A great coloniser : the Rev. Dr. Thomas Burns, pioneer minister of Otago and nephew of the poetGreat coloniser : the Rev. Dr. Thomas Burns, pioneer minister of Otago and nephew of the poet[electronic resource]Ernest Northcroft MerringtonCreation of machine-readable versionKeyboarded by Planman TechnologiesCreation of digital imagesPlanman TechnologiesConversion to TEI.2-conformant markupPlanman Technologiesca. 692 kilobytesNew Zealand Electronic Text CollectionWellington, New ZealandModern English, MerGrea
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A Great ColoniserThe Rev. Dr. Thomas Burns
Pioneer Minister of OtagoandNephew of the PoetByErnest Northcroft Merrington
M.A. PH.D.Ex-Minister of the First Church of Otago; Master of Knox College, Dunedin.
Author of "The Problem of Personality."Dunedin, N.Z.:The Otago Daily Times and Witness Newspapers Co., Ltd.1929.
To
Miss Burns
Foreword.
This is a plain, unvarnished tale of one of the great unknown men of the British Empire. I have sought to tell the story of Thomas Burns in his own words and by his own deeds, as far as that is possible. These reveal his dream, its interpretation, and its measure of fulfilment. The rise, progress, and development of the Scottish Colony in the south of New Zealand owe more than we know to his courage and industry. His life is not merely of historical value; it is a challenge to all of us to "rise and build."
E. N. M.6th December, 1929.The Lodge,Knox College,Dunedin.
Contents.
Chapter.Page.I.—In the Land of Burns7II.—Life in East Lothian16III.—Student and Minister27IV.—The Parish of Monkton and Prestwick38V.—The Tide of Emigration45VI.—The Proposed New Colony52VII.—The Disruption61VIII.—The Minister of New Edinburgh68IX.—The Controversy with Mr Rennie80X.—Difficulties and Delays89XI.—The Site of the Colony100XII.—The Lay Association114XIII.—The Darkness Before the Dawn127XIV.—The Sailing of the First Party138XV.—The Voyage156XVI.—The Landing171XVII.—The Early Days186XVIII.—Church and School200XIX.—The Second Phase214XX.—The Presbytery of Otago228XXI.—Educational Progress245XXII.—The Man and His Genius266Bibliography281Index284
Acknowledgments.
In addition to the obligations noted in the following pages, the author gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness to Miss Burns and other members of the family of the late Dr Burns; to the librarians of the Otago Early Settlers' Association (Mr William Paterson), the Hocken Library (Mrs MacDonald), the Dunedin Public Library (Mr W. B. M.' Ewan), the Turnbull Library, Wellington (Mr Andersen); to the Session Clerk (Mr W. H. Adams) of First Church, Dunedin, and Mr Crosby Morris for the loan of valuable material; to Mr C. M. Gilray for the use of the John M' Glashan collection of manuscripts; to Professor J. R. Elder, of the University of Otago, and his advanced students, Misses Rennie and Wallace; to various members of the Otago Branch of the New Zealand Historical Association; and to the late Sir George Fenwick and the representatives of the publishers who have made the book possible in its present form.
Note.—A Bibliography is printed before the Index at the end of the book.
A Great Coloniser.
Chapter I.In the Land of Burns.How oft inspired must he have trodThese pathways, yon far-stretching road!There lurks his home; in that abode With mirth elate,Or in his nobly-pensive mood, The Rustic sate.—Wordsworth.
Every lover of the songs and poems of Scotland's national Bard knows something of William Burness, the father of Robert and Gilbert Burns. He is the original of the "toil-worn Cotter" and "priest-like father" of "The Cotter's Saturday Night"—
The cheerfu' supper done, wi' serious face,They, round the ingle, form a circle wide;The sire turns o'er, with patriarchal grace,The big ha'-bible, ance his father's pride;His bonnet rev'rently is laid aside,His lyart haffets wearing thin and bare;Those strains that once did sweet in Zion glide,He wales a portion with judicious care;And "Let us worship God!" he says with solemn air.
The Burnes or Burness family belonged originally to the Campbell clan, and were yeomen on the lands of the Keiths of Kincardineshire. William Burness was born on the estates of the Earls Marischal; but he left the bleak slopes of the Grampians for the south in the year 1748. Leaving his home at Clochnahill, he stayed for a time in Edinburgh, working as a gardener; thence he turned his face towards the milder west; and he settled on a small farm in the lovely Doonside, south of Ayr, not far from the "auld brig o' Doon." With his own hands he built upon a corner of his seven acres of ground his "wee clay biggin," and thither he brought his young wife, Agnes Broun, or Brown, the daughter of Gilbert of the same name, farmer of Craigenton, Kirkoswald. In the Doonside cottage the sons Robert and Gilbert were born, Robert on January 25, 1759, and Gilbert on September 28, 1760.
The "wanderlust" was in the blood of the family of Burness. William's elder brother settled at Montrose, and achieved a certain eminence. His son, a legal practitioner, rendered assistance to the poet in his closing years. He was the father of Alexander, who became celebrated as Sir Alexander Burnes, the great traveller in Afghanistan, and the hero of Kabul. It is significant to remember such a career of imperial service and adventure in connection with the memoir of his relative, the pioneer minister and co-adjutor of the Scottish colony of New Zealand.
In 1766 William moved to Mount Oliphant, and thence to Lochlea, in the parish of Tarbolton, in 1777, where he toiled on his farm until his death on February 13, 1784. His sons had been given the best education their honest father could afford, amid the conditions of hardship and privation which beset the family. The two boys were sent to the small school at Alloway Mill. Thereafter, John Murdoch was engaged as their tutor; and he has left us his opinion of the father and sons. He praised William Burness in very high terms:—"By far the best of the human race that ever I had the pleasure of being acquainted with." The words of Thomas Carlyle come to mind:—"The brave father, I say always; a silent hero and poet; without whom the son had never been a speaking one!" And again, "The poet was fortunate in his father; a man of intense, thoughtful character, as the best of our peasants are, valuing knowledge, possessing some and open-minded for more, of keen insight and devout heart, friendly and fearless; a fully unfolded man seldom found in any rank in society, and worth descending far in society to seek."
Agnes Brown, the wife of William Burness, and grandmother of the subject of the present memoir, was described as "a very sagacious woman, without any appearance of forwardness, or awkwardness of manner"; and the poet is said to have resembled her more than the father. She is depicted as one who had a wide knowledge of "the auld Scotch sangs," and her memory was stored with the folklore of the countryside. As we shall see later, she lived with her son Gilbert for many years as a member of the household in which Thomas Burns grew up.
Murdoch was thrown into close contact with the family by his residence with them, for a time at least; and he became greatly attached to the boys, Robert and Gilbert, who showed unusual brightness and enthusiasm for their lessons. The father and the tutor gave great help to them by their conversations; and a writer has thus described the household after the day's labours were over: "The young ardent teacher, the upright, faithful, kindly-severe father, the mother looking in that father's face, and listening to his discourse as if he were of men the chief, the two brothers, both so superior to what is found at their age, all intent on the work of education, proceeding in a style and spirit so strangely at variance with its humble environments. Gilbert, and not Robert, would have been fixed upon by him as the likely poet, he being of a 'merry,' while Robert was of a 'sad,' countenance."
Gilbert Burns, in his "Letter to Mrs Dunlop," furnishes certain biographical details of his famous brother, the poet, shortly after his death, and throws light upon. the later stages of the education of Robert and himself. He says: "My brother was about 13 or 14, when my father, regretting that we wrote so ill, sent us, week about, during a summer quarter, to the parish school of Dalrymple, which, though between two and three miles distant, was the nearest to us, that we might have an opportunity of remedying this defect… About this time, Murdoch, our former teacher… came to be the established teacher of the English language in Ayr, a circumstance of considerable consequence to us." The list of books mentioned by Gilbert as loaned by Murdoch and other friends to the brothers, shows that they profited greatly by the limited opportunities which they had of obtaining a good education, in view of the adversity that constantly dogged their father in his farming ventures.
John Murdoch, to whom the boys owed so much for the foundations of their education, has bequeathed to the world (in his letter to the Rev. Wm. Adair) his impressions of his pupils. They are somewhat surprising. "Gilbert," he says, "always appeared to me to possess a more lively imagination, and to be more of the wit than Robert… and if any person who knew the boys had been asked which of them was the most likely to court the Muses, he would surely never have guessed that Robert had a propensity of that kind."
In 1784, about the time of the death of their father, Robert and Gilbert took a farm at Mossgiel. The rental for 119 acres was £90. The elder brother, then entering upon a period of brilliant authorship and early trouble, remained in the partnership only for about three years, and was on the point of sailing for Jamacia, when a letter from Dr Blacklock and the news of the reception of his first small volume of poems induced him to stay in Scotland. He says, "I gave up my part of the farm to my brother; in truth, it was only nominally mine." Elsewhere in the same letter (to Dr Moore, 1787) he pays a generous tribute to Gilbert, saying, "my brother wanted my hare-brained imagination, as well as my social and amorous madness; but in good sense, and every sober qualification, he was far my superior."
Mossgiel, in the parish of Mauchline, was the scene of many of the poet's creations, and it became the home of Gilbert for nearly a dozen years. The old steading has long since passed away; but when the brothers lived in it, the simple clay "biggin" was of one storey with a thatched roof, and containing a room, or "spence," a kitchen, and a garret. The allowance for the brothers amounted then to £7 a year, which represented the profits of the farm! The fields of Mossgiel derive little beauty from the lavishness of nature, although the landscape is by no means devoid of loveliness. Wordsworth has pictured the view from the neighbourhood:—
"There," said a stripling, pointing with much pride,Towards a low roof, with green trees half concealed,"Is Mossgiel farm; and that's the very fieldWhere Burns ploughed up a daisy!" Far and wideA plain below stretched seaward; while, descriedAbove sea clouds, the peaks of Arran rose;And by that simple notice, the reposeOf earth, sky, sea, and air was vivified.Beneath the random beild of clod or stone,Myriads of daisies have shone forth in flowerNear the lark's nest, and in their natural hourHave passed away; less happy than the oneThat, by the unwilling ploughshare, died to proveThe tender charm of poetry and love.
To that simple thatched cottage Gilbert brought his wife on June 21, 1791. Jean Breckenridge was then 27 years of age. She was the daughter of James Breckenridge, a farmer of Kilmarnock. His father was the parish school-master of Irvine. The mother of Jean was Janet Aird, a relative of Sir James Shaw. Later in life Jean inherited certain property in Kilmarnock. She proved herself an excellent wife and mother. William, the eldest son, was born May 15, 1792. He lived to a great age, and died at Portarlington, in Ireland. The second son, James, was born at Mossgiel on April 20, 1794. He became a Writer to the Signet, first in Haddington, and then in Glasgow. Later he became factor to Lord Blantyre, and died at Erskine, in Renfrewshire, on June 22, 1847.
The third son, Thomas, the hero of these memoirs, was born at Mossgiel, on April 10, 1796, the year of the death of the Poet. The bond that unites the southernmost portion of the British Empire with "the Burns country" is drawn closer by the fact that the wee Thomas was three months old when his uncle Robert closed his brilliant and tragical career. There is a vague legend that the future founder of Otago was once held in the arms of the Bard, but the story lacks confirmation. It is certain, however, that the faithful brother, Gilbert, was much in the poet's mind during the last sad weeks at Dumfries and Brow. One of Robert Burns's latest letters, dated July 10, 1796, was addressed to him. After briefly recounting the hopeless condition of his health and affairs, it concludes with the commendation of his wife and children to Gilbert's care, and closes with the tearful message, "Remember me to my mother."
