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Volume 3, No. 6.October 1980.
ISSN 0028 - 257X
Cover: Provincial Buildings – Albion Square 1865.
(From an old drawing courtesy Nelson Provincial Museum.)
Published by Nelson Historical Society (Incorporated) Nelson, New Zealand
Copyright: Portions of this Journal should not be re-printed without the permission of the Nelson Historical Society.
Printed by
R. W. Stiles & Co. Ltd., Nelson.
This Journal completes Volume 3. We are indebted to Mr B. E. Dickinson who has compiled the index which we include. Over the years we have been proud to publish attractive Journals with articles and presentation of a high quality, but increasing costs may force us to cut down in the future. This year we follow up our account of Golden Bay Industries with some additional information and also pay particular attention to a part of our City – Albion Square. We hope the City Council will revive the name and we ask members to use it.
It is not always realised that Nelson has several "firsts" in New Zealand Industries and we are fortunate in having two articles on the pioneer wool manufacture. We hope to have accounts of other industries next year. We are always pleased to receive articles or suggestions from members or readers.
Few Nelsonians have heard of Albion Square and fewer still know where it is, yet when the Foundation Stone of the Provincial Buildings was laid on 26 August, 1859, the Superintendent announced that henceforth that piece of ground would be known as Albion Square. In this article we give as full as account as we can of the history of the Square and of the various buildings which stood on it. We are grateful to those who have provided material or allowed us to use material from previously published articles.
Unfortunately in 1859 no one seems to have recorded any debate about the name or any reason for its choice. We do know that Albion was the name given to Britain, or to that part of it then known, by the Romans and that the word comes from the Latin word for white. It is therefore surmised that the name referred to the white cliffs of Dover, the first sight of land for Roman galleys as they crossed what is now called the English Channel and the last glimpse of England for the emigrants as they set out on their long journey to New Zealand. In 1859 all those considering the affairs of state would be emigrants who, in their diaries, letters, their conversation and thoughts would show an undertone of homesickness and of longing for the "Old Country" which remained "Home."
Albion was a name much used at that time. In Nelson William Akerston, a well-known pioneer, built the Albion wharf in 1857, opposite it was the Tasman Tavern. The ship, Albion, after it was condemned, was beached next to the wharf site, her bow extending to where the Pier Hotel once stood. In the early 1860s Thomas Cawthron was using the old ship as a store and an office. Despite the fact that the forepeak had been filled with clay, he records that "on stormy days there was a great deal of movement sometimes." There was also a hotel of that name.
The piece of land on which the Provincial Buildings were to stand was bounded by Bridge, Hardy, Collingwood and Tasman Streets. The portion now bounded by Harley Street contains buildings for the Justice and Police Departments and the Monro Building, with the Bishop Suter Art Gallery and the Queens Gardens on the Tasman Street side. In the 1850s the Queens Gardens were known as the "Eel pond" and Matthew Campbell's Flour Mill stood on the Hardy Street side. On the site of the Art Gallery stood the small brick building demolished in 1979, it was then one of the "Matthew Campbell" Schools, and later the School of Mines. Of the various sections toward Collingwood Street some were Company Reserves, some were unsold and one or two were private sections. All were unoccupied, but the piece of land already had political associations.
The Government of the Colony was a matter that greatly concerned many people. Well educated and intelligent men objected to being governed from England, they wanted some form of self government. In Nelson there was a Constitutional Society and it decided to hold a Public Meeting "to consider
Such a meeting has never been held in Nelson before or since. It commenced at noon and went on without a break until between between 8 and 9 p.m., then after an hour it was resumed and continued till 1 a.m. 300 people were present, but, with comings and goings it was said that at least 400 attended. Nelson had many capable and well-educated men who had no trouble in making their views known and understood. The newspaper, the Examiner, then published weekly, took the unusual course of delaying publication for a week so that it could give a full report. As the Editor said, "where the editor is his own reporter, compositor and often pressman" it presented certain difficulties. However, there it is in the edition of 11 January. 1851, 19 columns in tiny print giving the text of the main addresses. The discussion centred on the type of government that would be acceptable. It seems strange that though they will willing for most men to vote – provided they had some property or means – the idea of a secret ballot was opposed by such men as Dr Monro, a man, he maintained, should be prepared to declare his vote. Of course the idea of female suffrage was still decades away. After this, meetings were held in the smaller centres addressed by those who had been present at the main one. By 1852 Provincial Government was introduced and New Zealand was divided into six provinces each with its own mini-parliament. Their doings may be read in the newspapers of the day, in their Votes and Proceedings, or, in the case of Nelson, in H.F. Allan's booklet published by the Historical Society.
In 1853 the first Provincial Council was elected and the first meeting held in the Court House. The Superintendent, Edward Stafford, ensured that the business was conducted with the dignity and decorum befitting such an august body.
The Colony was barely twelve years old and the buildings were still of a rather makeshift order, the Superintendent in his address said, "The absence of any sufficient Council Chamber and the offices necessarily connected with it will require that you make provision for these objects." Nevertheless, it was several years before anything definite was done. By January, 1858, a leader in the Examiner was asking why the Government should lag behind the Masonic Lodge and the churches in providing itself with suitable accommodation. Moderately decent accommodation was wanted. "What do we have?" the paper asked, "A Court House which is an old barn with packing cases stuck
It was indeed fortunate that the architect Matthew Bury was in Nelson at that time. He had recently come from Melbourne and was engaged to plan extensions to Christ Church, the original church on the site of the Cathedral. During 1858 a bonus of twenty five pounds ($50) was offered for the best design for Government Buildings and Bury's plan was selected. His design was based on that "of one of the finest examples of Jacobean architecture in Britain" – Aston Hall near Birmingham. It was a novelty for such a structure to be built in wood, but the result was a gracious and pleasing building. John Stacpool, in his book, Colonial Architecture says, "Its success was complete, its tragedy that no use could be found for it 110 years later when it was demolished."
The laying of the foundation stones for this building and for the Institute
In his speech the Superintendent referred to the fact that bush had been cleared from the site soon after the settlers arrived so that the Maoris could not hide there. It was the place where the people had met to assert their political rights in December 1850, and he announced that it would be known from this time as Albion Square. He also gave a translatuon of the Latin motto inscribed on the stone:
Let Justice be done to all Though the heavens fall.
The procession then re-formed and moved on to the site of the present library where the stone for the Institute was laid.
In April 1861 the Council met in the new building. There was no public ceremony for the opening, the Superintendent expressed pleasure in being able to meet in a building belonging to the people and worthy of the Province and went on to speak of other matters – the helping of refugees from the Taranaki War area and the laying off of "trunk roads" to Canterbury and Golden Bay. (The newspaper remarked that the miserable tracks could scarcely be called "trunk" roads). It was also reported that the cast iron lighthouse ordered from Scotland should arrive soon and provision was made for its erection.
The accompanying plan shows other buildings in the Square. Of those buildings the ones that remain (1980) are: One of the Government Schools (Hardy St Girls), one magazine, the Hatching House, the Office Keeper's House. All the others are gone. The other Government school was pulled down in 1979 to make way for the Suter Gallery extensions. It had been used as the School of Mines, then as part of the Art Gallery.
