurred and does not support the family belief, which has been nurtured for more than a century.
It is quite surprising that there appears to have been no European sanction, official or unofficial, against the practice of slavery, which persisted certainly well into the 1860s and perhaps later, although the taking of slaves ceased on 6th February 1840. We are surprised, because the abolition of slavery had been such an important issue in the Britain the settlers left behind, and there were strong relationships between the New Zealand Company and the Aborigines Protection Society back home. Far from attempting to abolish the practice in New Zealand, NZ Company and government officers openly employed slaves from local chiefs. The guides Kehu and Pikiwati were two such slaves, and Mrs Ironside bought two slaves from their chiefs with a pair of her best blankets when Ngati Toa evacuated Port Underwood after the Wairau Affray.
In 1848 Bishop Selwyn accompanied Henry Mauhara, one of his assistants, to Croisilles to attempt to buy Henry's mother and brother out of their slavery to the elderly local chief, probably of Ngati Koata. The mother refused to leave the chief, who was a Christian, however, saying she loved him and he needed her to care for him. The chief confirmed his need for the woman and said that, as he was not long for this world, she would soon be free. Selwyn concluded that slavery in New Zealand was of a "mild character".
Polygamy was tackled more assiduously by the churches in the beginning, with one Ngati Koata chief putting aside one of his wives, but other chiefs argued that it would be unjust to turn out a wife who had been a faithful companion for years and to whom there were obligations. Eventually the Churches appear to have turned a blind eye to existing relationships.
Kaikoura Whakatau of Amuri, south of Kaikoura, declined to give an immediate answer to Edward Jollie's questions about how he reconciled his two wives with his professed Christianity. The next morning, however, the chief conducted prayer, choosing a suitable Bible passage to illustrate his homily: "Abraham had two wives, Isaac had two wives, Jacob had two wives, so why should I also not have two wives?". Jollie concluded that Maori should never have been given the Old Testament.
Some readers will probably be surprised to learn that Maori children were generally regarded as smarter than Pakeha children when they were educated together, in English, at Motueka in the late 1840s and early 1850s. In addition, a greater proportion of Maori could read and write at the end of the 1840s than working class Europeans.
The speed with which Maori grasped and used European legal processes may also be surprising. In March 1842, one month after the Fifeshire docked with the first immigrants, a Maori woman from Wakapuaka was the informant in a charge of assault against a European man at the Nelson Court Petty
In March this year we applied to the Minister of Justice for permission to access Nelson and Marlborough Court records held at Archives New Zealand. We discovered that the first serious case involving a Maori was a charge brought by a Queen Charlotte Sound Maori in January 1843 of assault and buggery against a European. The accused was remanded in gaol till the trial and we don't yet know the outcome.
Another puzzle was the ambivalence of individual Europeans who had warm, affectionate relationships with individual Maori, as David Monro did with Brunner's faithful servant, Eruera Rawiri Te Rauhihi. Monro consulted Mrs Brunner about a suitable gift for him, and sent a telegram from Otago to enquire about his condition when he had been ill, but made such statements as:
"One thing is very clear: that the Maoris have wanted a good licking for some time: … a black man has no respect for the white settler, until the latter has shown him that he is physically his superior".
and:
"These Maoris are a confounded nuisance: and they will never be brought to reason until they get an uncommonly good thrashing …".
and:
"… no legislation will ever make a white man regard a coloured man as his equal".
We were surprised by some of the items in the wonderful collection of materials lent to us by Mrs Lynette Wilson of Riwaka. They related to her Hadfield ancestors and their neighbours at Awaroa, the Winter family and James Perrott. Perrott's wife was Maori, so it is not such a surprise to find that "Te Hon Makariri" and Kristiana Winter signing hers "Kariti". Kristiana also wrote to Mr Perrott, often in te reo, and she was cured of a serious and disabling genetic condition by correspondence with the Maori prophet, Ratana. This apparent ability to cure her and another local European woman, Fanny Lammas, by correspondence was itself a surprise.
We should confess that it is becoming easier and easier to do this work, although it doesn't always feel like it. Computer and internet technologies enable us to examine catalogues of images, documents, maps and books at many institutions around the world. In some cases actual manuscripts are online, as are many images collections, which can be downloaded and printed. We can now order material in advance at libraries, archives and museums, which saves research time, and these institutions usually allow the use of laptops and portable scanners.