It is thus made evident that Gilbert had already taken the widowed mother to Mossgiel to share his home; and this continued until the end of her life, which came at a ripe old age, on January 14, 1820, when the family of Gilbert was living at Grants Braes, near Haddington. The presence of the old grandma in the house must have exercised a considerable influence upon the children who grew up about the knees of Gilbert and Jean Burns. The venerable mother of the famous poet would have much to tell the boys and girls, anecdotes of the earlier years of her life, and the old stories, rhymes, and songs of Scotland, which fired their youthful imaginations as they had helped to kindle the genius of Robert during the years in which his powers were maturing.
Miss Agnes Burns, the surviving daughter of Dr Burns, relates the following characteristics of Mrs William Burness, senior. Like the mother of Thomas Carlyle, she could read, but not write. Her reputation was that of a wise old autocrat of the breakfast table. She used to sit by the window of the homestead, and she knew every sheep by its face. She was the incarnation of prudence and thrift —as she had every reason to be after her life-long struggle with adversity. One day she happened to espy a bottle perched on the rafters. She called to the boys, "Ah, there's that bottle of Glauber's salts; they're getting dry! But there maun be nae waste. Come an' tak' a dose!" The boys disappeared with great speed, but the daughters fell victims to the apostle of thrift.
While Thomas, the third son, was an infant of one year, Gilbert removed his family to a farm at Dinning, near Closeburn, in the lovely valley of the Nith, in Dumfries-shire. A writer, familiar with the country, has thus described it as it was fifty years later:—"Beyond Sanquhar the railway passes through a tract of country unsurpassed for picturesque beauty. Having passed Carronbridge and Thornhill—both quiet villages—Closeburn is reached. Stretching away on the east side of the line are Closeburn Hills amid which is the fine waterfall, Crichope Linn, and a cave which tradition states was used by the Covenanters. Sir Walter Scott seems to have been aware of its associations, for in "Old Mortality" he portrays it as the hiding-place of Balfour of Burley. Burns was familiar with Closeburn. He used to visit an inn at Brownhill, and made the landlord, whose name was Bacon, the subject of an impromptu effusion. His friend, Kirsty Flint, also resided in Closeburn. She was well acquainted with old music and ballads, and nothing delighted the poet better than to hear her sing his songs—indeed he generally got her to 'lilt' over any new effusion before giving it to the world."
A. A. Adamson's "Rambles through the Land of Burns," p. 222.
Amid such scenes the first impressions of Thomas Burns were formed, as he lived on his father's farm, becoming familiar with all the sights and sounds of rural life, the routine of farming, and the delights of the beautiful southern country of Scotland. His boyish imagination would be caught by the lure of ancient times, the exploits of Bruce and Wallace, the devotion of the Covenanters, and many associations with the warlike and romantic past. Although he would be too young to understand the full meaning of the lore which found an echo in every dale and on every hill, his eager nature would respond to the atmosphere in which he lived and moved.
The first teachers of Thomas Burns were his admirable parents. All the children were given the best education possible at the time. Thomas went with his brothers to the parish school and afterwards to the Wallace Hall Academy, at Closeburn. A lad from the village of Ecclefechan was attending Annan Academy, which was under the strict rule of the dominie, Adam Hope. Thomas Carlyle was a few months older than Thomas Burns. A few years before, Edward Irving had passed through the Annan School. It is very remarkable how these three lads from the south-western corner of Scotland afterwards found themselves thrown into contact in East Lothian.
It was of Adam Hope and his kind that Carlyle wrote in "Sartor Resartus" regarding the Hinterschlag professors, that they "knew syntax enough; and of the human soul thus much: that it had a faculty called memory, and could be acted on through the muscular integument by appliance of birch-rods." Edward Irving used to have his ears pinched by the master till they bled. It is probable that Burns endured the educational fashions of his day, which were very different from ours, happily enough, for the comfort of pupils of our schools. There is good reason to believe that he was an eager scholar, and made the most of his opportunities. But his thoughts were not restricted to his lessons. He intended to become a farmer like his worthy father. But he had early dreams of travel. A story is preserved in the family that as a small boy, Thomas was heard to say, "When I'm a man, I'll go to New Zealand, and then I'll be able to look over the edge of the world!"
Chapter II.Life in East Lothian.Labor omnia vincit improbus.—Virgil's Georgics.
Stages of development are often connected with changes of residence, especially in the early and formative years of life. The charm of travel, new scenes, fresh surroundings, and acquaintances, all have a stimulating effect on a growing personality. Education is a much bigger thing than mere schooling. The farmer 's son from Mossgiel and Nithsdale, with the blood of Burness in his veins, did not fail to respond to the challenge of changing circumstances. The fortunes of the family of Gilbert Burns underwent a considerable modification with the passing of the eighteenth century.
The death of the poet at a comparatively early age had aroused the public mind to a sense of the obligations due to his genius, and this extended to an interest in the well-being of his family and kindred. Possibly, this feeling induced Mrs Dunlop, of Dunlop, to offer, through her son, Captain Dunlop, to Gilbert Burns, the management of one of her farms known as Morham West Mains, or Morham Muir, as it is now called, in East Lothian. Gilbert had only just rented the farm of Dinning, in the parish of Closeburn, when this offer came to him, but he decided to accept it, leaving the care of Dinning to John Begg, who had married his youngest sister, Isabella. John Begg was a man of worth, and Gilbert reposed implicit trust in his management of the farm near Closeburn. The lease continued till 1810, when Gilbert relinquished his interest in Dinning. The relations between the brothers-in-law were very cordial throughout their lives. What became of the boys after their father moved from Dumfriesshire? The answer seems to be that they remained at school for a time at least in the south-west of Scotland. Thomas would be only four and a-half years of age when his father moved to East Lothian, and he probably lived with his uncle at Dinning. He knew how to handle the plough, and he grew up as a farmer's boy, keenly interested in everything connected with the farming life, which he hoped to follow all his days.
Gilbert's sixth child, Agnes, was born at Dinning on November 16, 1800; and the increasing number of his family may have constituted a substantial argument for his removal to the homestead of Morham Muir. The farm lies about three miles to the south-east of Haddington, on an undulating slope close to the banks of the river Tyne. A couple of miles away stands the huge ruin of the Bothwell's castle of Hailes. Near at hand lies Whittinghame, now held by Earl Balfour. From the hilly parts of the district extensive views reveal the Firth of Forth, the Fife Hills, the Bass Rock, and Isle of May northwards; the Pentlands, Arthur's Seat, and even Ben Lomond to the west, while not far to the south stretch the Lammermuirs, a magnificent prospect from a height in clear weather. Morham Muir was mostly covered with whins, heather, broom, and poor grass, only a small portion being arable. A little prior to the arrival of Gilbert Burns this farm had come into the possession of Mrs Dunlop, of Dunlop, Ayrshire, and occasionally she and her husband lived in the house, which they had built upon their East Lothian estate. Several letters written by Robert Burns were addressed to Mrs Dunlop at this place. The soil of the farm was of a poor, stiff clay, and Gilbert found a hard job awaiting his attention as manager. There were but few visitors in those days of unremitting labour; among them, however, was the Rev. Dr Patrick Carfrae, who knew the poet, and had removed to Dunbar from the manse of Morham a few years before Gilbert's arrival. Occasionally, he would ride over from Dunbar and spend some time at Morham Muir with Gilbert. Dr Carfrae's successor, Rev. John Steel, who cultivated twenty acres of land in addition to looking after his small parish, and Mr Thomas Henderson, the schoolmaster, were among Gilbert's chief friends.
Two more sons were born during the occupancy of the house at Morham Muir. Their names were John, born July 6, 1802, and Gilbert, the sixth and youngest son, born December 24, 1803. There were now eight children in the family of Gilbert Burns and Jean Breckenridge. The aged grandmother lived with the family in East Lothian. Another inmate of the home was Annabella, sister of the "head of the house." It was fortunate that the new house of the Dunlops was planned on a large scale. But another change was pending.
In the year 1803 the estate of Morham Muir was sold, and Gilbert prepared to move to a more important and congenial sphere. He was appointed factor to Katherine, Lady Blantyre, and took up his residence at Grants Braes in the spring of 1804. This large, two-storeyed house was to be the home of Gilbert Burns for the rest of his life, and was the scene of part of the boyhood and early manhood of the subject of this memoir. A brief description therefore of the place, which became endeared to Thomas Burns by a thousand associations, will be of interest.
Grants Braes stood about a mile to the west of Haddington on the side of the road which follows the south bank of the Tyne. Between the old house and the river there lay a stretch of wooded land. On the opposite bank in the middle distance stood Clerkington, the ancestral home of the famous Cockburn family. From the upper windows of Grants Braes one could look over the park lands of Lennoxlove, formerly known as Lethington, where Lady Blantyre resided. The factor and his sons could pass through a postern gate into this sylvan demesne. When Thomas left the glorious "Burns" countryside of the Nith, what associations awaited him in this fair land of the east! The earlier poetry of Scotland was linked with the writings of the "Blind Baron," Sir Richard Maitland, of Lethington, who lived in the sixteenth century, and among other poems, wrote one "In Prayse of Lethingtoun." A grove of ash and lime trees was called "The Politician's Walk," in reference to the restless pacings to and fro of "Secretary Lethington," Sir Richard's eldest son, William, who became deeply embroiled in the intrigues of Queen Mary's troubled reign. Here George Wishart, attended by his pupil, John Knox, had been the guest the night before his arrest, which led to his martyrdom. In the burgh of Haddington, almost under the shadow of the tower of the old parish church, but on the opposite side of the river, was the site of a former cottage, where John Knox was born—a hallowed spot, since marked by a sturdy oak planted by Thomas Carlyle as a fitting emblem to the great Reformer.
Gilbert Burns attended the parish church with the utmost regularity, and became so highly esteemed that he was appointed an elder. He acted for Lord and Lady Blantyre as mandatory at the Heritors' meeting, and in later life often presided and signed the minutes, as the records attest to this day. The influence of the kirk and its surroundings upon the impressionable minds of the boys and girls in his family would be enhanced by his own upright and honourable character. A picture of Gilbert Burns has been left us by Colonel Davidson, the friend of Jane WelshCarlyle:—
Grants Braes happened then to be the residence of Gilbert Burns.… He was standing at his door … and brought me into the house. I sat patiently and wonderingly by the side of the fireplace, and, young as I was, I felt a sort of awe. I knew about Burns and his songs, and a kind of reverential feeling possessed me as I sat in his brother's house. I had often seen Gilbert in church, where he was an elder, and had marked him, especially on sacramental occasions, when he solemnly dispensed the sacred bread. He had a splendid head, with high forehead and "lyart haffets wearing thin and bare." The lower part of his face was less refined than that of his brother, the mouth larger, and the chin well developed, indicating stronger moral qualities.
"Memories of a Long Life," page 7.
As factor of the Blantyre estates, Gilbert had a fairly secure position, with a salary of £100 a year, afterwards increased to £140, with a free house. His work was congenial and yet arduous. He was a very different kind of factor from the tyrant depicted in his brother's poem "The Twa Dogs," sketched probably from the factor who had caused the old William Burness such distress.Poor tenant bodies scant o' cash:How they maun thole a factor's snash:He'll stamp an' thunder, curse an' swear,He'll apprehend them, poind their gear:While they maun stan', in aspect humble,An' hear it a', an' fear, an' tremble.
In the work of his factorship, farm-managing, wood planting, attending public meetings in the interest of his employers, surveying, and even drawing plans, Gilbert Burns led a busy life for nearly a quarter of a century. They were the happy days of his life, yet not unmixed with cares and sorrow.
"Gilbert Burns in East Lothian," by Edward J. Wilson. (Annual Burns Chronicle, No. V.)
The following note on the subsequent fate of Grants Braes has a pathetic interest of its own:—
On the appointment of Mr Goodlet as his successor, the old house was pulled down, and a new residence erected on its site. On Christmas morning of 1891 this second structure was completely gutted by fire, and in that condition it still remains (1895). The once trim garden is desolate, the fences torn down, and the boxwood borders trampled low; and the stranger, little expecting to view such utter desolation, hurries on to Bolton Churchyard, where so many relatives of the poet sleep beneath the well-kept sward of that sunny, sloping brae.