The Provincial Buildings were for many years the centre for all sorts of Nelson activities – Balls, Bazaars, Concerts, Meetings, Classes, Examinations, and even Poultry Shows. Later they were used as Government Offices till they deteriorated to the stage where doors would not shut and joists became so rotten that they crumbled at a touch. It was not unusual for clerks in the Lands and Survey Department to arrive in the morning and find their desks awash with rain water which had come through the tiled roof. The door of the Magistrate's Court had a cautionary notice on the outside, "Do not slam." One slam and the door would have collapsed! Efforts were made to save the building but I believe it was too far gone. (Many people believed that a portion at least of the building could have been retained but the battle was lost.)
Magazine: The old brick building is one of a pair of magazines. Its age is not known, but in 1861 the Examiner had this notice from the Provincial Government:
Powder Magazine Tenders are called for the erection of a Powder Magazine. A. Domett.
From the 1840s there was a Powder Magazine on the Boulder Bank. The late Charles Johnson remembered how, as a boy, he used to row out to the Powder Magazine on the Boulder Bank and bring back cases of blasting powder and ammunition for the tradespeople to collect. This would mean the Boulder Bank Magazine was in use up to this century.
The Engine House. This housed the fire engine in the 1860s. The history of this building and of the first Fire Brigade has been fully researched by Elizabeth Hansen for the Historic Places Trust and published in their "Records" No. 2, April 1978. The first fire engine (seen recently in a TV advertisement for an insurance company) was housed in an old shed. The Engine House was completed in 1866 and cost rather more than the one hundred pounds ($200) allowed for it by the Council. It was designed by the Assistant Engineer, Henry Handyside, and followed the style of the Provincial Buildings. It remained the main Fire Station for only a short time and is best known for its association with the Maungatapu Murders. "The bodies (of the murdered men) were brought down to Nelson by relays of volunteers who carried them till the dray road was reached when they were placed in a dray and brought to the Government Buildings. After the dead men were placed in the Engine House the Volunteers, headed by Mr C. Saxton, marched down the street to the rooms of the Search Committee at the Trafalgar Hotel amidst the cheers of the crowd who had gathered round them." The whole story may be read in the book – "The Trial of the Maungatapu Murderers in Nelson in 1866." – The Historical Society has some copies.
There remains to this day the old Hardy Street Girls' School, no longer fulfilling its earlier function, but in a latter day lease of life now is the Residency Office of the Ministry of Works Department in Nelson.
The Hardy Street Girls' School was contemporary with the Provincial Buildings and also built about 1860, it was used in this capacity until 1896 when a bigger girls' school was opened on another site. The vacant building was then occupied by the Nelson Central Board of Education (later the Nelson Education Board), until about 1927 when the Public Works Department moved in.
In its thirty-six years as a school there must have been many hundreds of children through the doors of the MWD building. The Inspector of Schools reports in the Nelson Government Gazettes of the period make interesting reading; in 1869 he reported that the school was overcrowded with 90 children in the preparatory division (infant class of boys and girls), the majority being under six years of age. The Inspector also reported in 1875 that the number of pupils in the 1st Division (girls up to 14 years) was 63, and that "the scholars acquitted themselves exceedingly well at my last examination in arithmetic, reading and diction. They also wrote without any notice or preparation an outline of the reign of John, giving principal events and dates very correctly." In the 2nd Division there were 71 pupils (also girls); "it is worth remarking that they all sound, without unduly sounding, the letter 'h' – a happy mean that many of our schools have yet to attain." And of the Preparatory Division (147 pupils) he reports, "These numbers speak for themselves, even with ample school room, it would be impossible for two teachers to do justice to so many children (25 only being over 7 years) but huddled together as they are now upon rows of forms, it is simply marvellous how such good order can be kept and so much good teaching accomplished. Another teacher and an additional room are urgently required, though it is unfortunate that any enlargement of the school buildings will trench upon the already cramped playground."
Who said education today has problems?
A sequel was produced in 1876 to the Inspector's report of the previous year condemning the overcrowding in the Preparatory Division which now "has 193 pupils!" "Although a third teacher has been appointed (in charge of 64 children pent up in a small classroom capable of accommodating not more than 30), numbers have increased so much that an additional school room should be provided at once. The best way of meeting the difficulty would be to build a school adjoining the Bridge Street school, for boys only." It seems that the authorities adopted this suggestion to relieve the overcrowding problem at the Hardy Street Girls' School.
Today the old building is in a remarkably good state of preservation, apart from borer in some roofing timbers, and it sports a new coat of paint in
Standing on the pavement outside the Ministry of Works Residency is an old iron post box of a style once familiar in city streets but now seldom seen. We quote from an article written by the late Halkett Miller in the Evening Mail 1953. "Late in 1863 Mr Stafford, in the House of Representatives, had advocated the provision of pillarboxes for the convenience of those who posted letters and were not within easy distance of a Post Office. But his idea did not take the towns into consideration. He said the pillarboxes should be erected at all the more prominent crossroads in the country areas.
"The idea was taken up and the Post Office set about obtaining a supply, only, by the time they were ready, the crossroads idea had been dropped in favour of placing them in the settled areas. So, before many months were out, the first of the new affairs had been erected. They were heavy in design with an ornate top-knot, a wide mouth and a solid base, the whole done in cast-iron. Two of these were allotted to Nelson – one to go outside the new Post Office (where Cock's & Co.'s building now stands) and the other in Hardy Street at the rear of the Provincial Council Chambers."
The one in Hardy Street is still there and still in use. The other is now outside the Museum at Isel Park and is not used by the Post Office.
The Acclimatisation Society was formed in 1863. When the second Annual General Meeting was held on 31 March, 1866, the secretary, Mr F. Huddleston, reported that Dr Muller of the Botanical Gardens, Melbourne, had sent him various birds, animals, plants, etc., and "24 specimens of the cork oak, some of which have been distributed to members of the Society. The remainder are thriving and will be disposed of at the proper season to the Provincial Government to be placed in the public grounds in which the Provincial Buildings stand." (It is very likely that the cork oak near Bridge Street is a survivor of those trees.)
The setting up of the fish hatchery was the first objective of the Society. It was constructed in 1867 and three ponds were provided in connection with it. It was situated in the Government Building grounds facing Hardy Street. Permission to proceed with the scheme had been carried out by the Superintendent, Oswald Curtis. The building work was carried out by the secretary, Frederick Huddleston and the small hexagonal building still stands (1980) its exterior almost unaltered. In this small building he hatched out 800 brown trout ova obtained from Australia. Water came from Campbell's Mill lead which followed down Alton Street from the Brook Stream. However the waler was scanty when the stream was low. The Society was also concerned about the warmth of the water and attempted to get colder water from the city water supply.
Huddeston made a trip to Australia in 1868 when he spent almost two hundred pounds ($400) to procure and bring to Nelson a large selection of animals, fish, birds, trees, plants and seeds. It would be interesting to know if some of the trees in the grounds nearby were grown from plants or seeds which he introduced. (Though it is not possible to be definite it is quite likely that this is so. The City Council includes on its list of interesting exotic trees the following from the Provincial grounds: Italian Cypress, Cork Oak, Californian Big Tree, English Yew, Common English Elm, Bhutan Pine. The Cork Oak and the Californian Big Tree are estimated to be well over 100 years old.)