Service at many repositories has improved out of sight in terms of friendliness and willingness to help, which may be a triumph for Kiwihost, and there is often the opportunity to exchange information for mutual benefit. There is also the miracle of Google, which can turn up an answer, often the correct, to almost anything. The ability to use a word processor, to scan text direct into word-processing language, to tabulate vast screeds of information into spreadsheets and databases which can be sorted, collated and interrogated, to email text, images and photographs, and to pay for services and products online, still seem miraculous. Our admiration is boundless for people who did such superb work without any of these advantages.
We have collected and catalogued material which constitutes 150 pages of one-line references. This enables us to find all the references to do with, for example, religion, adultery, gold mining or slavery at the click of a button. We were tempted to publish this spreadsheet as a do-it-yourself history, but Huia Publishers were expecting rather more context from us.
There have been some wonderful boosts to our enthusiasm in the course of writing these books. While writing Volume I, we came across Isabel Olivier's translations of some of the D'Urville expedition records. She is a New Zealander living in France who compiled Research Notes relating to French Explorers in New Zealand between 1985 and 1994. Her translation of Adolphe-Pierre Lesson's journal was a great find for us. In a similar vein, Peter Tremewan of the French Department, University of Canterbury, has
An idle question to Marion Minson at National Library about a Heaphy sketch of the salvage of the Louisa Campbell in 1847, referred to by FG Moore, led us to the Auckland Museum. It holds a large number of Heaphys that we were unaware of, some very important to this area and our book.
Perhaps the jewel in the crown was the phone call from a New Zealander, Jocelyne Dudding, working at the Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, England. A box of material from Frederick Tuckett's estate, which had been in storage for many decades, had just been opened for the first time. It revealed a sketchbook belonging to Isaac Coates, who resided in Nelson from about 1842 to 1845. He is known for his portraits of Maori, thanks to the work of Marion Minson and Dawn Smith. The images in this sketchbook have incredibly sharp colours, never having been exposed to light. Several are duplicates of the 19 images already known, but there are portraits of 37 Maori of Nelson and Marlborough not seen previously. As a result of our treatment of the Coates images in Volume I, and our undertaking to provide biographical information and whakapapa for some of these "new" ancestors, Pitt Rivers will allow us to reproduce any we wish in Volume II and other publications, at no charge.
This leads us to the question – what else is out there? Two Lindauer paintings – of a local couple, Mr and Mrs Paramena, were found under a bed in Blenheim a few years ago. There may be others as yet undiscovered.
We are looking for sketches which, according to Marlborough newspaper reports, were done in 1888 at the Waikakaho and Cullensville goldfields by Walter Leslie of the Hansard staff and author/artist of Parliamentary Portraits. We are also keen to find Thomas Brunner's sketches of his 1846–1848 expedition to the West Coast.
Thank you very much. We hope that we have encouraged you to think of our rich past from a slightly different perspective, and that you will, of course, be desperate to read Volume II.
Ki a koutou mo tenei wahanga.
In those days, about 1936, we travelled to Rabbit Island via the Old Coach Road. It is now called Cotterell Road after John Cotterell, a surveyor who won the contract for a twice-weekly ferry service between Pearl Creek and Nelson in 1842. One of the ferries was The Pearl and it operated from Cotterell's Landing. It was probably from here that our great-uncle James Thomas and his son-in-law, Thomas Haines, left for Nelson in 1889. They spent the night at the Customhouse Hotel and both men drowned on the return journey when their boat capsized. Their bodies and some of their supplies were found near the Tahuna Back Beach.
What was then Rabbit Island Road turned off the highway at Pea Viner Corner, Appleby. The two buildings still there, built about the 1940s, were owned by Kirkpatrick's factory. Why Pea Viner? The factory processed peas and picked the peas off the vines, which saved picking them in the paddocks. One of the buildings, later owned by O'Connors, is now the Appleby Fire Station.
We travelled to the beach by horse and cart and went down through Pearl Creek, then through two crossings at low tide on a very rough track. The last water crossing was behind the first house, by the bridge to Rabbit Island. Appleby School had most of their picnics on the Island and we played on the high sandhills, sliding down on sacks. The present Beach Road was built many years later and the large flat area behind it was then all sandhills and pine trees. The only picnic ground was what is now The Old Domain, and the track we used to reach the beach is still there.