Ibid.
It is not clear when Thomas Burns left Dumfries-shire and permanently joined the family circle at Grants Braes; but it was certainly before the spring of 1810. About that time a new school was opened in. Haddington, under the guidance of a young man, who was ere long to become famous as a preacher, Mr Edward Irving. Sir John Leslie, the Professor of Mathematics in Edinburgh University, had interested himself in the establishment of the school and in the appointment of the first teacher. Probably that gives the clue to the unusual name, "The Mathematical School," and also to the reason—or one of the reasons—for Mr Irving's appointment, inasmuch as he was one of Leslie's favourite students. The rather distinguished young man, although only in his eighteenth year, was a graduate of the University. Like his young friend, Thomas Carlyle, Irving had been born and bred in the vicinity of Annan. One of his old pupils at the Mathematical School of Haddington, thus described him:—"When Irving came to Haddington, he was a tall, ruddy, robust, handsome youth, cheerful and kindly disposed; he soon won the confidence of his advanced pupils, and was admitted into the best society in the town and neighbourhood."
Among the "advanced pupils" who attended this school was Burns, who was then in his fifteenth year. He was a strong, healthy lad, already showing the promise of a tall stature. His work at school had developed his intellectual abilities, and his cheerful labours on the farm had strengthened his muscles and his practical aptitude for husbandry. The devout spirit of "the Cotter," William Burness, and of Gilbert Burns, dwelt also in him. The pure exercises of "the family altar," which were unfailingly observed in the home, reinforced the teachings of the kirk and school; and Thomas Burns sought to express in his life the noble Christian heritage which had come to him, by example no less than by precept. Like his brothers and sisters, he was trained in sound Christian knowledge, and he set the highest standards of probity before his eyes.
There is every reason to believe that the ministry was not the first choice of Thomas Burns. He intended to follow in his father's footsteps and become a farmer. But we have here an instance where parental influence, and even firm pressure, produced a good result—in fact, consequences of the most far-reaching nature and of a commendable utility. John, the fifth son, was destined for the Church; but he did not live to realise the goal of his ambition. After a brilliant career, he died of typhus fever in his twenty-fifth year, when a teacher of mathematics in Edinburgh, and on the eve of ordination for the ministry. That sad blow happened long after the events which we are now recording; and it seems impossible to connect it with the direction of the vocation of Thomas, who was six years the senior of John—although there is a mysterious tradition in the family that does connect it in this way. It is possible that the younger boy showed in early life symptoms of a delicate constitution, which led to an increased urgency that Thomas should turn his steps towards the office which has always been so venerated in Scotland. However that may be, the fact which stands out is that in later life Dr Burns often spoke of this crisis in his career, and stated again and again to his family that it was not his wish to be a minister. He did not feel that he was worthy of such a sacred vocation, or fitted for it. He reminded his father, who urged him to this course, that he had a slight impediment in his speech. His father said, "You can overcome it!" And Thomas Burns felt this to be the call of God. He lived to realise the new purpose that formed itself within his heart, and which grew in its spiritual appeal until it became the deepest passion in the soul of the young man. He resolved also to overcome the defect in his speech, and he succeeded in doing so, and thus he prepared the way for his notable power as a preacher of the Gospel in Scotland and New Zealand. By whatever means he was drawn into his life's work, surely the hand of Providence was in it; for if ever a man was raised up by God to lead a band and establish a distant colony, that man was Thomas Burns.
We must imagine, then, the third son of Gilbert Burns throwing himself into the work set by Edward Irving with the greater zest, because he had now a definite and lofty purpose in view. The pupil made good progress under his unconventional master, whose points of contact with the family at Grants Braes were not limited to the classroom. He was a frequent visitor at the home of Gilbert Burns. And another interesting personage was also no stranger there. Jane WelshCarlyle, the daughter of Dr Welsh, of Haddington, has left in her own charming way the record of her impressions of the family, in a letter written in later life to a friend:—
That little picture of your visit to Grants Braes! How pretty, how dream-like! Awaking so many recollections of my own young visiting there! The dinners of rice and milk and currants—a very few currants—kind, thrifty Mrs Gilbert Burns used to give me such a welcome! Of playfellows, boys and girls—all, I fancy, dead now—who made my Saturdays at Grants Braes white days for me! I went to see the dear old house when last I was at Sunny Bank, and found the new prosaic farm-house in its stead; and it was as if my heart had knocked up against it! A sort of (moral) blow in the breast is what I feel always at these revelations of the new, strange, uncared-for thing usurping the place of the thing I knew as well as oneself and had all sorts of associations with, and had hung the fondest memories on! When I first saw Mrs Somerville (of mathematical celebrity) I was much struck with her exact likeness to Mrs G. Burns—minus the geniality and plus the feathers in her head! And I remember remarking to my husband that, after all, Mrs Burns was far the cleverer woman of the two, inasmuch as to bring up twelve children, as these young Burns were brought up and keep such a comfortable house as Grants Braes, all on £80 a year, was a much more intricate problem than the reconcilement of the physical sciences! And Mr Carlyle agreed with me.
Memories of a Long Life," page 314.
Which was surely very remarkable!
It may be remarked here that Thomas Carlyle, who became a teacher in Kircaldy, after Irving had removed thither, also visited Grants Braes in the company of his friend. He and Irving went on a walking tour to Haddington, and spent a profitable and happy hour or two in the home of Gilbert Burns. After their marriage, Mr and Mrs Carlyle called on the family at Grants Braes. These links with Irving, Carlyle, and other famous persons had a direct influence in forming the thought and life of the future founder of Otago.
Edward Irving was about four years older than Thomas Burns. He had a giant's physique, and was alive with interests that appeal to growing youth. Mr Patrick Sheriff, one of his former pupils, says:—
Having the use of some fine instruments, he (Irving) devoted many of his school holidays to the measuring of heights and distances in the surrounding neighbourhood and taking the altitudes of the heavenly bodies. Upon such occasions he was invariably accompanied by several of his pupils. About this time Mr Irving frequently expressed a wish to travel in Africa in the track of Mungo Park, and during his holiday excursions practised, in concert with his pupils, the throwing of stones into pools of water, with a view of determining the depth of the water by the sound of the plunge, to aid him in crossing rivers.
"Life of Edward Irving," by Mrs Oliphant.
What a happy union of fun and fancy, with the slightest substratum of fact! The lad, who, when little, had wanted some day to go to New Zealand, so that he could "look over the edge of the world," must have entered into these pursuits with zest. His longing to travel would also be strengthened by the teacher's desire to become an explorer or missionary in Africa. Burns, the pioneer minister, showed all through his career the effects of the scientific recreations of the Haddington master.
But Irving's deepest interest lay, after all, in the religious sphere. The former pupil, quoted above, relates an incident in which, we may be fairly sure, Burns participated:—
Upon one occasion when Dr Chalmers, then rising into fame, was anounced to preach in St. George's, Edinburgh, upon a summer week-day evening, Irving set out from Haddington after school hours, accompanied by several of his pupils, and returned the same night, acomplishing a distance of about 35 miles, without any other rest than what was obtained in church. When the boys sought to enter an unoccupied pew, they were stopped by a man who, with outstretched arm, informed them that the pew was engaged. Irving remonstrated, and represented that at such a time all the seats were open to the public, but without effect. At last his patience gave way; and raising his hand he exclaimed, evidently with all his natural magniloquence of voice and gesture: "Remove your arm, or I will shatter it in pieces!" His astonished opponent fell back in utter dismay while the rejoicing boys took possession of the pew.
Ibid.
The connection of Irving with the Mathematical School of Haddington came to an end in 1812. He accepted a. similar post in Kircaldy Academy. It would appear that this was Thomas Burns's last year in the school also, for it is recorded that he entered Edinburgh University at the age of 16. That may seem to us an early age for beginning the studies of a higher education. But it was then usual in Scotland to commence the course at the University at an earlier age even than that. The parting of Thomas Burns from the school was signalised by the award of a prize which indicates the progress made by him under his teacher, and it tells of mutual esteem founded upon respect and affection between master and pupil. The following inscription was penned by Irving in the book:—
From Edward Irving to Thomas Burns, this book is presented as a testimony of that esteem which his industry and success, while his pupil, have procured for him.
Haddington, October 12, 1812.
"Industry and Success!" Viewed from life's larger standpoint, they are no mean verdicts; and they may justly be applied to the whole career of the recipient—not selfish success, as men count success, perhaps, but service, which is as much before success in the final reward as it is in the motive of those most worthy of the world's esteem.
Chapter III.Student and Minister.Such dusky grandeur clothed the height,Where the huge castle holds its state, And all the steep slope down,Whose ridgy back heaves to the sky,Piled deep and massy, close and high, Mine own romantic town.—Scott.
Behold, then, the nephew of Robert Burns, and son of "the excellent Gilbert," taking his place in the classes of Edinburgh University at the age of 16. The farmer's lad, fresh from Edward Irving's School, finds himself in the ancient capital, never dreaming for an instant as he looks up at the Castle on the Rock that he shall be the founder of a New Edinburgh in the southern seas. Certainly a new world opens before the student as he leaves his school for ever and enrols himself as a member of a university. Probably Thomas was the first of the line of Burness to enjoy this privilege. Now he views the Church and the State from a new angle. Men of note may be seen and heard in the pulpits of the capital or respectfully passed in the street. The fashionable Whig set, headed by Lord Francis Jeffrey, Lord Henry Cockburn, Lord Henry Brougham, and Mr Francis Horner, M.P., representing the influential Edinburgh Review, were not much in the gaze of the public, although firmly established in the estimation of the discerning members of the community. The chief interest of the young student centred naturally round his teachers at the University. Foremost among the professors was the celebrated Sir John Leslie, previously referred to, who occupied the chair of mathematics. His real interest lay, however, in natural philosophy; and most of his spare time was given to researches into the nature of heat. In 1819 he was transferred to the chair of natural philosophy, and thus he found a congenial sphere for the exercise of his abilities. It would appear that Professor Leslie made more impression upon his students than did any of the professors. Thomas Carlyle, who was two or three years senior, as a student, to Thomas Burns, said: "Professor Leslie alone of my professors had some genius for his business, and awoke a certain enthusiasm in me." Dr Thomas Guthrie, who entered the University in 1815 at the age of 12, also paid his tribute to Sir John Leslie. There is no doubt that Burns shared in these estimates of the professor of mathematics. It may be remarked that Leslie's popularity was secured in the face of a whispered suspicion in ecclesiastical circles that he was a follower of David Hume!
Next in importance to Leslie stands Dr Thomas Brown, who had succeeded the famous Dugald Stewart two years before Burns went to the University. He was a most versatile man, having passed from law to medicine; and, after being engaged in a large practice for some years, he transferred his allegiance to literature and philosophy. His chief contribution to psychology was regarded as the discovery of the "sixth" or "muscular" sense. He published at a later date his "Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind," and these became so popular that they reached their twentieth edition—a fame, however, that was as transient as it was meteoric. As a teacher he did not rise to the heights of Dugald Stewart. Carlyle remarks somewhat sarcastically upon his tendency to "spout" original poetry in the class rooms, and apparently the students were not as appreciative of such efforts as they might have been. But one feels that such a teacher would redeem a course in philosophy from dullness, which was so much to the good.
In Humanity or Latin Professor Alexander Christison is remembered with some appreciation; but the other teachers of that period failed to make a favourable impression upon the students. It was, we must remember, the age of "patronage," and so-called "pluralistic" appointments were fairly common. At the time of which we are speaking report had it, according to Dr Guthrie, that one of the professors read the lectures composed by his predecessor!