The first hatchings had been successful and brown trout continued to be hatched each year. The first licences to take trout were issued in October 1877 for fishing in the Maitai River and this was the only stream which could be fished for a number of years. Young trout were being liberated in various streams round the Province in 1882 as large numbers were being hatched each year.
Trout holding ponds and tanks were constructed in Hardy Street, on the eastern side of the old Technical School, in the late 1800s. The ground, then part of the Eel Ponds (Queens Gardens) was leased to the Society by the Nelson City Council. It was here that the second and final hatchery was built on the site of the concrete ponds, in 1929. The small stream of water feeding the ponds still came from the old Campbell's Flourmill supply. Several hundred thousand fingerling trout were hatched each year, e.g. 658,000 in 1935. It ended its existence as a hatchery in 1946 more or less on the advice of the Marine Department and their Fresh-water Fisheries officers. Before this millions of young trout destined for the rivers and lakes of the Nelson Province began their lives in this hatchery.
For a number of years the building was leased to the Nelson College Board of Governors, but was eventually sold by the Nelson City Council who compensated the Society for the value of the building.
As for the first building, it still stands in its original position. The inside was somewhat modified when the Nelson Anglers Club used it for their monthly meetings but the outside is virtually unaltered.
(This information was supplied by Mr Holcroft to the Nelson Committee of the Historic Places Trust and printed in a Newsletter 1979. We are grateful for permission to reprint.)
The first land surveys in Nelson were carried out by New Zealand Company surveyors, and later (1852 to 1876) by surveyors under the control of the Provincial Government. There was no independent check on the accuracy of these surveys and this, both in Nelson and other of the early settlements, caused uncertainty and confusion in the survey records. Therefore, on the abolition of the provinces in 1876, a New Zealand wide system was started whereby all surveys were to be connected to permanent marks fixed by triangulation.
The unit of measurement for all surveys was a "chain of 100 links." For many years a linked chain (invented by Edmund Gunter about 1620) was used; this was superseded by the more convenient steel and invar tape capable of being wound on a drum. Today (1979) measurements are metric and electronic devices are being used for determining distances.
Both the linked chain and the tapes were subject to hard wear in the field and it was essential that any variation from the standard chain was known – and so a "standard test chain" was included in the survey equipment brought to Nelson in 1841 by the New Zealand company Survey Party.
At the start of the triangulation work in 1877, one of the first tasks was to lay down "Standard Chain" lengths at Nelson and Ahaura, and later at Collingwood and Westport. Surveyors were required to check their chains or bands against these test bases at regular intervals. In Nelson some of these base marks have survived, but those on the West Coast and Collingwood are apparently gone. Of the five chain test base which ran along the eastern side of the Ministry of Works buildings, one mark remains – a shaped stone with an inset metal plate, now nearly level with the road formation; and in front of the new Court Building, close to, and parallel with Bridge Street, is the concrete slab of a One-Chain Base. Inset metal plates marking one end, and one intermediate point are visible.
In 1902 it was considered necessary to make further checks on the standard of length in use. Twelve new bands were obtained from London, one being placed in the custody of each Chief Surveyor. Each band was tested and certified by the Standard Department of the Board of Trade as being in agreement with the Imperial Standard. In Nelson the differences found, although small, were sufficient to require the recalculation of the triangulation.
(This article is based on an address given by John Gerritson to a Seminar arranged by the Nelson Historical Society.)
I would like us to consider three questions on the Colonisation of Nelson Province. First what were actually the motives of those men and women, who between May 1841 and February 1842 left England and sailed all the way (12,000 miles or 19,200km) across vast oceans to a rather unknown island group called New Zealand, vaguely aware that there were native inhabitants who were cannibals? On no map or chart could they pinpoint a place called Nelson. What motives had they to sail under the direction of the young New Zealand Company which had just been founded in 1839, either as cabin passengers (high class colonists) or as deck-steerage emigants (lower class) to this uncertain place of destiny? Some clues to this may be found in diaries, letters and family papers of individual participants. We are indeed fortunate that some of these have survived and are available.
Secondly, why sail all the way to New Zealand, the most remote of the islands in the Pacific? Why not to Australia, South Africa or North America? Why had the prospects and promises of the New Zealand Company induced, perhaps seduced them as volunteers and pioneers to sail this way. Actually the New Zealand settlers were indeed exceptions! In 1841–42 246,926 people left as emigrants from England but only 40,534 left for Australia and New Zealand. In proportion it was roughly. New Zealand 1, Australia 5, Canada 9, U.S.A. 55. To Nelson there came about 2,500 which is 1% of the total for 1841–42.
Our third question: What motives had the New Zealand Company for promoting with Utopian optimism in 1840 the establishment of the "Second Colony" of New Zealand named Nelson, not as a rival but as the helpmate of the "First Colony" Wellington? Nelson was designed to be the "Model Colony"; its proposed size 221,000 acres (88.400ha) in town, urban and rural sections, larger than Wellington and New Plymouth together. In addition what motives drove the British Government, the thinking politicians, the expanding business world and various groups of people to accept "Colonisation" (up to now a dirty word) as a better way of progress for frustrated high-class and lower class citizens, as a way out of the general despondency to a better society with great and open opportunities?
I will tackle the last question first. What made colonization a "respectable" and systematic part of public policy? This change in appreciation occurred between 1812 when colonies were said to be "millstones round the neck of any Government!" and 1835 the foundation of South Australia.
The social-economic situation was chaotic and depressed. (I quote many facts from Asa Brigg's book: "The Age of Improvement") for example: The price of wheat fell from 63/- a quarter to 36/- at the end of 183. The run of good harvests came to an end, four years of harvest dearth started, so most
Enough details have been given of this social misery, we consider now how did the ruling nation tackle these disturbing problems, if only to prevent social chaos or a "bloody revolution!" Carlyle wrote in gloom in "Past and Present" about the "Condition of England" – this became a cliche term. Disraeli said: "England is two nations between whom there is no intercourse nor sympathy." Engels, the friend of Karl Marx divides the nation in two: the Haves and the Have-nots. Thomas Arnold of Rugby speaks of a split society. Fortunately the ruling Whig Government tried various ways of creating better conditions: for example Political Reforms such as Parliamentary reforms in 1832 and, in 1838 Municipal Councils Reform – both granted political influence to the higher middle classes who were dominating in commerce and industry. There were also several practical reforms, such as that to the Penal Code (1824), to the Police Code (1829). There was the repeal of Acts against legal Trade Unions, the Poor Amendment Act and the Factory Act, there were pilot schemes for a production co-operative movement. Working classes also, both urban and rural, clashed with the ruling hierachy in the "Tolpuddle Martyrs Case" in 1834. There was great agitation under Lovett, Place and O'Connor for the political demands of the Chartist Movement (1830–48). Social conditions and relationships were amended and ameliorated by various reforms as for example the emancipation of non-conformists and Catholics while one million pounds was granted by the Government for the building of new churches (1818). Religion was promoted as a guardian of morality and charity by the Evangelical Movement to work with charity against many "social evils." Men like Wilberforce and Shaftesbury were prominent, while the Oxford Movement led by Keble, Newman and Pusey started to revive the established Church. The first Education grant and Act belong to this period.
Finally there was Economic Reform. Under the slogan Free Trade of the Anti-Cornlaw League, this was gradually accepted as an urgent policy change. Two important points were recognised: the necessity to move from agrarian protection to "Free Trade in Industrial manufactured goods" and the need for improved Public Finance with balanced budgets and better currency rates and banking systems.