Dave Hammond, a neighbour, had a bach there and Mum used to take us children, along with her parents, Jim and Emily Schroder, to stay for a few days during school holidays. My grandfather was about nineteen, in the late 1800s, when he helped to plant the first plantation of pine trees on Rabbit Island.
Easter Monday was a great social day for the district at Rabbit Island. We always had the day off from working on our father, Laurie Thomas's, orchard at Redwoods Valley or on our farm, and went to Rabbit Island for a family picnic. The Thomas, Barnes, Biggar and O'Connor families all joined together to enjoy ourselves, and the small picnic area was packed with horses, wagons and people.
One memorable journey was when, as very young teenagers, we were allowed to go to Rabbit Island for a picnic with the O'Connor boys, Fergus, John and Kerry. We missed low tide and the two horses were swimming,
Dad used the boat to go fishing off the beach. As we got older he would row the boat out with some of us swimming alongside. A large fishing net was dropped over the side and he would circle round and come back to shore. Then came the job of pulling the net in, with everybody, even strangers, helping. Mum would have the fire going with big frying pans and would cook the fish right away. Dad also took some of us floundering at night with lanterns and spears, near where the bridge is now.
Pearl Creek was a Sunday afternoon attraction. It was a wide creek then, good for fishing and whitebaiting, and Dad would row us up and down. We could get large amounts of whitebait, a bucketful at a time, and no townies came out then. What we couldn't eat was dug into the garden for manure.
Picnics, swimming and whitebaiting were very good activities at that time.
The family of Henry Redwood senior were enjoying tea in the sitting room of his home, Stafford Place, Waimea West at about 5.30pm on Saturday 2nd of November 1861. Across the yard they could see the substantial brick stables where three farmhands, John Wratten, Esau Russ and Joseph Ellis, stood near the archway. Unbeknown to the onlookers, the men were arguing about the colour and age of one of Redwood's foals.
The argument escalated when the word liar was used, and 19 year old Ellis attacked 27 year old Russ, with both falling to the ground. Wratten did not believe the fight would become serious and left the scene. One of the witnesses in the house, 11 year old Francis Bolton, was concerned enough to go and tell his Grandpa. Redwood believed that the two men got on well together and said to let them settle their quarrel. After wrestling for a time the men regained their feet, but continued to trade blows and fell again, with Russ drawing blood from Ellis's face.
When they again climbed to their feet, Russ went into the stable and Ellis entered the harness room, from where he emerged with a loaded shotgun. He went across to the stable and called out "Come out and be shot or stay in there and be shot". Redwood's daughter, Elizabeth Bolton, crossed the yard as Ellis emerged with the gun and said "Don't do it Joe, don't do it" but he took no heed. He took aim and fired, hitting Russ in the neck and killing him instantly.
A Coroner's Inquest was convened at Stafford Place on 4 November 1861. The jurors were John Ayles, foreman, John Palmer, EW Bullard, Henry Tomlinson, John Chapman, Mark Newth, Thomas Ford, Benjamin Morgan, Walter Kerr, Alex Drummond and John Thomas. After the evidence and been heard and witnesses questioned, the verdict of manslaughter was delivered. The body of Esau Russ was interred in the graveyard of St Michael's Anglican church at Waimea West.
The trial of Joseph Ellis on a charge of the wilful murder of Esau Russ took place on 4 November 1861 in the Provincial Hall before His Honour Mr Johnston. On the morning of the trial, Bishop Hobhouse conducted a special service to mark the opening of the Assize, which the Judge and jury attended. The Bishop was reported to have delivered an impressive sermon based on Genesis chapter nine and spoke about the quality of mercy.
Those empanelled for the Grand Jury were F Huddleston, J Beit, C Elliott, HE Curtis, O Curtis, E Pritchard, AW Scaife, G Bennett, H Edwards, AG Braithwaite, T Hackett, AS Collins, WR Nicholson, A Richmond, GW Schroder,
The evidence from the inquest was repeated, with the additional information of a history of fighting because Esau Russ was a tease. The jury deliberated for about an hour and returned a verdict of manslaughter. The Judge sentenced Ellis to ten years hard labour and told him that his life had hung by a mere thread. He observed that he should contemplate on what he had done and, if spared to come out of prison, would be a wiser and better man.