A picture of the life of a young student at Edinburgh University is furnished by Dr Guthrie in his memoir:—
We met in a part of the old college buildings at 8 o'clock in the morning. The room was dark. My seat was one of the highest up and farthest back. The professor, though a learned and at bottom a kind-hearted man, was very peppery; and, when, without rhyme or reason, he flew into a passion, it was not very wonderful that a boy who had some split peas in his pocket should, led on by older rogues, astonish the worthy man with a shower of them rattling like hailstones on the book he held, and on himself. I have seen him so carried away with passion that he would leave his chair to dance on the floor, or rush to collar, as happened sometimes, an innocent student, and drag him from his seat. The blame was more his than ours. Who cannot govern himself is unfit to govern others—the parent, master, or teacher, who, in dealing with his children, servants, or pupils, loses his temper, being sure to lose their respect. Another professor though sour and sulky, never indulged in outbreaks of passion, and we left the uproar of the class just mentioned to be as quiet as lambs in his.
Such was the world in which Thomas Burns found himself, participating, no doubt, in many of the actual incidents recorded by his contemporaries. His life, like theirs, out of the class room would be one of simplicity and brain work, vigour, and even hardship when judged by the standards of living to-day. Two students usually shared a room to do duty for sleeping, eating, and studying. For this, with coal—carefully rationed—attendance, and cooking each would pay five or six shillings a week. There is little need to state the main article on the menu. Its fame has gone abroad wherever the message of Presbyterianism has been preached. Oatmeal porridge for breakfast and for supper, tea only at one meal a day, perhaps a dinner of fresh herring and potatoes, prepared by the landlady—such was the usual daily fare of the Scottish student.
There is every reason to believe that Thomas Burns made the most of his opportunities at the University. In his later life he showed the benefits of his training by the evidences of sound scholarship and a highly-cultivated sense of literary style. The zeal of Sir John Leslie for scientific discoveries and the eclectic philosophy of Dr Thomas Brown stirred his mind, already well stored with classical reading, and developed his unusual powers of observation and reflection. He always spoke gratefully of his professors. As a minister and leader of the colony of Otago, in the exercise of his high office, functioning often along most unusual lines, and involving a knowledge of the world of men as well as of learning, he adorned with distinction the reputation of his famous University.
On the completion of his arts course, Burns entered the Divinity Hall. Nearly seven years were to elapse, however, before he should be licensed by the Presbytery as a preacher of the Gospel. Evidently, like Irving and many others, he became a "partial" student; that is, one who, by special permission of the professors of the Hall, took up outside work, such as teaching or tutoring, and presented himself for examination in theological subjects from time to time. This arrangement lengthened the course for the ministry, but there were several compensations, in addition to the obvious one of financial relief. The extension of the sphere of experience was an important factor in the making of the future minister. By living with families of refinement and social influence, the raw young man acquired qualities which fitted him to take his place in any company.
Burns was successful in his studies, and fortunate in his tutorships. Towards the end of his course he was engaged to teach the sons of Admiral Hornton. Later he became connected in a similar way with the influential Dalrymple family, with important results to his own future, as we shall soon see. Meantime the great event of his exit from the Hall, viz., his license by the Presbytery, approached. It was preceded, after the Scottish manner, by prescribed tests of "trials," which are set, not by the theological professors, but by the ministers and elders of the Presbytery. Such "trials" are designed to investigate the candidate's knowledge of the original languages of the Old and New Testaments, ability to expound the Scriptures, general scholarship, and "soundness" in the faith of the Church. The whole question of his fitness for the work of the ministry is raised. His character, learning, convictions, and abilities come under the full view of the Presbytery. If the reverend court is satisfied on all these points, it proceeds with due solemnity to license, or authorise, the candidate to preach the Gospel in the pulpits of the Church throughout the land, and, if such be his good fortune, to receive the authentication of his vocation in the shape of a call to a vacant charge.
The Presbytery of Haddington, under whose supervision Burns had been kept, conducted the necessary "trials," and, being satisfied on all points, duly licensed him at Haddington on December 3, 1822.
This date, which is earlier than that stated in most of the brief memoirs of Burns's life, is given in "The Book of Robert Burns," vol. III (Rogers and Higgins), issued by the Grampians Club, Edinburgh, 1891; and is that recorded in the biographical notice of Dr Burns included in "Fasti Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ," revised edition, vol. III, 1920.
The probationerprobationer, now 27 years of age, rather advanced in years for the status thus achieved, and having no certain prospects of a ministerial settlement immediately before him, continued for some time to act as tutor in the family of Sir Hugh Dalrymple, of Berwick House, North Berwick, not far away from his home and the scenes of his later boyhood.
The 10 years that had elapsed since Thomas left the homestead of Grants Braes to prosecute his studies for the ministry had been years of toil—and its due rewards —for Gilbert and his family. They had also been years of deep sorrow, mingled with happiness.
In the bereavements which befell the family during these years the young Burns shared the burden of grief with the parents. Isabella, the youngest child, died on July 3, 1815, in her seventh year. On September 14, 1815, the sixth child, Agnes, died—a beautiful girl of 15. Next year, on October 30, the eldest girl, Janet, in the eighteenth year of her age, was laid beside her sister in the kirkyard of Bolton. The aged grandmother, Agnes Burness, who had nurtured the poet and Gilbert, sank to rest on January 14, 1820, in the eighty-eighth year of her age. This venerable mother of the brothers of genius and worth, who had lived under Gilbert's roof tree from the time of her widowhood, must have exercised a profound influence over the minds and hearts of the inmates of Grants Braes, as a living witness of the past, with all its toil and romance, its poetry and its prose, as exemplified within the circle of the "simple Scottish lays," of the "priest-like father," and "his thrifty wifie's smile." And now her corner by "the wee bit ingle, blinkin bonnilie" would know her no more. Her name will ever be honoured by Scotsmen as the mother of Scotland's greatest bard of the human heart. And equally honoured should she be as the mother of Gilbert, and as the grandmother of Thomas Burns.
The following letter of Gilbert's, addressed to his nephew, Mr Robert Begg, assistant teacher at Dalmeny, tells the news:—
Grants Braes,January 17, 1820.
Dear Nephew,—Your grandmother died on the 14th inst., and is to be buried on Thursday, the 20th, at noon. I shall be very glad to see you here to attend her funeral if you can conveniently get away, but you will just do as you find it convenient. I am sorry to inform you that my wife has been alarmingly ill for a week past with inflammation in her chest, and I cannot say yet she is any better. Your sister Agnes was here yesterday to see her, and your mother and family were all then well.—I remain, dear Robert, yours sincerely,
Gilbert Burns.
From letters In Edinburgh City Museum, kindly copied and sent to the author by the Rev. A. V. G. Chandler, of Lovell's Flat, whilst visiting Scotland.
But with the mellowing of the years there came a lightening of some of life's burdens. Gilbert Burns had been engaged by Messrs Caddell and Davis, publishers, to cooperate with Dr Currie in the preparation of an edition of the works of his famous brother. This had involved much literary labour on the part of Gilbert, who was able to draw abundantly upon his stores of reminiscence in relation to the life and work of the poet. His notes prefixed to a large number of the poems and songs are extremely valuable, as are his comments upon the main incidents in his brother's career. To this pleasant and yet plaintive task Gilbert brought his remarkable gifts of memory, taste, and judgment. He received from the publishers in the year 1820 the sum of £500 as remuneration for his work. His first act was to pay £180 of this money to Jean, the widow of Robert Burns, in discharge of the debt which existed—if debt it really could be called— from the time when Robert parted company with him at Mossgiel.
Gilbert Burns continued to live at Grants Braes till the close of his life. His youngest surviving daughter, Jean, died in her twentieth year on January 4, 1827. Within seven weeks John, the fifth son, previously referred to as a student for the ministry, succumbed to an attack of typhus fever, and was laid to rest in the family grave at Bolton. His career at the University, especially in mathematics, had been a very distinguished one, and it ended just before his license as a probationer. The ageing Gilbert felt the weight of bereavement after bereavement; and on a Sabbath morning a few weeks later, April 8, 1827, while the church bell broke the silence of the hills above, he entered into eternal rest in the sixty-seventh year of his age. The record of family deaths is inscribed on the stone that stands in the well-kept plot of the Bolton churchyard. It is within a dozen yards of the mausoleums of the lords and ladies of Blantyre, whom Gilbert Burns served as a steward so faithfully. His youngest son, named after himself, in 1877, left to the minister and kirk session of Bolton the sum of £50, the interest of which is available for keeping the family grave of Gilbert Burns in order. All who knew Gilbert Burns were deeply impressed with his sterling character and unusual abilities. The famous Dr Thomas Chalmers paid him a visit in July 12, 1826, and records his appreciation of his worth.
"Memoirs of Dr. Thomas Chalmers," by Dr Hanna, vol. II, p. 96.
Superlatives fall naturally from those who speak of Gilbert, as they had been used by Murdoch and others regarding the sire, William Burness. In Otago, there is the same tradition regarding the Rev. Thomas Burns. In all essential respects, the succession of likeness between William, Gilbert, and Thomas Burns holds good. In appearance they had strong, massive features, lit up by bright, steady, and penetrating eyes. The nose was aquiline, unlike Robert's, which was straight. They were tall and sturdily-built, with a very slight stoop of the shoulders. By the death of Gilbert the widowed Jean, the excellent wife and mother, was left with but few of her once numerous family of 11 at her side. William, the eldest son, and Gilbert, the youngest, were living in Ireland by this time. Robert, the fourth son, had emigrated to South America. Thomas was settled, as we shall see, in a distant parish in Scotland. Only James, the second son, who was following in his father's footsteps as a factor to the Blantyre family, and Ann, the one surviving daughter, were with her, in addition to Annabella, her late husband's sister, who lived till 1832. The widowed Mrs Gilbert Burns was taken by James to his home; and she died on February 6, 1841, and was buried in the churchyard of Erskine, Renfrewshire. She was remembered by those who knew her with affection and esteem.
From the foregoing narrative of the family life at Grants Braes it will be realised that Thomas Burns entered upon his full work with, more than the usual share of sorrows. No doubt that fact tended to intensify the deep seriousness of his nature. He took up the tasks of the Christian ministry with full resolution to serve his God with all his powers of mind, heart, and will.
For about three years and a-half after becoming a licentiate of the Church of Scotland, Burns remained without a charge. He continued as tutor to the family of Sir Hugh Dalrymple. Through the offices of this patron, Mr Burns was offered the vacant living of Ballantrae. This was a clear evidence of the esteem in which he was held by the Dalrymple family, and the offer of the living was conceived also in the best interests of the needs of the parish. Burns accepted the presentation, and, after passing with distinction the examinations and trials preparatory to ordination, he was duly ordained and inducted into the parish of Ballantrae by the Presbytery of Stranraer on April 13, 1826.
The scene of the first charge of the Rev. Thomas Burns is of interest for several reasons. He began his work amid some of the loveliest and most healthful surroundings that can be conceived. He was back once more in the genial west of Scotland, where he had been brought up. In fact he was in the "land of Burns," which was becoming more and more associated with the poet as his fame became more universally recognised. Ballantrae was a small fishing village, situated on the coast due south of the Isles of Arran and Ailsa Craig. Girvan is the principal town of the district, and is about a dozen miles north of Ballantrae, which was then a very quiet little place, being peopled mainly by fishing folk and smugglers. Yet, in that little village Burns was to receive training in the actual work of the pastorate. He was being fitted for wider service. He came into contact with the primal realities of human nature. The presence and power of evil made themselves felt in the small community, and the sturdy young minister measured his strength with the forces working against his people's welfare.