These various types of approach to the social problems were continuously applied in precarious situations not only in Britain, but also, later on in the new Nelson settlement. This practical pragmatic approach to social matters is an important part of the heritage the new Nelsonians brought with them. Yet one new creative idea broke through in political thinking and planning: the aims of a small group, the "Radical Imperialists" produced a new vision for great opportunities. No longer was the objective negative – how to save England from an alarming, destructive Revolution but positive – how to extend and expand English society overseas in free plantations, giving the surplus population a new fresh prospect for their future, not as an escape, but as an exodus. Colonies, long considered to be worthless liabilities become now valuable assets for the future. The man who was the tireless publicist, defender and promoter of this new motive was Edward Gibbon Wakefield, who wrote in 1829 a booklet: "Letter from Sydney" in which he summarised his theory of "scientific, systematic colonisation" as the best way, regulated and controlled of moving surplus population and surplus capital to new settlements. There is not time to enter fully into the greater detail of the personal motives of this enigmatic and remarkable man. "A horrible man" according to Mrs Charlotte Godley of Christchurch, a genius and the founder of New Zealand according to others.
He had had experience in the new field of "Colonial matters." for example in Canada where he was involved in the famous Durham Report (1838–9 and in Australia in the colony of South Australia (1834–6). After the failure of this venture because the colony had not adhered strictly to his principles, it became his life ambition and to achieve it he used all his shrewdness and energy to establish a model colony in unspoilt New Zealand.
As he was at that time forty three years of age he felt the Nelson project was his chance of a life time, so, from 1838 to 1840. he made use of all his connections: his family (his brothers), the City of London (bankers and shipowners), political friends in the Lords and Commons, Church leaders and even H.R.H. the Duke of Sussex. In the end E.G.W. got his way!
Of all Wakefield's pamphlets, books and other propaganda material his "Letter from Sydney" is the most persuasive argument for his system of voluntary colonisation, for the establishing of a self-supporting settlement based on English social conditions for all classes. His six principles, each making clear his motives, formed, according to his mind, one scientific logical unit. First and the Key of the matter: "A sufficient price" should be charged for the purchase of virgin lands. The price should be fixed on the basis of local conditions: Doubtful for speculators, just enticing for well-intentioned farmer-gentlemen (squires; wishing to establish an estate and too high in price for farm labourers who first had to work as farm hands in order to save the price of a small holding farm.
Secondly, proceeds of land sales and land tax should be used to pay for the free transport of British labourers. These labourers had been guaranteed
The third principle was to have systematic emigration of balanced groups with a variety of social classes. In haphazardly grown colonies such as convict dumps and garrisons many social evils became obvious such as prostitution, liquor abuse, violence and crime. There was also to be balance in sexes – young families with children, single men and single women. Not only were there to be gentlemen fanners (squires) and farm labourers but also professional men such as doctors, teachers, lawyers, and mechanics, artisans and craftsmen.
Fourthly, encouragement was to be given to all classes of society to use this new opportunity. For all groups there was to be economic progress to prosperity, and, moreover mutual stimulation to engage in cultural activities such as the establishment of institutions for art, music, technological knowledge and traditional religion.
Fifth, there was to be definitely no convicts, no slaves and no paupers thus keeping out the seamy fringe of the old decaying British Society. Convict colonies had had no success in New South Wales, at Swan River or in the West Indies. There were to be no slaves as slavery had just been abolished inside the British Empire, causing conflict in Cape Colony. No natives were to be shut up in Reserves but enticed to co-operate in many ways.
Lastly, as soon as possible self-government of the settlers was to be implemented on the basis of English political conditions. Not only did they want public political influence in social matters but, above all, control of possessions and purchase of the land, the main commodity and the basis of their new society. The newcomers did not contemplate breaking away from the far-off Motherland, but they felt the men on the spot did know better ways of tackling their own affairs than did the remote Colonial Office in London and the various humanitarian organisations which had continually opposed, obstructed, ignored and criticised the efforts of the New Zealand Company.
In effect these six guiding principles actually expressed the motives of the various settler groups. As for the British Government of those days, the question of New Zealand was, in fact, a very minor issue compared with the Colonial-foreign policy with its problems, confrontations and armed conflicts. In the jig-saw puzzle of decision-making the Government, either Whig or Tory, had to consider various factors such as constant pressure from New South Wales, for the inclusion of New Zealand in the British Colonial sphere of jurisdiction.
This agitation from 1817 to 1839 finally led up to the Treaty of Waitangi – an agreement, by the way, detested by E. G. Wakefield and the later
After this analysis of all the main motives are there any special reasons for the Nelson settlers? Out of the common reasons set forth we could summarise:
For the lower classes: The promised certainty of regular work with reasonable wages giving under the charter of the New Zealand Company a safe economic basis of life. There were new opportunities to escape their condemnation to a down-trodden existence at home with the prospect of betterment financially and socially. There was freedom from oppressive legislation, there were no Poor Laws, no game laws, no army constantly in the background as in England to maintain public law and order. They hoped for tolerance and mutual respect in matters of religion, education, organised institutions and race.
For the "better classes," gentlemen farmers, merchants and professional people there was the possibility of starting a new life on a new estate or in business and yet of belonging to the top well-educated groups interested in culture and later on in politics. There was opportunity for their younger sons to find a way to a good career as officials, surveyors or explorers. Even daughters might have better chances in this new growing society.
But unfortunately the difference between theory and practical reality was disappointingly great. The land-sales became in fact land speculation. Only 80 landowners settled on 109 sections. 235 greedy absentee landlords did a great deal of harm to the optimistically envisaged development of the Nelson region.
But those who stuck to their motives in spite of hardships could say with a later poet:
"Brave men and women are we, and be it understood We left our country for our country's good. And none may doubt our emigration Was of great value to the British nation."
(Miss Hughes-Sparrow has a strong interest in weaving and has spent much time and energy researching the life of our first weaver. We are delighted to publish the results of her work.)
Thomas Blick was born in the tiny hamlet of Nymphsfield in the district of Stroud, Gloucestershire in 1802. He came from a family that had been weavers for generations. Originally named Blique, his ancestors had been forced by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 to leave Flanders in order to escape religious persecution. They took with them the deep piety and steadfast honesty that has remained a characteristic of people of Huguenot descent to this day.
As they were silk weavers the family probably settled in Spitalfields in London which became, in a sense, the first home of refugees from the Continent. Later they moved to Trowbridge in Somerset and, later still, a branch of the family went to Gloucestershire to the area of Stroud which was the centre of a thriving industry of cottage weavers.
Thomas Blick became a master weaver. In 1821, aged nineteen, he married Hannah Gay, their first child, George, being born in 1823. Thereafter, Enoch 1824, Charles 1826, Hannah 1829, William 1832, James 1837, Benjamin 1840.
In 1842 the New Zealand Company's Prospectus convinced Thomas Blick that life in New Zealand would be to his family's advantage. He therefore applied for permission to buy a block of land in the Nelson Colony and the area of the Brook Valley was sold to him before he left England. In the same year, 1842, Thomas Blick, with his wife and seven children sailed from England in the "Indus" for New Zealand.