References: Elsie Curnow: Country Ways in Two Countries. S.G. Gull: Job Russ — 1819-1907. Colonist — January 17th, 1862
The 2005 bicentenary of the Battle of Trafalgar in Collingwood, like other commemorative events, stimulated interest in and generated questions about the past. Information on the Collingwood fires, sometimes identified as the defining feature of its post-European settlement history, was scattered across various publications, often with partial or even conflicting details, and lacking references to primary sources. And for what is frequently cited as the earliest fire (1859), no detailed information seemed available. These factors encouraged compilation of a more complete record of the Collingwood fires, with verified sources. The brief but most complete listing (up to 1967) in Newport & Taylor's centennial pamphlet St Cuthbert's Church, Collingwood, 1873–1973 (p. 35) must be acknowledged. The list is prefaced by a note that mentions an 1859 fire, but only two fires (1897 and 1930) of those listed are included in the chronology (p. 38–39).
This note presents, in summary form, information on nine fires affecting the business area of the village of Collingwood, known in its earliest days as Aorere and then Gibbstown. The tragic fire of 21 June 1997 at the Joan Whiting Rest Home, which resulted in the deaths of three residents, is therefore not included. The rest home is sited separately, about 1 km from Collingwood village.
Obviously these fires have had a dramatic effect on the built heritage of Collingwood but there are also other ongoing effects, including the loss of important historical records, which limits research in certain areas or for certain periods. Collectively the fires are a reminder of how our heritage, including the natural environment, has been irreversibly affected by fire.
Newspapers of the day are the source of the facts presented in this listing, which is not intended as a full account or an analysis of the after-effects of the fires. For example, details such as Christian names have not been checked, and longer term consequences such as rebuilding are not referred to, though some associated information is included where it seemed particularly relevant. Source information also includes references to frequently-used secondary works, listed in full in the bibliography at the end.
A discussion of the lack of evidence of an 1859 fire is appended.
Fire in the Aorere Hotel (opened April 1857, owner N. T. Lockhart), 'totally consumed' its kitchen, at an unspecified time of "night'. Worse damage was avoided by 'a large number of men … overturning a building which had been used as a store', which stopped the fire spreading. The heaviest sufferers were two diggers who lost their clothes as well as two watches.
Fire which began in M. Ellis's store at 4.30 am on a windy (westerly) night 'swept all the houses from there to Stallard's bakery'. 'Only the most strenuous efforts of the miners and others' saved other buildings. The fire was regarded as suspicious and an 'inquest' was to be held.
Five buildings were destroyed, with damage estimated at £4,000: M. Ellis's store; T. James's house; Prussing's Miners' Arms Hotel; Brace's store; F. Stallard's bakery. It also threatened the government buildings and Cottier's Temperance Boarding House opposite, and the Post Office was 'very much scorched'.
Fire which began in the Institute building (William St) was noticed at 3 am by a guest named Bird staying at the Collingwood Hotel opposite. In half an hour both the Institute and the Library buildings were destroyed. The Druids Lodge had held a meeting in the evening and its Secretary H. B. Riley had stayed till midnight, working by candle, which he extinguished before leaving. Neighbouring buildings were saved by a bucket brigade of local residents in 'every variety of garment'. The cause was 'a mystery'.
The Institute, an old building (opened 1862), was a 'dumping ground' for 'nearly everything and everybody in the district'; the Library was a new building (1–2 years old) with a valuable collection. Specific materials destroyed included: Aorere Works Committee (of Collingwood County Council) records for 30 years (including the valuation roll and plan of work); Good Templars Lodge regalia and records; Foresters Lodge regalia and records for 25 years; Druids Lodge records (a new lodge); Collingwood Choral and Dramatic Society property; Collingwood Athletic Association records; brass band instruments (of the defunct Collingwood Brass Band); Sunday School Girls
Fire started in a loft above Stallard's bakery while the bakers were having supper next door after putting bread in the oven; the alarm was raised at 12.45 am. In very windy (westerly) conditions the fire spread rapidly; buildings were evacuated and people ('for the most part half clad') ran into the street, but the fire spread across the road. Cold lashing rain followed but it was calm and fine by 6 am. The fire was so bright it could be seen from Bainham, and it was claimed a newspaper could be read at Kaituna. No evidence was found to prove how the fire originated but the 'carelessness' of Collingwood residents was referred to, 'as there seems no doubt that a small and regular supply of water would have put the fire out when it first originated'.