Through the kindness of the present minister of Ballantrae parish church, the Rev. Munro Somerville, B.D., we are placed in possession of first-hand evidence of the zeal and vigour of his predecessor of 100 years ago. The work of the kirk session under Mr Burns was largely directed towards correcting abuses in the moral life of the district. Like his father, Mr Burns had strength of character to the highest degree without self-assertiveness, and this force was ever exercised quietly but firmly against intemperance and iniquity of every kind. Strong drink was regarded by him, not without family reasons, as an enemy of the Christian religion. In this, his first charge, Mr Burns appears as a pioneer of temperance reform far ahead of his generation, and in the following pronouncement—the first of his compositions to come to our eyes—we have evidence of the dire peril of the indulgence in ardent spirits, which had been increasing for a generation in Scotland, with corresponding increase in degradation and misery of every sort. The fire of moral zeal and compassion in the soul of the minister flames like a beacon above the dark customs of those times, even in a small place like Ballantrae.
Extract from the minutes of meeting of kirk session at Ballantrae parish church, February 25, 1828:—
It having been represented to the kirk session that the sin of drunkenness has of late greatly increased within the parish, and that within the period of a few weeks past such excesses have been committed as to reflect discredit and disgrace upon the whole community where such things are tolerated and encouraged, the session feel it to be their duty, through their Moderator, to make a public declaration of their grief and abhorrence that a vice so disgraceful in its nature and so dreadful in its consequences should be spreading in the parish, and to intimate their unanimous determination to visit with the heaviest censures of the Church such regardless persons as may hereafter persist in outraging every feeling of common decency and Christian propriety in the surrounding neighbourhood. The session further resolve that in their name an extract of the above minute be transmitted to each of the public-house keepers in the parish earnestly requesting them to aid and concur with the session in correcting the further progress of this vice; in the first place by refusing to supply any persons with spirits beyond the bounds of sobriety, and in the second place by closing their houses at some regular hour, not later than 11 at night, so that after that hour no person except a stranger travelling shall on any pretence be allowed to drink in their houses."
Chapter IV.The Parish of Monkton and Prestwick.Lo! there is the scene of his own vision dream, The mantle his Coila then wore,Still flowered with the forest, enstripped with the stream, And fringed with the fret of the shore!"—Hew Ainsley.
For four years the sturdy minister moved among the farmers and fishing folk of Ballantrae, surrounded by the wonders of natural beauty on sea and land. Sabbath days found him in his pulpit in the tiny parish kirk, preaching with solemn mien his sermons, which were always carefully prepared. From one sacrament to another he fulfilled the duties of his office with that quiet earnestness and thoroughness which characterised the whole of his life. He felt the isolation of his charge at Ballantrae—there is testimony to that fact—but he drew all the sweetness that could be found in the strength of faithful service.
Romance came suddenly into his life. The story is preserved in the memory of Miss Burns, and, like most tales of love, it begins prosaically enough. In the important parish of Monkton and Prestwick, to the north of Ayr, the living was held by the Rev. John SteelOughterson, M.A. He was the son of the Rev. John Oughterson, formerly minister of West Kilbride, and had been left a widower in 1824. His sister had married an Episcopalian clergyman of the Scottish aristocracy, the Rev. James Francis Grant, whose family held a baronetcy, and had their seat at Monymusk, on the River Dee, in Aberdeenshire. Mr Grant became Rector of Rodness, and Prebendary and Canon of Chichester Cathedral, Sussex, England. Mr Oughterson, bereaved of his wife, and, having no family, wrote to his sister, Mrs Grant, asking her to let him have one of her daughters," the one with the blue eyes and the fair hair" to stay with him and act as the lady of Monkton Manse. To this request of the lonely old widower the Grants acceded, and the fifth child, Miss Clementina, who had just returned from finishing her education at Dunkirk, left London by steamer for Leith. It is stated that this boat was the first to make the voyage under the newly-applied power of steam. At Leith MissClementina stayed with her aunt, Lady Grant, whose home was there. Before the young lady left by coach her aunt put a thick blue veil over her head, and told her not on any account to lift it until after she reached Glasgow. The meaning of this became plain ere long. When she reached that city, a waiter brought a tray with a bowl of hot soup for the young lady "in the thick blue veil." Mr Oughterson met her at Glasgow, and accompanied her for the rest of the journey to Monkton. She took charge of the affairs of the manse, and began an apprenticeship in thrifty housekeeping, which was to be her lot for the rest of her life.
At Ballantrae, Lord Eglinton's yacht appears on the horizon. One of the party on board is Miss Clementina Grant, the charming young lady with "the blue eyes and the fair hair." The yacht casts anchor in the quiet bay before resuming the cruise of the western coast and islands. Not unnaturally the young minister of the parish meets the delightful young lady of the Monkton Manse. It was love at first sight. Perhaps the "auld toun of Ayr" became more attractive, and especially the manse of Prestwick and Monkton. Something must be left to the imagination of the reader. Certain it is, however, that on the first day of January, 1830, the Rev. Thomas Burns was married to Miss Clementina Grant, daughter of the Rev.James Francis Grant, Prebendary and Canon of Chichester Cathedral, England, and granddaughter of Sir Archibald Grant, Baronet, of Monymusk.
Sadness and joy were intermingled at the wedding, for the Rev. John SteelOughterson had died, and was buried on the day preceding the marriage. The living of Monkton, one of the richest in the rural districts of Scotland, thus became vacant. The heritors of the parish invited the Rev. Thomas Burns to succeed Mr Oughterson, and he accepted the charge. He was inducted to his new sphere of labour on May 18, 1830. His wife always claimed that the living was really given to her, and Mr Burns smilingly agreed with this declaration. The grace and charm of Mrs Burns won all hearts, and enhanced the success of her husband in the work of the pastorate.
The parish of Monkton and Prestwick had history behind it. Walter Fitz-Alan, the Great Steward in the reign of David the First of Scotland, bestowed the old church of Prestwick, along with that of Monkton, on the abbey of Paisley. King Robert the Bruce, whose daughter Marjory became the wife of one of the high stewards, was deeply interested in Prestwick. There is support for the tradition that the lands called "Freedoms" were given for services rendered by the men of this ancient burgh during the struggle for the independence of Scotland. Bruce himself drank water from the well of King-case for the benefit of his health. The well still exists, and bears the old name, which is better evidence than many old legends can furnish for their truthfulness. As a mark of the cure of his supposed leprosy, Bruce built and endowed near to the well a Lazar house or hospital, the ruins of which are still to be seen, and the endowment of which has never died out, being paid nowadays to the
poor of Ayr. King James VI at Holyrood granted a "renewal charter" to the town and burgh of Prestwick, which was then regarded as dating from the tenth century. There are many old links binding Prestwick to royalty, but the continuous one is probably the most interesting to us. The Prince of Wales, as the Earl of Carrick, Kyle, and Cunningham—to give the old style—is the Superior of the burgh. He is also Prince and Steward of Scotland, the lineal representative of Walter Steward, who called Prestwick "my burgh," as it was the capital of his holding of Kyle-Steward. Very interesting old records of the burgh from 1470 onwards exist under the title "Liber Communitatis."
In addition to the work of the surrounding farms, the occupations of the people consisted, at the time of which we are writing, chiefly of spinning and weaving, in which the "bonnie lasses" of the burgh were very proficient. There are references to men's work at coal pits, the cutting of peats, moss, and turf, stone-quarrying, and the working of lime and salt pans. The sea also had its pearls in the shape of salmon and other fish, while the trade in contraband, especially spirits, was a large, although more or less illicit, feature of the place.
Several ruins of old churches are to be found in the vicinity, for the ecclesiastical associations of Prestwick (the abode of the priest) and Monkton, whose connection with monasteries is obvious, are a prominent characteristic of the neighbourhood. The old stones of St. Cuthbert's of Monkton, St. Nicholas of Prestwick, and Lady Kirk—to name but three sites—take us back to pre-Reformation times. It is probable that John Knox visited the parish, for he proclaimed the new faith in the neighbourhood. Protestant doctrines were taken up with great heartiness in the land of Kyle. John Wylie came to Monkton as "minister" about 1562. He may be regarded as the first minister of Monkton, and the predecessor of the subject of our memoir.
The two places of worship at Prestwick and Monkton had services when Mr Burns began his ministry in the parish. This order of things continued until 1837. Dr Hewat gives us a picture of the Prestwick kirk of those early years.
A good many still remember the services in the old church where the minister conducted public worship every third Sabbath, the other two Sabbaths being devoted to Monkton. As the building was narrow, and the gallery ran along the length of the church facing the pulpit, one of the old members has informed us that those in the front seat of the gallery or "loft" could almost have shaken hands with the officiating minister. An open ladder led to this "loft," up which the male section of the congregation alone ventured. "The roof," wrote Dr Mitchell" (Mr Oughterson's predecessor) "in 1794 was made of oak; the floor was earthen, and the seats plain deal."
"A Little Scottish World," by Rev. Dr KirkwoodHewat, M.A. page 89. The passage quoted was written probably in the nineties.
Under such conditions Mr and Mrs Burns commenced life together in their new and important field of labour. To the bride "the little Scottish world" of Monkton and Prestwick was quite familiar. For five years she had lived in the manse, and had superintended its domestic affairs. Now she was its mistress in very deed, and its interests were in safe hands. She seconded her husband's many activities on behalf of the people of the parish, while in no way neglecting her own home. The circumstances of the pair were comfortable, if not affluent, for the living was considered one of the richest in the rural parts of Scotland, being estimated at £400 a year. But there are calls and expenses in such positions of which the outsider knows nothing. The initial cost of furnishing alone would be considerable. Soon a young family was growing up—Arthur John, the eldest and only boy, Clementina, Jane, Annie, and Frances being born in Monkton.
It was a beautiful home in a delightful part of Scotland—situated three miles north of Ayr across its bridge-spanned river, the western coast sweeping along the bay warmed by the sun; green grass on light, sandy soil (now useful for bunkers in the famous golfing courses), then, as always, giving an air of cheerfulness to the picturesque surroundings; the sea, with purple Goatfell rising grandly on the isle of Arran, limned in many-splendoured hues varying with the seasons, and gorgeous at sunset when sky above and the firmament beneath glow with brilliant crimson and gold; the fields, the woods, the Powburn Stream, the hoary churches of an earlier cycle of faith; the traditions of Scotland's heroes (Bruce and Wallace); the memories of brave martyrs of the Covenant; the later echoes of the roving bard, recalled in living image by many during the pastorate of his more steadfast nephew— such was the scene, such the atmosphere of the parish of Monkton.
But the vigour of Thomas Burns made itself felt from the beginning of his ministry. He set to work to build one large place of worship equally distant from both villages. A noble church, with a handsome tower, reminiscent of the best Norman style, based on the Gothic, was erected; and it stands as a memorial to those who built it only for the glory of God. The edifice was considered one of the finest rural churches in the west country. It was seated for 800 persons, the population of the district being then 2000. Some people, who were slow to appreciate the grandeur of the achievement, dubbed the handsome new building "Burns's Folly," a term of derision, which doubtless gained a certain amount of force after the Disruption. The years have proved that it was a wise accomplishment and a great contribution to the Church of Scotland. The present minister of Monkton and Prestwick Parish Church, the Rev. Luke M'Quitty, B.A., tells me that there are many pages in the Session Minute Book devoted to the closing of the old churches and the building in 1837 of the large new church to take their place. The old pre-Reformation bell, with the inscription "Sanctus Cuthbertus ora pro nobis," which hung in Monkton Church, is still preserved. It is, however, badly cracked, and thereby hangs an old story, which must have arisen before Mr Burns became minister. I tell it in Dr Hewat's words—
It happened that on a Sabbath morning in winter the old bell in the old kirk of Monkton produced strange sounds. The grave sweet melody seemed gone. A message was at once sent from the minister to the beadle, who at the time was very busy pulling the rope, to enquire what was the matter. For a while no answer came from the man of office. With eyes fixed on the ground, his head keeping time to the sounds from the bell, and muttering certain sounds himself, indefatigably he pulled away. The bell, it may be stated, had been injured by a very hard frost through the night. At last, after persistent enquiries from the minister's messenger, the answer came: "The bell's cracked, and the man that's ringing it's cracked, and what they're sayin' is that they're wantin' a change in the ministry her!"