For many of the passengers it was indeed a disastrous voyage. In the tropics the drinking water, stored in barrels, became contaminated and had to be thrown overboard. Food became putrid, and followed the water. Passengers and crew alike were in danger of death from starvation and thirst. A large number, including many children died. The captain decided to put into Sydney for fresh food and water, but for three days before the "Indus" berthed, everyone on board was without any form of sustenance.
When the "Indus" arrived in Nelson in February 1843, it was immediately apparent to Thomas Blick that the settlers had two needs that he could supply: good, hardwearing cloth and leather. He was to regret bitterly that he had not brought the tools of his trade with him, but the New Zealand Company was more interested in bringing agricultural workers to the colony. Nevertheless, Thomas Blick set about investigating the possibility of supplying these basic needs and, during hist first year in the colony, succeeded in producing good quality leather but cloth took longer to produce.
As he had brought no weaving equipment from England everything he
The area of land in the Brook Valley that he had purchased from the New Zealand Company before he left England and which included the Sugar Loaf had a good stream which he diverted so that he could use water power to drive the loom. To achieve this he built an overshot wheel which was later purchased by Mr Alex Drummond of Tapawera who used it to cut chaff and drive a circular saw until it was superseded by an oil engine.
The woollen yarn for the manufacture of" "Blick" cloth – tweeds and flannels – was being spun by local German women, of the Benseman, Eggers and other families. These women had brought their spinning wheels with them from Germany but, for the most part, the wheels were "flax wheels," a much lighter type that is excellent for spinning linen flax but never intended for the much heavier, greasy, often dirty sheep's wool. In spite of that disadvantage a good spinner could spin a pound of wool in a day, and received by way of payment one shilling per pound per day! (12c per 459gms).
The finished cloth was strong, almost waterproof and, though not glamourous, was in great demand for uniforms for the constabulary. When the Governor ordered a sports suit to be tailored from "Blick cloth" the venture received a great boost and it became fashionable for sportsmen all over the country to wear "Blick cloth." As a result more weavers had to be employed and the price increased. The German spinners asked for more money for their work. As the factory was only just beginning to pay its way Thomas Blick refused to grant the increase, the women stopped spinning and the factory was closed. The women went to work in the Maitai hop gardens and wheat fields where, though the work was seasonal, they hoped to make more money.
During this time Thomas Blick had built a fine cob house on a piece of flattish land north of the Sugar Loaf. The approximate spot is where Brough's glasshouses are now situated. Further back, in the vicinity of the present Blick House which was started in 1860 and added to during the years that followed, he built a number of cob buildings for his other interest—leather. He had excavated and lined with bricks the soak pits necessary for leather
During the 1850s Thomas Blick began to weave again. He imported looms and other machinery from Australia. He evidently hoped that the business would become a family affair, but it would appear that none of his sons was interested in weaving, though one son, James, was very interested in the making of leather and carried on that business until his death when, on his instructions, the tannery was closed down.
Towards the end of the 1850s Thomas Blick wrote to Joseph Webley, a weaver in Stroud. The two men had been friends from childhood, had been apprenticed to the weaving trade and become master weavers. Perhaps, more important in their eyes, they had been reared in the same religious faith. Thomas Blick asked Joseph Webley to come out to Nelson and join him in a partnership in cloth weaving. The invitation was accepted after due consideration and, with his wife and family, Joseph reached Nelson in 1858.
Immediately he became immersed in the weaving of cloth and it seems that under his management the output from the factory increased greatly.
One of the special exhibits at the opening of the Crystal Palace in 1861 was a display of the works of all the British Colonies – both indigenous and imported. Thomas Blick had sent a length of tweed to this exhibition, but, at the time of his death in November 1860, the exhibition had not been opened, so Queen Victoria's bronze medal, inscribed "1862 Londini—Honoris Causa" was awarded postumously. It is a pity that he did not live to know that his years of endeavour had received royal approbation. The medal is now in the possession of Mrs Edna Tizard, 38 Mt Hobson Road, Remuera, Auckland 5.
When the new Government Buildings were erected on the site of the old Provincial Buildings a bottle, deposited in 1859, was recovered from beneath the original foundation stone. In the bottle were documents, coins and a piece of Blick cloth. The contents of the bottle were placed in a new container and set beneath the foundation stone of the new buildings. Perhaps, in another one hundred years time, these buildings will be pulled down and the new bottle and its contents will be rescued and opened to display a piece of "Blick cloth."
The year 1850 must have been a most important one for the Blick family, for, in that year the Baptist Church was opened in Nelson. It was the first foundation in New Zealand and Thomas Blick, his wife Hannah, son Enoch and daughter Hannah were all foundation members. The early years of the church were fraught with difficulties of every kind, but it struggled on, prospered and has made a valuable contribution to the life of Nelson.
Thomas Blick died on 28 November, 1860, aged fifty eight. His wife sold the factory to Joseph Webley and he continued the manufacture of cloth there for some time before transferring to new premises in Bridge Street and changing the trade name from Blick Cloth to Nelson Cloth.
Of the sons, William and Benjamin left Nelson Province to seek their fortunes in Marlborough. James continued the management of the tannery after his father's death and it flourished till his death when, under the terms of his will, it was closed down.
The cob cottages and the other early buildings, all of cob construction, were in a state of perfect preservation until the First World War, when the roofing iron that had been laid over the original thatch and wooden slats was removed. From then on the buildings deteriorated and, by the end of the 1920s, had suffered almost complete destruction.
Thomas Blick, his wife Hannah and some, if not all, of their children are buried in a family plot at Fairfield Cemetery. Other graves are at Wakapuaka.
That Thomas Blick was the father of the New Zealand Woollen Industry is an undisputed fact. The story of the establishment of his mill in Upper Brook Street in June 1845 and the subsequent operation off and on for the next 12 years has been well documented by historians. Elsewhere in this Journal appears an article which tells the fascinating story of Blick's early beginnings. There has always been a grey area in the history of the Nelson Woollen Industry from 1857 to 1876 and after ten years research the writer hopes now "to put the record straight," as regards those years which till today have been ill recorded, if at all.
Thomas Blick lived in Tetbury Hill, Stroud, Gloucestershire until he left for New Zealand in 1842. Among his fellow Baptist worshippers and near neighbours, was Joseph Webley who, in 1857, received a letter from Blick asking him to consider coming out to Nelson and managing the Brook Street mill. Webley had a very good position as manager of a large mill in Stroud but the temptation was strong, and in October 1857 he set sail from London together with his wife and five children on the ship Cresswell of 575 tons arriving in Nelson on February 9th, 1858.
A short time later Joseph Webley, then aged 43, entered a partnership as Blick & Webley, for we find in the pages of the Examiner of the time, references to the mill in Brook Street and to the cloth from it under the title of Blick & Webley. So as to be near his workplace, Joseph Webley purchased a newly built house in Brook Street from William L. Wrey, later prominent in the Dun Mountain mining scheme.
The partnership was from all accounts amicable but when Thomas Blick died in November 1860 his sons did not wish to continue in partnership, so this was dissolved and Joseph Webley removed all the plant and machinery to new premises in Bridge Street opposite Trask Gates. The new factory was much more modern with machinery purchased in Sydney installed and steam power used for motivation.