All 21 buildings on both sides of Tasman St were destroyed, together with hens. Everything in fire-proof safes was turned to cinders, and gold melted into blobs [see, for example, the postmaster's watch now in the Collingwood Museum]. The piano from the Public Hall was saved, plus some stock. Because the Post Office was destroyed, news initially had to be sent from Parapara, but by early afternoon a temporary telegraph office had been set up at the Courthouse. The Golden Bay Argus printery was destroyed but the Takaka newspaper office was used (the first issue being delayed by only 12 hours) until the printery was rebuilt and in operation again for the issue of 8 December. John McKinna (73) [spelt as 'McKenna' in Nelson papers] died from a heart attack in the afternoon after helping to fight the fire.
Fire began at 1 am, apparently in Warnes' draper's shop, on a calm night. The lack of brick dividing walls in the block meant the fire couldn't be contained and other premises destroyed were: draper & bootmaker (Miles); draper & grocer (estate of E. T. Riley). Efficiency of the fire brigade and the availability of a water supply [opened 1908] saved the Post Office, the Post Office Hotel and adjacent buildings.
Fire began about 12.30 am in the kitchen at the rear of Stallard's boarding house and, fanned by 'a steady breeze', destroyed seven buildings: Stallard's boarding house and baker's shop; Presbyterian Church and manse; Doyle's butcher shop and residence; Brame's Collingwood Hotel; the Institute building, including the Library (William St); Wigzell's store (William St). Miss Cottier's billiard saloon was gutted but the neighbouring Post Office was saved, though 'badly scorched and charred, and windows broken'. Losses were estimated at £15,000.
'Splendid team work' by the brigade had the fire under control in about two hours, and the water supply was described as 'excellent'. However, other casualties included Mr Coyle, manager of Wigzell's, badly cut after breaking through a glass door to rescue the business records. St Cuthbert's Church Minute book (1910–1930) and other Church records were destroyed as B. M. Stallard was Parish Secretary.
Fire was noticed at approx 4 am in the Public Hall, which had been used for 'talkies' the previous evening. It and N. A. Allan's general store and dwelling were destroyed, and the neighbouring Post Office Hotel was badly damaged on one wall. The fire was under control by 6 am, but damage could have been much worse if the water supply (a dam near the school) had not been turned on in time to protect other buildings.
Fire began in the recently renovated Post Office Hotel and the alarm was raised at 2.45 am. The Takaka brigade arrived at 3.30 am, and the fire was brought under control by 5.30 am. A 'raging' south-westerly wind and rain fanned the fire across the street and three buildings were destroyed: the Post Office Hotel (a 2-storey building rebuilt after 1904 fire); the Memorial Hall (which included the 'Star' movie theatre and the Library); Golden Hills general store (opposite side of street, owned by the Collingwood Cooperative Dairy Co.). Several organisations lost material kept in the hall: Indoor bowling club, Druids Lodge; RSA, Plunket. (The movie shown the night before the fire was, perhaps prophetically, 'Flaming Star', starring Elvis Presley).
Fire broke out about 9.30 pm at Collingwood Tavern (built to replace the hotel burnt down in 1967), gutting a kitchen and causing significant associated damage. Collingwood and Takaka fire brigades were assisted by patrons and the fire was just stopped from spreading to upstairs accommodation.
Collingwood has been fortunate in the high level of interest in and documentation of its history, particularly that of the post-1841 (New Zealand Company Nelson Settlement) period. This is probably partly because of the high-profile reason (the 1857 gold rush) for its development as a significant early centre of European population, partly because it had its own newspaper for a long period, and partly because the economic base of the surrounding area has adapted, survived and strengthened in various directions.
The first port of call for information relating to pre-1913 Collingwood is J. N. W. Newport's Collingwood (1971) which states (p. 41):
In 1859 the first town (actually Gibbstown) was practically wiped out by a disastrous fire, the first in a series which the town has experienced. On this occasion all the stores and hotels were burned. […] One store was soon rebuilt and two hotels were soon back in business.
Not surprisingly this statement, lacking details of a specific date, has been repeated as fact in many subsequent historical publications and was the starting point for my own search for its evidential basis.
The earliest published mention I have found is twelve years earlier, in the school centennial publication compiled by headmaster K. S. Haycock, Collingwood School and District High School … 1859–1959 (p. 13):
In the same year [1859] came the first of the series of disastrous fires that have been a feature of Collingwood's history. In this fire all the
stores and hotels were burned, but two hotels and Riley and Co.'s store were rebuilt.