The manse was a fine building dating from 1822, when it succeeded one which was in a wretched state of dilapidation.
The old manse is described in Dr Edgar's "Old Church Life in Scotland.
The new residence was much beautified by Mr Burns. The minister brought all his skill as a gardener and farmer to bear upon the fine grounds and the glebe surrounding his home. He delighted in the cultivation of the soil. This proved to be a valuable qualification for a New Zealand pioneer, as we shall have abundant occasion to observe. Thomas Burns preached in the two old churches of St. Cuthbert and St. Nicholas, whose ruins can still be seen, surrounded by their graves, for the last time in May, 1837. On the 15th of that month the grand new church was opened and used for worship. From this period onward his heart and mind were filled with grave issues which were destined to be of vast moment to the world.
Chapter V.The Tide of Emigration.
Ships, colonies, and commerce."
—Napoleon.
(The Motto of the New Zealand Company.)
As is well known, New Zealand became a portion of the British Empire in spite of, rather than with the assistance of, the Home Government, although for years before the decision was actually reached very strong moral obligations lay upon the British Government to intervene in New Zealand in order to take action to put a stop to outrages committed by some of the lawless white settlers of early days. The objections of the Home Government were based to some extent on the knowledge that the presence of British troops would be neces sary were New Zealand to become a portion of the Empire, and there was reluctance to undertake this obligation. It was not until the hands of the Government were forced by the action of the New Zealand Company, under the guidance of Edward Gibbon Wakefield, that the action was eventually taken, which resulted in New Zealand coming under the British Crown.—Earl Jellicoe.
Of the historical background of the events which have thus far come under our notice, little or nothing has been written in the foregoing pages, but the time has now arrived when we should look over the face of the world and observe some of the circumstances which were destined to place the foundation of a Scottish colony in New Zealand within the realm of contingency. Leaving aside for the moment the crisis which was rapidly approaching in the Church of Scotland, we turn our attention to the great movement of migration which was taking place, and which included within its far-flung range the most distant and the least developed of the islands of the Southern Seas.
From the time of the establishment of the British colonies in North America at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the story of overseas settlements has been a somewhat chequered one, for the law of the survival of the fittest has been exemplified on the broadest human scale. The successful colonies became the foundations of prosperous communities, whilst those which perished by the way gradually sank into oblivion. Among the most unfortunate enterprises of the latter sort was the illfated expedition to Darien in 1698, which was organised in Scotland. The tragical failure of that colony, which was named New Caledonia, and included sites bearing the titles of New Edinburgh and New St. Andrews, sadly dashed the hopes of Scotsmen, and touched their national pride to the quick. Their enthusiasm for colonisation never quite recovered from the dreadful blow. The planting of colonies in Australia on an initial basis of a penal settlement, followed by a growing influx of free emigrants, opened up further colonisation in the southern hemisphere, along the enormous coastline of the continent, and subsequently prepared the way for British settlement in New Zealand.
Emigration became the dominant social theme in Great Britain towards the middle of the century. The need for an outlet for the surplus population was becoming more and more evident. The terrible poverty of workless multitudes in the period ensuing upon the Napoleonic wars, the introduction of machinery, and contemporary changes in the world's markets, gave urgency to the impulse to seek a livelihood in a new land under more promising conditions. It is hard for us to realise the immensity of the exodus which took place from the Homeland about the time we are now considering. From 1815 to 1852 nearly 3,500,000 left Great Britain and Ireland for other lands; and, of these, about half took their departure in the 'forties. During the period of 1841-1850 the emigrants to Australia numbered 127,124, and those to other places, excluding America, 34,168.
It is mainly due to one man, the greatest colonial statesman of the age, that the subject of colonisation was lifted to a higher level, and applied to the unique opportunities which were presenting themselves to the British nation in remote portions of the globe. That man was Edward Gibbon Wakefield. He was born in London in 1796, three weeks before Thomas Burns saw the light in Mossgiel. His "amazing career" should be familiar to every student of colonial history. His imprisonment for abduction of a young heiress from a boarding-school gave his thoughts a turn in the direction of colonisation. As his biographer, Richard Garnett, says:
A disgrace which would have blasted the career of most men made Wakefield a practical statesman and a benefactor to his country. Meditating, it is probable, emigration upon his release, he turned his attention while in prison to colonial subjects, and acutely detected the main causes of the slow progress of the Australian colonies in the enormous size of the landed estates, the reckless manner in which land was given away, the absence of all systematic effort at colonisation, and the consequent discouragement of immigration and dearth of labour.
The books of Wakefield—his "Letter from Sydney" (written really in Newgate prison), and his "England and America," which included his work on "The Art of Colonisation," placed before the British public his theories of the subject, which had in the meantime become the chief interest of his life. Many of his shorter writings appeared anonymously in the Spectator, and also in the Colonial Gazette (which was started through his influence in December, 1838), and undoubtedly his publications helped to mould opinion in the Empire regarding the best mode of establishing the colonies. His visit to Canada as private secretary to Lord Durham, and the subsequent publication of the Durham Report, which has been called "the charter of constitutional government in the colonies," extended the scope of the new ideas regarding the Britain which was growing up overseas.
But the part which "Wakefield took in founding the South Australian Company, by means of which the colony of South Australia was established in 1834, did even more to prepare for his work on behalf of New Zealand than his multifarious publications. In 1837 the New Zealand Association was started with Wakefield as managing director. On his return from Canada he threw himself with great zeal into the promotion of the New Zealand Company, which succeeded the earlier association on May 2, 1839. Among the directors were Lord Durham (chairman), Lord Petre, Charles Buller, and Joseph Somes, who became chairman after the death of Durham. The object of the New Zealand Company, which was destined to play such an important part in subsequent history, was to promote the colonisation of New Zealand on the lines of Wakefield's system, and as an integral part of the British Empire.
The theories propounded by Wakefield were partly derived from some suggestions contained in Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations."
"England and New Zealand," by A. J. Harrop, page 27. On the debt of Wakefield to Robert Gourlay, of Canada, for fruitful ideas, see Harrop's "England and New Zealand," pp. 28 and 32.
While clearly recognising the value of emigration as a means of relieving over-population and distress at home, Wakefield and his friends rightly maintained that the welfare of the infant colonies must be considered. They were not to be regarded as mere dumping-grounds for criminals or paupers, but as component parts of the British Empire, with a great future before them. Wilmot Horton had spoken of the "shovelling out of paupers" to places "where they might die without shocking their betters with the sight or sound of their last agony."
Quoted from "A Speech of Charles Buller, M.P., in the House of Commons on Tuesday, April 0, 1843. Appendix No. 1 of E. G. Wakefield's "Art of Colonisation" (London, 1849), p. 492.
Wakefield's view was the antithesis of this inhuman policy. The greatest care, he said, ought to be given to the selection of emigrants, who should be young, strong, and healthy, preferably newly married, and of good character. The colony should reproduce the main social features of the Homeland, with a proper balance of capitalists and labourers. Land should not be given away, but purchased at a price sufficiently high to ensure that there would be no easy way of ownership of land, and no shortage of men willing to work for others. Without labour the land was valueless. On the other hand labourers should be able to buy land for themselves after they had rendered the necessary service in developing the community. This was Wakefield's doctrine of "the sufficient price," which figures in all contemporary and later discussions of the subject. The proceeds of the sales of land were to be devoted to bringing out fresh emigrants as the colony continued to advance. Politically, the colonies should be free to govern themselves. It was the height of folly to endeavour to rule them from the Colonial Office situated 10,000 or 12,000 miles away from the settlement, and separated by about a year's interval between the outgoing and the returning mails.
There was still another feature of Wakefield's theory of colonisation which was to have an even greater influence upon the foundation of Otago and Canterbury than the aspects which have just been described. It is known as the "class settlement." A colony is vastly helped in establishing, itself on a sure basis if there is a bond of racial and religious sympathy uniting its members. The environment of civilisation should be carried with the settlers to their new home. Just as in transplanting a shrub we convey the soil which clings about the roots to the prepared place in the garden, so, in planting colonies, the amenities of life, church, school, and social customs should accompany the early settlers to their future abode. This suggestion appears in the following statement of Wakefield:—
In colonising North America the English seem to have thought more about religious provisions than almost anything else. Each settlement was better known by its religion than by any other mark. A careful inspection of their doings leaves the impression that their object was, each body of them respectively, to find a place where its own religion would be the religion of the place; to form a community the whole of which would be of one religion, or at least to make its own faith the principal religion of the new community. I am in hopes of being able, when the proper time shall come for that part of my task, to persuade you that it would now be easy for England to plant sectarian colonies; that is, colonies with the strong attraction for superior emigrants of a peculiar creed in each colony.
"Art of Colonisation," p. 158ff.
Although the foregoing principles of Wakefield were never carried out in their entirety and to the letter in any of the colonies founded during his lifetime, the new teaching and practice gradually changed the policy of the Empire in relation to settlement overseas. Emigation ceased to be a haphazard affair. The welfare of the thousands who sailed from British shores was studied with fresh interest. The arrangements on board ship were carefully investigated and improved, and undoubtedly the New Zealand Company performed a great work in this direction. But, as has been said above, Wakefield's system of colonisation was never realised in all its details. The South Australian colony was disowned by its chief promoter.Wellington, New Plymouth, and Nelson were but stepping-stones on the way to success. It was reserved for Otago and Canterbury to approach most nearly to Wakefield's ideal of colonisation as class settlements, and they were privileged to benefit in many respects from partial failures in other places.
It would lead us too far from our main theme to endeavour to trace the history of New Zealand during the period under consideration, or even to describe the conditions of anarchy which existed there at the time of the rise of the New Zealand Company. It must suffice to state that "Wakefield and his supporters, disappointed in the trend of events in Australia, turned their attention to these beautiful islands as the most suitable territory remaining for colonisation. Although they were inhabited by Maori tribes, whose ferocity had often been described in greater detail than their other remarkable characteristics, although the white population consisted mainly of a few missionaries and settlers in the north, and small groups of whalers, sealers, and traders scattered all round the coasts of the three islands; although the future possession of New Zealand by the British Crown seemed to be a matter of grave uncertainty, the colonisers presented with zeal and resolution their case for speedy settlement by citizens of the United Kingdom. It is not too much to say that, whatever may be the defects of Wakefield's doctrine of "the sufficient price," he and his followers did invaluable service to the British Empire in peopling New Zealand with colonists of our own blood, and in securing the present Dominion as one of the best colonies of the Imperial connection. We may be content to echo the verdict of W. Pember Reeves, when we quote his saying about Wakefield, that he "found colonisation a by-word, and left it a branch of statesmanship."
W. P. Reeves, "State Experiments in Australia and New Zealand."
Chapter VI.The Proposed New Colony.
And now, dear countrymen, we sympathise with you in your feelings, which are no doubt tender, in leaving the land of your fathers—it may be for ever—and are persuaded that as Scotchmen you are not likely soon to forget your last view of its rocky shores as these fade and disappear in the distant horizon. Other lands, rich and sunny though they be, will, to those who have reached maturity, still want the tender associations of early life, and the hallowed recollections of a Scottish Sabbath with its simple but effective accompaniments. She expects you will be distinguished among the natives of other lands for your high moral bearing, your honest and persevering industry, and your habitual reverence for God and the things of God.—Pastoral Address of the Presbytery of Paisley to Emigrants, October, 1839.