At this time Joseph Webley's elder brother was persuaded to emigrate and help in the mill. This Webley (James), and his five children (including the author's grandfather), left the English Channel on May 5th, 1861 and arrived in Nelson, August 31st. The trip was a nightmare, the ship being dismasted in a gale on July 5th off the Cape of Good Hope. Passengers did not disembark in Nelson for a few days, no reason is given. The ship was the Sir James Pollock of 570 tons. On his arrival in Nelson James Webley and Joseph Webley commenced as Webley & Sons, Steam Cloth Works.
The firm continued to trade successfully and established a very high standard of production earning a good reputation not only in New Zealand
Though historians like Broad and others have apparently ignored or not researched Webley Cloth, the Nelson newspapers certainly saw fit to record their pleasure at the continuation and improvement of the mill and its products. The Examiner for instance, on February 12, 1859 carries an article referring to the fact that the manufacture of cloth in Nelson from wool grown in the Province has again been commenced, twice in the article is the name of Blick & Webley referred to. Also in the same issue a Joseph Webb, Tailor, of Trafalgar Square, advertises Nelson Cloth.
Numerous references are to be found in the files of the Colonist to Webley's Nelson Cloth. In March 1871 an article tells of the supply of an additional 100 yards to the Government for Volunteer uniforms. Again in 1872 a letter to the Editor extols the virtue of Nelson Tweed by a very satisfied Scottish sportsman.
Early Nelson Directories and Bartholomews Directory show advertisements for Webley Bros. Steam Cloth Works, Bridge Street, Nelson. Joseph Webley operated the mill with his sons and nephews until his retirement in 1871. His family carried on for some years but competition was becoming strong with the establishment of first the Mosgiel Woollen Mills followed by many others from 1871 onwards, and the Nelson Mill began to feel the pinch.
In 1876 Webley Bros. found the going too hard and no longer economic, so they ceased business. The buildings and land at Bridge Street were sold to a Mr S. Kirkpatrick who commenced his jam factory, and later moved to Vanguard Street. The machinery was sold to the Kaiapoi Woollen Company. Joseph Webley spent a short time working for them and supervising the installation of his machines.
The writer's father, S. S. Collier, was on a visit to the Kaiapoi Mill in the late 1940's and was shown some of the machines from the Nelson Woollen Mill still being used.
Webley's Nelson Cloth was of a very high quality tweed which compared favourably with English and Scottish products. During the factory's thirty-odd years existence, quality steadily improved, the cloth progressing from a tough wiry tweed suitable for work clothing to the fabric of later years sought after by good tailors of suits for town and country wear.
Joseph Webley, the woollen manufacturer of Nelson, was born at Tetbury Hill, in the village of Avening, Stroud, Gloucestershire, England, in 1815. His parents were Rev. Samuel b. 1782 and Hannah Webley.
Joseph was to have been a Baptist minister as was his father and he was
A plaque commemorating Samuel Webley's 37 year ministry in the Avening Baptist Church is placed on the wall of that building.
Joseph Webley was the first in New Zealand to manufacture really fine quality tweed as opposed to coarse cloth.
His first wife, Esther Tilling, who he had married in Stroud in 1840, died in Nelson 23.9.1884. Shortly afterwards he re-married, this time to Anne Elizabeth Poynter who died in Nelson in 1933.
In 1859 Webley and Blick sponsored a family named Mills to come and work at their mill. This family emigrated from Stroud.
Joseph Webley died in Vanguard Street, Nelson at his home, 27th June, 1891, aged 76, peacefully and of old age. His obituary is in the Colonist of June 29th, 1891. He is buried at the Wakapuaka Cemetery, Nelson.
His will was curious and interesting, detailing among other things a half tester bed which must have been rather big. His estate was divided amongst his widow and five children, Joseph, Joshua, William, Sarah and Ellen, many of whose descendents still live in Nelson to this day.
Postscript: Miss Hughes-Sparrow has found this quotation which forms a fitting conclusion to the two articles on Nelson's pioneer wool manufacturing.
From the New Zealand Herald,
Woollen Trade PiratesThe advances that have been made in perfecting the manufacture of woollen clothes at Nelson have been so considerable and the quality of the articles produced so excellent, that more than one Home firm (to their shame be it mentioned) have shipped out to the Colony large quantities of cloth marked "Nelson tweed."
The difference between the real Nelson tweed and the spurious shipments from London and Liverpool is that the former is all wool and the latter all, or nearly cotton.
The material of the one will hold together for years, while the latter betrays its poverty and falls to pieces in a few weeks.
So again we learn that the woollen manufacturers of Dunedin are being pirated in England and sold in England as "Otago pure Merino wool manufactured in New Zealand," all of which is very dishonest, but it nevertheless proves this much: That woollen goods of a certain class manufactured in the colonies are preferred, both in England and other places, to those of British production.
The manufacture of cement is now one of the big industries of our country and as the demand has increased the New Zealand producers have expanded their operations. The purposes for which it can be used have increased a great deal as time has gone along. With so much being used it seems difficult to realise that just a century ago concrete was not widely used. At that time Portland Cement was imported from England in wooden barrels.
Portland cement was originally developed in England in 1826 by a bricklayer, Joseph Aspdin. Because of its likeness, when set, to the Portland stone of England, it was referred to as Portland cement. (Portland stone was used in the building of St Paul's Cathedral, London.)
In the early days of settlement in this country very little cement was used but with the building of railways in the 1870s the demand increased. As its use became more general it was appreciated that, with the large supply of suitable raw materials readily available, it could be produced here. Shipping was then the main means of transport and with lime and coal adjacent to the sea coast there appeared to be no difficulty in developing the industry and distributing the cement around the country.
An Auckland correspondent assured the writer that the first commercial manufacture of Portland cement in the Southern Hemisphere was commenced at Mahurangi, north of Auckland, in 1884 or 1885, and that the original plant there to manufacture hydraulic lime concrete was established as early as 1878. This was the start of the Wilson's Portland Cement Company which operated there until operations were transferred to Portland, on the Whangarei Harbour, in 1924. (I have visited the old Mahurangi works near Warkworth where derelict concrete buildings and tall chimneys still give some indication of the extensive operations. The tallest concrete chimney was blown down by the Home Guard during the Second World War as a training exercise).
One of the early undertakings in this industry was at Ferntown, across the Aorere River from Collingwood. T. J. A. Metcalfe stated in 1882 in his book A Ramble Through the Inangahua, Lyell and Collingwood Reefs,"… the well known firm of Brogden and Son, having purchased the coal mine at Ferntown, near Collingwood, have recently erected the necessary appliances for the making of hydraulic cement, an industry employing fifty hands alone."
Concerning this the Handbook of N.Z. Mines, 1887, stated, "Four years ago a gentleman was so well satisfied that cement could be profitably manufactured that he put the whole of his capital into the venture. After thoroughly satisfying himself that all the necessary materials for the producing of an article equal to the imported cement could be readily obtained, he erected, at considerable outlay, compact buildings, containing all
Optimism about this industry brought more people to the district and William Grant moved his portable 12-horsepower steam engine from his sawmill at Marahau to drive the works. His son, the late C. L. Grant told the writer that he could remember the old cement works and that the buildings covered about a quarter of an acre. He could not remember that any cement for selling purposes was ever turned out.