A clue to the origins of the statements in these two works is found in the foreword to the school centennial history (p. [1]): 'We are especially indebted to Mr W. Munro, Headmaster in 1952, for the research he carried out in recording facts and figures'. The research is assumed to be that recorded in an 18-page typescript attributed to Munro, The Story of Collingwood'. Munro, William Alexander, The Story of Collingwood', [1952]. Typescript. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, NZ, QMS-1404.
In the following year [1859] came the first of the series of disastrous fires that were to be a feature of Collingwood's history. In this case all the stores and hotels were burned, two hotels and Riley and Co.'s store being rebuilt.
My hypothesis is that this 1952 material—the earliest reference found—fed into the school centennial booklet (1959), and from that publication (an acknowledged source) into Newport's Collingwood (1971). The perceived authoritative status of Newport's work means that information it contains is accepted as infallible, and the story of the 1859 fire has continued to be promulgated without questioning the lack of a specific date or other details.
No evidence for this fire has so far surfaced, though I have searched many likely sources over the past eighteen months: the Respectively: C-CWD 1/1, Outwards Letterbooks, July 1858-June 1865: Customs, Sub-Collector, Collingwood, Report for 1859, item 6/60; and NP7, Box 4 part a, Nelson Provincial Council, Superintendent's General Inwards Correspondence, 2 July-30 Dec 1859, Enclosure to letter No. 59/1018 (9 December 1859), Archives New Zealand, Wellington.Nelson Examiner (for 1857–1860), the Colonist (for 1859), almanacs, Nelson Provincial Council papers, contemporary and other manuscripts at Nelson Provincial Museum and the Alexander Tumbull Library, theses, books, and newspaper articles. Perhaps most persuasively, there is also no reference to such an event in otherwise highly probable archival primary sources, the December 1859 reports from two government officials based in Collingwood, David Johnston (Sub-collector of Customs) and James Mackay (Resident Magistrate).
It is, of course, difficult to prove categorically that something has not occurred. However, there is a very substantial accumulation of pre-1952 evidence, primary and secondary, none of which refers to a fire in Collingwood in 1859. In contrast, Munro's is a sole voice, without substantiating references, that has been absorbed into our recent (i.e. since 1959) published history.
My research-based conclusion is that there is no evidence at all to support statements that a disastrous (or even significant) fire occurred in Collingwood in 1859. I firmly believe that future writers should explain it as unsubstantiated, in an effort to correct misinformation which has circulated for the last fifty years.
By 1912 the horse was beginning to have outlived its usefulness. Horse feed was constantly rising in price and the animal was time consuming. The man or woman with a motor could be out of the yard and miles away by the time the rider had saddled up for his journey.
As motoring became increasingly popular, vehicles had to be registered. The Waimea County Council passed a resolution at a meeting on 7 March 1912 that Part II of the Motor Regulation Act 1908 would be brought into operation in the Waimea County on the first of May 1912.
The Waimea County Council Register of Motor Vehicles was gazetted on 4 April 1912, and the first entries were duly recorded on 1 May of that year. The hand-written information included the Register Number, Name and address of owner, Date Registered, Make, Weight and use of Vehicle and a Note column. Where a vehicle changed hands, the original owner's name was scratched through and the new owner's name written over the top at that entry number.
There are 2043 entries and 67 of these owners are women. By 1912 women were beginning to prefer motorcars to carriages, as they combined comfort and independence with the exciting possibility of speed.
The first woman on the Register, at Number 162, was Elizabeth Watson of Wai-iti who was registered as the owner of a 10 Horse Power Reo Car on 7 December 1912. Other women followed, but it wasn't until 1916 that the trend began to gather momentum and, by 1924 when the Register finished, it recorded the names of 67 women.
Most women owned new vehicles, with only seven having bought second hand ones. All except three were registered for "Private Use". The three exceptions were "Public Conveyances" driven by women in 1921, 1923, and 1924.
Three women owned 2¾ horse power Douglas motor cycles and two owned Ford trucks.
Who were these women? Where did they live and what sort of vehicles did they own?
The following extracts are from the Register:
Note:
The Waimea County Council Register of Motors 1912–1924 is available on microfilm at the Nelson Provincial Museum Archives at Stoke. There is a separate Index under the owners' names and it is well worth a browse to see if your ancestor's name appears on it.
Reference:
Waimea County Council. 1912–1924. Register of motors. Tasman Bays Heritage Trust/The Nelson Provincial Museum, Archives collection, fMS WAI.