The New Zealand Company lost no time in getting to work. Despite the opposition of the Colonial Office, under Lord Normanby, to a proposed settlement in New Zealand, the ship Tory was dispatched from England on May 5, 1839, with Colonel William Wakefield, the brother of Edward Gibbon, on board, accompanied by representatives and experts chosen by the Company, as a preliminary party commissioned to prepare the way for a new colony in the vicinity of Cook Strait. This event marks an epoch in the history of New Zealand, for it helped to determine the priority of the British over the French in the claim to future colonisation, and it led directly to the establishment of the settlement at Port Nicholson, on which Wellington now stands. With the accession of Lord John Russell to the Colonial Office a more favourable attitude was adopted towards the New Zealand Company, although Mr (afterwards Sir) James Stephen, the influential Under-secretary, continued for many years to oppose all such efforts at colonisation. The Church Missionary Society and the Wesleyan Missionary Society denounced the proposed settlement of Europeans in New Zealand as being inimical to the interests of the Maoris. The energetic secretary of the Church Missionary Society, Mr Dandeson Coates, was in constant and sympathetic communication with Stephen.
See "The Colonisation of New Zealand," by J. S. Marais; chap. II on "The Opponents of Colonisation," and chap. III on "The Genesis of the New Zealand Company."
Zeal for the missionary cause and consideration for the Natives lest they should be ruined by contact with the white race were the chief motives of these men in seeking to check colonisation, especially by the New Zealand Company, which they distrusted as a capitalistic venture. And, while we all today rejoice in the acquisition of the Dominion to the Empire, few, looking backwards over the intervening history, would be willing to deny that the fear of the evils of civilisation was entirely without justification.
Agents of the Company were busy in Scotland and elsewhere on behalf of the colony. Glasgow and the West of Scotland had committees at work to recruit emigrants, who were to take their departure from the Clyde. The first Scottish colony in New Zealand was the direct result of the activity of the Company and the sympathetic cooperation of the Church of Scotland. To celebrate the sailing of the Bengal Merchant, a great colonisation dinner was held in October, 1839, at the Trades Hall. Speeches were delivered by the Rev. Norman Macleod (the great "Dr Norman" of later days) and Sheriff Alison (afterwards Sir Archibald, the historian of Europe). Prophecy, mingled with a certain ignorance, amuses us in the verse of the Poet Laureate, Southey, who was quoted with fervour by Alison in the course of his oration:—
Come, bright improvement in the car of time, And rule the spacious world from clime to clime. Thy handmaid, Art, shall every wild explore, Trace every wave and culture every shore; On Zealand's hills, where tigers steal along And the dread Indian chants a dismal song; Where human fiends on midnight errands walk And bathe in brains the murderous tomahawk; There shall the flocks on thymy pastures stray, And shepherds dance at summer's opening day.
Glasgow Constitutional, October 26, 1839.
The Bengal Merchant sailed from the Clyde on October 31, 1839. It was indeed an historic occasion. The Lord Provost of Glasgow went on board prior to the weighing of the anchor, with a large party of visitors, and addressed the emigrants, who numbered 161, reminding them that "they were about to lay the foundation of a colony which in time might become a great nation, a second Britain."
Accompanying the party was the Rev. JohnMacfarlane, who for three years had been in charge of Martyrs' Church, Paisley. He was appointed to be minister to the Presbyterian settlers, and received £900 from the Church of Scotland in advance on his stipend of £300 per annum for three years. Mr Macfarlane thus became the first minister sent out from the Homeland to attend to the spiritual needs of the white settlers. The colony, which was started at Port Nicholson on the arrival of the Bengal Merchant early in 1840, together with the Cuba, the Aurora, the Oriental, and the Adelaide, which sailed at various dates from Gravesend, was not characterised as a class settlement, nor were the preparations made beforehand in harmony with the ideals of the Wakefield scheme. The whole enterprise was somewhat marred by haste and lack of forethought, defects which were not entirely avoided in the later establishments of the New Zealand Company at New Plymouth and Nelson. Mr Macfarlane's appointment as minister to the emigrants was made possible by the assistance of the Colonial Committee of the Church of Scotland. The first settlement in Port Nicholson was on the plain beside the Hutt River, but ere long it was moved to the head of the bay, where Wellington now stands.
See "History of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand," by Rev. JohnDickson, M.A., for a fuller account of the Wellington Church in relation to the early days of the settlement.
The year 1840 will ever be memorable in the annals of New Zealand, not only on account of the planting of the colony in Port Nicholson, but because of the Treaty of Waitangi, on February 12, between Captain Hobson, the first Governor, and the Maori chiefs, who thereby acknowledged the sovereignty of Queen Victoria in return for British protection. Also the New Zealand Journal was started by the Company in London on February 8, and it continued to publish the news affecting colonial developments for many years. In the same year, on May 15, a number of influential men met in Glasgow to petition the Queen and Parliament to annex the Islands of New Zealand and to thwart the French, who were proposing to establish a penal settlement there. The movement for emigration to New Zealand was still progressing, and in Glasgow, and Paisley, the big weaving centre, meetings were held for the furtherance of this object. A memorial was prepared and signed by more than 3000 Scottish working-men asking Lord John Russell, then Colonial Secretary, for a free passage and a small piece of land, if only for "a cow's grass and a kail yard"—a pathetic evidence of the condition of the people. "Taking Paisley as an index, in a population of 44,000, one quarter, or 11,000, were actully out of work and starving. Others were working 16 hours out of the 24 to keep body and soul together on a pittance of seven or eight shillings a week."
"Contributions to the Early History of New Zealand" (Otago), by T. M. Hocken, p. 5.
But few were found ready to make the long and hazardous voyage to the distant islands inhabited by the warlike Maoris. It was known also that the settlements were disturbed by troubles and dissensions among the white colonists. Thus by 1842 the first stage of emigration to New Zealand from Scotland had come to a close for all practical purposes.
In one of his letters Thomas Burns refers to his interest in emigration to New Zealand as having been especially aroused in 1837, probably just after the completion of the new church building at Monkton. In all the succeeding years he doubtless kept in touch with the movement, reading all that was in the press on the subject, and, as likely as not, seeing the Spectator, the Colonial Gazette, and the New Zealand Journal when they appeared. The statement has been made that he was deeply interested in the Scottish party that left in 1839, and that he was present at the dinner which was addressed by Macleod and Alison. He was familiar with the main events that transpired in the tardy colonisation of New Zealand, and he knew of the setback which came when Lord Stanley took office in the Peel Government in succession to Lord John Russell as Secretary for the Colonies, in August, 1841. The later rise of the definite New Edinburgh scheme must have claimed an even greater share of his attention and interest.
On July 28, 1842, Mr George Rennie appears on the scene as the champion of a fourth proposed colony in New Zealand. On that date Mr Rennie wrote his letter to the directors of the New Zealand Company. That letter was published shortly afterwards, with correspondence from the Company, in the Colonial Gazette, and it appeared also in Chambers's Journal, which claimed to have the largest circulation of any such periodical in Scotland. The suggestions probably emanated from "Wakefield and Rennie in consultation with each other. The letter proposed that a fourth colony—that is, in succession to Wellington, New Plymouth, and Nelson which had just been planted by the Company—should be established. It must, he said, be different from all others by being thoroughly prepared for; by having all necessary surveys done, roads made, and wharves built before the settlers actually arrived. Also, there should be adequate provision for religion and education, beyond what had been suggested in the past. Capitalists and labourers were to be represented in due proportion, according to the needs of the settlement. An area of 100,600 acres was sufficient, divided into 1000 suburban sections of 20 acres each and 1000 rural sections of 80 acres each. For the town 600 acres were to be held for streets, roads, wharves, reserves, etc., and 400 acres were to be divided up into 1600 sections of a quarter acre each; of these 600 were to be kept for sale at an advanced price of £25. One "allotment" was considered to include a town, a suburban, and a rural section, and it was valued at £125. The proceeds of the sales were to be shared by the New Zealand Company and a fund devoted to emigration and public works.
This communication was signed by Mr Rennie, "on behalf of a body of persons who contemplate the formation,, under the auspices of the Company, and on the plan herein sketched out, of a settlement in New Zealand, to, be situated on the eastern coast of the Middle Island."
Colonial Gazette, No. 195.
After some deliberation the directors approved generally of the proposals, provided that public support and Government assistance should be forthcoming. They threw the responsibility for the further promotion of the scheme upon the shoulders of Mr Rennie. The breach between the Company and the Government was wide enough, and the directors did not wish to appear as suppliants for more favours from the hands of the grim Lord Stanley. There was no official recognition accorded to the Company by the Government for the lands already purchased in New Zealand, running into millions of acres, and until a clear title could be secured from the Crown the affairs of the Company appeared to be in very great jeopardy. This difficulty, however, was apparently soon surmounted by the Government's recognition of a grant to the Company on the basis of one acre for every five shillings actually expended in the settlements, provided that the Maori title to the land had been genuinely transferred to the Company. With that proviso the directors came into possession of a million acres. The investigation of claims was entrusted to a Mr Spain, a special commissioner, who was dispatched to Wellington for the purpose. In May, 1843, the way seemed to be open for a definite advance with the new scheme, and it soon entered upon a fresh phase as a distinctly Scottish and Presbyterian enterprise.
Who was this Mr Rennie, who looms up so suddenly in the course of events connected with the movement of emigration from Scotland? Dr T. M. Hocken, amid many wonderful services to the history of Otago, has earned our gratitude for the biographical sketch given in his book. George Rennie was a comparatively young man of 30 years of age when he entered the lists on behalf of Scottish colonisation. He had quite an interesting career behind him, as "agriculturist"—blessed word of the period, like "Mesopotamia"—as artist and sculptor, familiar with the antiquities and masterpieces of Rome, as a reformer in politics, ship building, and the lay-out of London park lands, as an ex-member of the House of Commons—after a year's representation of Ipswich—and now as a promoter of a colonial undertaking from Scotland, involving his own prospective departure for the Antipodes as the superintendent as soon as success should grace his plans. The question of his fitness to be the leader of such an enterprise will ere long occupy our minds, as we come upon the clash of controversy which ensues between him and the Free Church representatives, and the question recurs as we follow the fortunes of the hardy settlers amid the rough hills and plains of Otago. But let none of these differences of opinion blind us to the valuable services which Mr George Rennie gave to the early stages of the movement when it was most in need of a champion.
Early in 1843 a name to be forever associated with the foundation of the new colony comes under our notice. Enter William Cargill! By appointment he calls upon Mr Rennie, and they agree to approach the Company again with modified proposals. Cargill was nearly twice Rennie's age, but he was still full of energy and resourcefulness. He could claim descent from Donald Cargill, covenanter and martyr. William Cargill was born on August 28, 1784, at Edinburgh, and educated at the High School of that city. He had seen much active service in the British Army, first in India and then in the Peninsular War. He was seriously wounded at Busaco, but later was able to rejoin his regiment, the 74th Highlanders, and he was afterwards promoted to the rank of captain. In 1821, having retired from the army, he was attracted by the colonies, and thought on more than one occasion of emigrating to Canada. However, he settled down to banking pursuits, and remained for the most part in London. This experienced, sagacious officer was keenly interested in Mr Rennie's proposals, and became more and more completely associated with the scheme. Under the hands of Rennie and Cargill, and in the light of the great event of the Disruption, the distinctively Scottish and Presbyterian undertaking was shaped, and was presented once more in a modified form as a scheme for the patronage of the New Zealand Company.
The idea of a sectarian colony was not originated by Rennie and Cargill. As already stated, Wakefield had suggested such a basis of settlement in his earlier writings. But it had been taking definite form (as a practical plan for an Anglican community overseas) some years before the enterprise which we associate with Canterbury was launched. A letter addressed by Wakefield to his sister, and undated, but evidently written in May, 1843—after "the settlement of our differences with Stanley," to quote part of the postscript—reveals the design of the coloniser:
The project of a new colony in New Zealand is so nearly ripe that I want to talk with you and Charles about it. It will be a Church of England colony—that is, the foundation fund of the colony will contain ample endowments for religious and educational purposes in connection with our Church exclusively. A body of colonists will be formed here in conjunction with eminent clergymen and laymen of the Church of England, and this body will mature the plan and offer it to the New Zealand Company, by whom it will be accepted. The project, which is mine own, is warmly approved, and will have the zealous support of the Church and eminent laymen. Dr Hinds, who is here, will work at it.