A news item in the Golden Bay Argus of August 27, 1886, said "Ferntown Portland cement works are to be sold at auction next week. We had hoped that the Collingwood Coal Company could have purchased this valuable plant so as to work the two industries conjointly but we presume that the want of capital has prevented them from doing this." In a general statement it was said that the plant was quite capable of turning out 50 tons weekly. It further said "Government statistics show that about 15,000 tons of Portland cement was the average annual importation in the last six years." Apparently the plant did not sell and one can only conclude that the works continued to remain idle as, on April 2, 1896, they were offered for sale. The goods and effects included 6 cottages. During the course of the next few years news reports recorded the shipping of the plant from Ferntown to Taranaki.
It is of interest that this was not the only attempt made to get a works in the area. In October 1906 it was stated that 100 acres (40.5 ha.) at Pakawau had been acquired for the purpose. Meanwhile other developments had been taking place in the Motupipi district. In the Handbook of N.Z. Mines, 1906, it is stated that "At the present time Mr French is working cement machinery at Motupipi in Takaka. The machinery started in April 1906. Mr French is well satisfied that cement can be profitably manufactured from the materials at Motupipi, and has put a large amount of capital into the venture." Also the report of Dr J. Macintosh Bell in the Geological Report: Parapara Subdivision, 1907, stated: "For some years until quite recently, work was prosecuted on the more southerly of the Tata Islands, and on the mainland adjoining, by the Marlborough Lime and Cement Company, about 7,000 tons of stone in all having been shipped to Picton for manufacturing into cement. For the past year or so lime and cement have been manufactured in a small way near the mouth of the Motupipi River." (Concerning the operations at the Tata Islands it is interesting to note that the authorities became apprehensive about the islands being removed as this would lead to the
In March 1909 the cement works at Motupipi were advertised for sale by auction the following month and, when the detailed list was advertised, it was stated that the plant had only been closed two years.
In the prospectus for the Golden Bay Cement Company dated February 20, 1908, a number of Nelson men were listed among the directors but the second prospectus dated January 8, 1909 showed most of the directors as being Wellington men. Also the second prospectus showed that the capital, originally £25,000 ($50,000), was being increased to £60,000 ($120,000).
For the purposes of the article it is not necessary to trace the story of the present company but it is interesting to note that while the works had a capacity of 20,000 tons per annum in 1909 it now has a capacity of 400,000 tons per annum.
Following the early goldfield activity in the Collingwood district from say 1857 to 1860 various attempts were made to mine on a more extensive scale.
In his ReminscencesA. D. Dobson tells of his experiences at Collingwood in the 1860's when he undertook work on a scheme to mine for gold at Appo's Flat. Two men, employed by W. T. L. Travers, had already sunk a shaft 80 feet (24m) deep and had washed out about half-an-ounce of coarse gold at the bottom of the shaft. A report in the Nelson Evening Mail in October 1867 stated that at Appo's Gully Mr Nicholls and his mates went down to a depth of about 60 feet (18m) without bottoming but had come upon pipe clay and gravel which was regarded as a favourable sign. (Was this the party employed by Travers?–J.N.).
Dobson's scheme turned out a failure as, when they drove a tunnel to within a few feet of the shaft which Travers' prospectors had sunk, they got into old workings. Apparently the ground had been worked before by sinking and driving from the bottom of numerous shafts, there having been a number of parties all working at once, and so keeping the water down by pumping. Travers men had simply struck one of the pillars between shafts which had not been worked.
Sluicing claims were worked in the Parapara area where conditions were favourable. There were many claims but in 1892 the Parapara Hydraulic Sluicing Company, floated with a capital of forty thousand pounds ($80,000), bought a number of independent claims and work commenced on a much broader basis than had been possible by the smaller concerns. Among the claims amalgamated were the "Glen Mutchin," "Glen Gyle," and the "Hit and Miss." Glen Mutchin was first worked in the 1870's by William Caldwell who brought water from the Parapara River. Glen Gyle had been worked almost continuously by the "Glen Gyle party" from the early days of the
One of the first activities of the new company was to undertake boring operations on the Parapara mudflat to ascertain the possibilities there. Work proceeded on the various claims. Glen Gyle was worked and eventually abandoned as the hillsides were steep and operations were hampered by landslides which made operations dangerous. At the Hit and Miss claim the work continued until the dividing ridge was completely washed away. Operations on the Parapara flats followed a different pattern as the sluicing work was accompanied by pumping and elevation procedures which allowed work to proceed to a depth of 15 feet (4.5m) below high water level.
A great deal of development work was done to bring water from the upper part of the Parapara stream to carry out operations at Hit and Miss Saddle and later at Appo's Flat. A contract was let for tunnelling Richmond Hill. Big preparations were made. In December 1893, 70,000 feet of timber was being cut at Baigent's mill in Takaka and this was carted by Henry Hawkins from Riley's wharf at Collingwood. Contracts for a road from Collingwood to Appo's Flat were let in July 1894 and in that month tenders were invited for stripping a dam site and cutting a sluice channel at Richmond Flat in Parapara Gorge. The S.S. Manaia arrived from Wellington with 80 tons of cement and the S.S. Kennedy made several trips into port with pipes. J. Richards and H. Strange carted the pipes to the site while the Pages carted the cement. The line for the pipes had been graded but when the pipeline was tried out under pressure, leaks occurred and pipes broke. One part suspended over the Parapara River collapsed.
The writer was able to gain some first hand information about the Parapara company as several people knew something of the venture. Richards and Strange, as already stated, had the contract for wagoning the 300 tons of pipes from Collingwood wharf to where they were required at Appo's Flat and elsewhere. These came from Sparrow's foundry in Dunedin and a man named Anderson was sent with a gang to erect them. The whole of the pipes were carted by the two wagons. The pipes were possibly 24 feet (7m) long and the 30 inch (0.7m) diameter ones weighed half a ton each. Then there were the 24 inch (61cm), 18 inch (45cm), and 9 inch (23cm) pipes. The smaller sizes were used near the claim where a 4 inch (10cm) nozzle was used for sluicing. The timber, which was brought from Takaka and the West Coast was mainly heavy 9 inch by 6 inch (23cm x 15cm) planks which were used to timber the tunnel at Richmond Hill. Timber for other purposes was supplied by Grants from their Kaituna mill and this was carted by J. Richards. The track led up the hill from near the Devil's Boots at Rockville and across the pakihi terraces.
By 1895 the company was in financial difficulties and there were legal proceedings for the settlement of accounts for the supply of pipes and equipment, supply of timber, cartage, and the driving of the tunnel and grading of the pipe track. This appeared to be a dying phase of the company's operations at Appo's Flat.
However work was proceeding at "Washbourn's Face" and it was reported that 28 ounces of gold had been secured for only three weeks work. Also in 1895 Messrs West and Adams applied for a sluicing claim at Appo's Flat and one can only conclude that the Parapara company had ceased operations there. Frederick West bought the nine acres (3.6 ha) of land concerned and this became known as West's Freehold Flat and has continued as freehold land.
The odd reports of the Parapara company during the next few years did not give a very clear picture about operations.
In 1902 the Parapara Hydraulic Sluicing and Mining Coy. was registered and immediately commenced work on an area of 173 acres (70 ha) on the Parapara River. Thirteen men were employed on three shifts. Prospects were apparently encouraging and a stable community life established while a new public hall was built at Parapara.
At Appo's Flat attention was drawn to the possibility of working to a greater depth. A drainage tunnel to act as a tail-race was driven for 620 feet (190m) through a rock spur to work the surface of Appo's Flat down to 25 feet (7.6m). After that elevating was undertaken and by working two lifts the ground was worked down to 90 feet (27.4m). The elevating was done by means of a venturi pump creating a suction which drew the material from the excavation. Men worked at the bottom of the hole breaking boulders to be sucked into the pipes. They had to leave slopes on the side walls as a safety measure and eventually the men were pinched out with insufficient room to work in the bottom.
About an acre in the upper end of this flat had been worked in the early goldfield days by the primitive methods then in use, and it yielded good returns. Reports of workings during the next few years indicated that operations were followed at both Appo's Flat and West's Freehold Flat which must have been adjoining areas. West's house was to the westward of Appo's Flat. One report in 1911 stated that work was down to 70 feet (21.3m) and that the elevating plant was being extended. A sketch of the jet pump and principles used in its operation was made by J. Bassett, mine manager, who stated that the pump lifted water from a depth of 44 feet (13.4m) vertical lift.
The venture ceased during the First World War.
There is still plenty of evidence to indicate where these gold winning operations were carried on. The two large crater-like holes at Appo's Flat, now half filled with water, give mute proof to the size of the enterprise. At Richmond Flat in the gorge of the Parapara River one can still see the
During the serious trade depression in the early 1930's a system of subsidised gold winning was undertaken in all known gold bearing areas. Various projects were undertaken and one group, known as the Mildenhall Party, worked an area at Parapara Inlet. The group launched out on an extensive scale erecting huts and plant. They made homes by building timber frameworks which were covered by flour sacks bought from the local bakery in Collingwood. These were water-proofed and made serviceable huts. The names of the party were given as R. N. Mildenhall. O. C. Miller, L. B. Deavoll, and A. H. Mildenhall – all coming from the Wellington and Lower Hutt areas. A. H. Mildenhall had been a builder at Plimmerton. Deavoll had engineering experience and knowledge which he was able to put to good use. With financial advances from the local Mining Executive they procured a pump and various equipment from the defunct North Cape coal mine at Puponga and in due course the old water race at Washbourns' paint works was opened up to provide water for this and other undertakings.
Mr D. H. McNabb told the writer that his company trucked the machinery from Puponga for Mildenhall's project. The large boiler used for providing steam for the engine which drove the pump was in the charge of O. C. Miller. There was no heavy firewood in the vicinity so manuka brush wood, which was plentiful, was used to stoke the fire. This produced sufficient heat to keep the engine operating as ten pounds of steam pressure in the large boiler provided sufficient power to operate the pump.
Quite recently the enthusiasts at the Wakefield Steam Museum recovered the massive pump to add to their extensive collection of heavy machinery. The steam boiler had not been left on the mining site to rust out as it was taken to Tarakohe for use at the cement works.
Some sources of information used in this series of articles:
As a postscript to the earlier article about Golden Bay Clays one can add that it is an interesting fact that New Zealand tourists in the Pacific sometimes bring home souvenir pottery articles which have actually been manufactured from local clay which has been processed here and exported. This is one of the smaller industries of the area but "potters" near and far recognise the high quality of this raw material from which they can produce a wide variety of superior articles.
Recently we were reminded of our historical link with the British Navy of Lord Nelson's day when a descendant of Admiral Lord Collingwood visited the district. This young man and his wife did not realise that there was a town of Collingwood when they came to a position in Wellington. Having seen the name on a map, they visited the area and were anxious to see a map of the planned town and to learn something of its history. They also were keen to see a map of Nelson City and be able to claim that they had driven along Collingwood Street! Their visit was a reminder of just how closely we are associated with our British history.
I should like to elaborate on Mr Newport's article on Stoke in Vol. 3 No. 4. He is perfectly correct in what he says. I visited the Stoke in question in August 1978. There are, in fact, 15 different Stokes in England, but each has a separate suffix. (There are others whose suffix is attached). The most well known, because of its size, is Stoke-on-Trent in Staffordshire (I believe a local sports club has, in error, taken its coat of arms as its badge). The most universally known is Stokes Poges in Buckinghamshire, beloved because it was here that Gray wrote his famous "Elegy in a Country Churchyard." Another, which has become famous in recent years, is Stoke Mandeville, also in Bucks, where such great results in the treatment of paraplegics are achieved.
The word "Stoke" is probably derived from a Teutonic word meaning stock, in the sense of a tree stump; alternatively it is a holy site. Probably the place would have been the site of either a wood or a religious tree stump, similar to the Asherah or grove or wooden image as mentioned in the Old Testament.
Our Nelson Stoke was named after Stoke-by-Nayland. Nayland itself is one of the loveliest villages in England. They are both just inside the Suffolk border, over the river Stour from Essex. They are also in "Constable Country." John Constable, the great landscape painter, was born at East Bergholt and educated at Derham, whose church tower figures in several of
St Mary's Stoke-by-Nayland is one of the wool churches; that is it was built because of the prosperity of the wool industry in those parts between the 13th and 16th centuries. This particular church was erected in the 13th and 14th centuries. It is 168ft long 58ft wide and 37ft high. It is, however, not the first on that site, as the Domesday Book mentions a church and Christian burial ground there in Anglo-Saxon days. Even fragments of Roman tiles have been discovered under the floor. Amongst the tombs inside the church is that of Sir William Tendring, who fought at Agincourt in 1415.
It can be fairly stated that our St Barnabas' church here in Stoke, Nelson, can carry back its history over 1,000 years, through its connection with St Mary's, Stoke-by-Nayland.
It is indeed fortunate that the Nelson Historical Society was given the opportunity of publishing an account of the experiences of an adventurer who lived through the stirring days of life in the sailing ships under the most hazardous conditions on most oceans of the world and who finally came to New Zealand to participate in the exciting search for gold in the Collingwood, Buller, Otago, Matakitaki and Whakamarina fields of the South Island.
Part of the manuscript of this autobiography had been prepared as a series of articles on Moffatt's gold mining experiences for the "Nelson Evening Mail" in 1896, and these articles had also been printed in a small booklet entitled "A Digger's Story" by "Kiwi" of which only three or four copies are extant. Before his death in 1913 Moffatt completed the autobiography by adding details of his early seafaring experiences and also his later life as a storekeeper at Anatori and latterly as wharfinger and harbourmaster at Motueka. We are indebted to two of Moffatt's grand-daughters the late Miss Nina Moffatt and Mrs Joyce Anglesey that the manuscript was preserved, typed and prepared for publication.
The writing in the early chapters gives a vivid insight into the atrocious conditions under which a boy of twelve was indentured to a shipping company and put to sea in the middle of last century, and the fact that Moffatt survived the hazardous situations into which he was thrust provides an illustration of his tenacity and his basic love of the sea.
It is in the chapters dealing with his gold mining experiences, especially in the Nelson goldfields that local readers will find the greatest interest. Moffatt's account of his experiences in the Collingwood and Buller goldfields provide practically the only personal recollections that were ever committed to paper of the life of a miner in those isolated areas. It is upon such fragments as these reminiscences that historians have to rely to clothe the basic facts and statistics in order to make history come alive.
The book is well illustrated with photographs and maps and an adequate index is provided. The publication will form a worthy addition to the book-shelf of all who enjoy a lively account of adventurous life well spent with the added bonus of an authentic account of personal experiences on the local goldfields.