Quoted by Marais, "Colonisation of New Zealand," p. 310.
But at this juncture the formation of the Free Church of Scotland gave a new turn to events.
Chapter VII.The Disruption.
No thinking man could look on the unexampled scene and behold that the temple was rent without pain and sad forebodings. No spectacle since the Revolution reminded one so forcibly of the Covenanters. What similar sacrifice has ever been made in the British Empire? It is the most honourable fact for Scotland that its whole history supplies.
—Lord Cockburn.
In view of the Union of the great Churches of Scotland in the year 1929 it is almost impossible for us to realise the passionate intensity of the fervour which prevailed when the Free Church was formed as a huge secession from the Church of Scotland, as by law established, in the year of grace 1843. It is unnecessary to relate the long story of the ten years' conflict, which culminated in the Disruption. Happily for us those issues belong to the past century. With thankfulness we recall the reconciliation which has taken place in the past decade, following upon the introduction of reforms in the Church, and the growth of charity and fellowship in the Christian community at Home and abroad.
It will be sufficient to remind the readers of these pages of the main issues which precipitated the crisis in the National Church. For 100 years secessions had been taking place, owing to the sense of spiritual need, which the formal Church did not satisfy. By the year 1833 the evangelical party had grown into a majority of the General Assembly. Under the leadership of Dr Thomas Chalmers three measures for church extension were passed, but the State refused to grant support for the new charges, and the law courts declared the resolutions to be incompetent, as the Establishment was entirely subject to the State and its enactments. The Church petitioned the Crown and Parliament in its claim of right of 1842 on behalf of its spiritual independence. Closely allied with this plea was the demand for the abolition of lay patronage in the appointment of ministers to vacant charges. As early as 1824 a society had been formed to seek relief from the pressure of patronage, a system which was supported by statute law. Conflict soon ensued between the presbyteries of the Church and the civil courts regarding the validity of appointments which had been made by patrons in opposition to the will of the congregations concerned. Church legislation was declared by the judges to be null and void unless authorised by statute law. Either the Church must sacrifice rights which seemed to be essential to her spiritual function or a break must be made with the existing ecclesiastical order.
The crisis came on May 18, 1843, when the General Assembly met in St. Andrew's Church, Edinburgh. The retiring Moderator, the Rev. Dr David Wesh, professor of church history in the University of Edinburgh, on taking the chair, read a protest to the effect that the civil court had subverted what had ever been understood to be the Church, and that he and those who agreed with him were about to abandon an establishment which they felt to be repugnant to their vows and consciences. Followed by hundreds of ministers and elders, Dr Welsh walked out of the church, and the procession was hailed with acclamation in the streets by the crowds that had assembled. At Canonmills Hall the Free Church of Scotland was constituted under the moderatorship of Dr Chalmers.
Of the 451 ministers who seceded from the National Church there were more than 200 country ministers who, to quote Principal Cunningham, "sacrificed almost everything for the opinions they had espoused. With their wives and little ones they were obliged to tear themselves away from their manses and manse gardens; from the snug study, the laboratory of spiritual thoughts; from the rose bush on the wall, which had been trained by their own hand; the shady walk, associated with so many memories of the past; the shrubs and trees which by every successive tier of branches chronicled only too faithfully the passing years of their life and ministry."
"The Church History of Scotland," by Principal John Cunningham, D.D., vol. II, p. 534.
Among these heroic country ministers was Thomas Burns, who, having possessed a comfortable living and manse, was, by his devotion to the Free Church principle, impelled to make a very great sacrifice, in which his wife and children were involved equally with himself. He had all along attached himself to the evangelical party in the Church, and, as the issues became more and more clearly defined, he bravely faced the loss of all things for the sake of his principles. Accompanied by his friends and copresbyters, the Rev. E. B. Walace, of Barr, and the Rev. James Stevenson, of Newton-on-Ayr, Burns walked in the procession from St. Andrew's Church to the hall at Canonmills. The late Mrs Jane Bannerman, the second daughter of Dr Burns, left a vivid description of the events of those days of sacrifice, and I cannot do better than quote from her narrative:—
It seems to me a long time to look back to 1843, and yet I can recall so vividly the beautiful manse, with the plantation on one side and the row of beech trees, on one of which we had our swing, the hawthorn hedges, the long gravel walk bordered by the churchyard. I think I could fill pages describing the beauty of the place. What a peaceful, happy home the old manse was; our father spared no pains to improve and beautify it. The house looked away across green fields to the blue distant hills of Carrick, and at night we could count the fires of the different coal mines which lay between. A high wall shut us in from the quiet little village of Monkton, and at one side there was a door in the wall which led in to the churchyard, where stood the old church, the roof gone, but still strong in its stone work, the outside stairs leading to galleries once. There are fine carvings still on the stone work, but the building is covered with thick ivy, the home of many a bird. This churchyard is, of course, haunted, and we heard of many things, startling and wonderful, filling the mind with vague fears. But this was not the only haunted place. Quite near, only across the fields, was the old house of Orangefield. Very dreadful were the stories the servants told us of things that took place.
Monkton is a quiet old place. The cottages are occupied by farm labourers for the most part. Of course, I am writing of what it was many years ago. There were many things of interest about it. but the thing I like best to write is a story our father used to tell of a minister who lived there in the old Covenanting time. He seems to have been a man of great piety, and in those days this meant a man who carried his life in his hands. Where our garden stood was in his time a thicket of gorse and broom, and the minister often retired to pray and meditate there. One day the troopers entered the manse, and, not finding the minister there, went to this thicket and found him engaged in prayer. They shot him on his knees, and left him to be taken up by any who cared to run the risk of being themselves suspected.
It must have been about the end of 1842 when I remember first hearing of the questions which were agitating thoughtful minds in Scotland, and no one knew what was to be the issue. There is no need for me to repeat history, now so well known, even if I had the ability to write it. My first recollection of these events is hearing our parents speak of going to Australia, and then of Canada, and this last was, I think, a very serious intention.
Then we began to hear of leaving the church and manse, "coming out" it was called. One day I asked my father if it would be nicer to "stay in," and he said: "Yes, to him it would!" After that I had no more speculations or doubts, our father had his mind made up. He put the place in order, added no more improvements, discharged his manservant, finding him a good place in County Antrim, in Ireland, as land steward, and set his affairs in order. Then he gave his thoughts to the works which crowded thick and fast upon him. The Presbytery of Ayr numbered 33 ministers. Only 11 left the Establishment, and they were all young men. Our father being the oldest (about 45), it fell to him to guide and encourage the others in those difficult times. He took a leading part in the work, holding meetings and explaining to the people the perplexing questions that were filling every one's mind at the time. The older ministers had no sympathy with "non-intrusion" principles, as they were called, and the gentry, with very few exceptions, did their utmost to thwart and hinder them. On one occasion father was to hold an evening meeting at Symington. The minister there had no sympathy with the times. He was an old man, and had an assistant, Mr Orr, a very amiable, pious young man, who was to take part in this meeting. They could get no place to meet in but a barn, and the night was most tempestuous. When they passed through the village every house was quiet, no one was astir; the rain fell in torrents. Mr Orr said they would have no meeting that night; things seemed against them. But father said: "Let us go on to the place, anyway." To their surprise the place was quite full; indeed crowded, so that they had difficulty to get in.
By May, when the ministers were to go to Assembly, the people about us were well informed, and they waited for the decision of the High Courts with as deep an interest as they who were in the centre. Our father went to Edinburgh, though not a member of Assembly that year, as did all the other ministers, and we eagerly read his letters. But one day I was the bearer of one having on the seal a medallion (as the fashion was then), with the words: "It is finished." I hurried home with the letter, and said eagerly: "Look at this; I am sure they have come out!" We gathered round our mother while she read the thrilling account of the proceedings of that eventful May 18, the quiet, solemn retiring from the old hall and the grave, orderly procession to Canonmills. I deeply regret that this letter was not preserved. Father often spoke of this event, and used to tell that, not being a member and the hall being crowded, he and our beloved friend Rev. James Stevenson were so awkwardly placed that they had to climb over a railing to get out with the others. He used to describe the grave, earnest faces of the ministers and the lookers-on—many of them in tears—and the deep silence that prevailed throughout the hall. After this we knew that we could not remain in the manse any longer. Mother set herself to the task before her most heroically. All the furniture to be sold was put into the front rooms, and. the things we were to keep were gathered into the study and back rooms. Places were found for the nurse and housemaid; the maid-servant we retained to move with us to our new home, and when father returned we were quite ready to go.
A house was found after some search in New Prestwick on the borders of the parish at a toll bar. One half of the house was in Prestwick and the other in Newton parish. Our things were sold early in June, when the place was at its loveliest. The rhododendrons, lilacs, and laburnums were in a blaze of beauty, and the flowers in profusion; everything was so beautiful. I shall never forget the day of the sale. It was a long, weary day for us, but it came to an end at last. Our furniture was sent on before us. At evening a cart came to the door. A few remaining articles were put in, and, weary and sore hearted, we were put into the cart beside our mother. How worn and sad she looked after that long and fatiguing day! I can see her yet as she sat so pale and patient with us around her, and the baby on her knee. Then we started and passed the grand old beeches and the empty outhouses, down the long avenue, and out into the dusty road. Our father and brother and a line of 13 followers on foot locked the front door and the outer gate, and thus we left one of the happiest and loveliest homes any family could enjoy. Even now as I write the old dreary feeling returns; I do not care to linger over it.
It was wonderful how soon we settled down and made our new house comfortable. It was not a convenient one, but the best we could get. It stood on the roadside, and our neighbours were rough and very noisy, especially on Saturday night. They were colliers of a very low, degraded type. But we lived on peacefully for nearly two years there. We went to a good ladies' school in Ayr; our brother attended the Wallacetown Academy until he went to sea.
The people in Ayrshire joined the Free Church in great numbers. The old parish churches were nearly deserted, but the proprietors had no sympathy with our principles. We had to worship in a farmyard; well do I remember it. The benches were placed among the cornstacks. We had our garden seat sent there before we left the manse, and seats were improvised in a rough way. Many of the old women carried stools, but the congregation mostly sat on the green bank sloping up to the woods. Our father preached in a "tent," so-called, but not like any tent I have ever seen before or since. It was more like a sentry box set on four legs, very ugly; but it served our turn, and many an earnest sermon was preached and listened to from it. It was from this box our father announced to his people his intention of going to New Zealand. I often recall our Communion on "the green"; a more solemn, thrilling scene I have never witnessed. A thousand people were assembled that day. The tables were long, three or four of them, and covered with white cloths; how still and quiet the people were, so orderly and reverent! They were mostly country people, farmers and their servants. One old lady, a widow, Mrs Reid, of Adamton, the chief proprietor (heritor) in the parish, came in her carriage, her old butler and house-keeper with her. There was no other carriage, but a good many carts and gigs, for many had come a long way. The day was threatening and very cloudy, the air still; we could hear the sound of the waves on the beach a mile off. Psalm 100 was sung, and the service began. Then the rain fell heavily, and continued to fall steadily till night. I remember our father as he stood at one of the long tables, the water dripping from the table cloth and the drops falling into the wine cup, mingling with the wine. Our dear Mr Stevenson, the same who was side by side with our father in that solemn walk from St. Andrew's Hall to Canonmills, was by his side, and sheltered his head with an umbrella from the rain.
Chapter VIII.The Minister of New Edinburgh.
Your leader ought to be one of that class of men, who, with a holy horror of being in debt, yet have no turn for money-making, or making themselves comfortable; men who are either moved by a stern sense of duty or whose delight is the happiness and approval of others. A man combining both motives would be your man.
—Edward Gibbon Wakefield.
(Letter to John Robert Godley, July 13, 1848.)
The events so beautifully described by the daughter of Dr Burns cover a period of transition which powerfully affected the prospects of the proposed colony. We have seen that a scheme was in course of preparation under the New Zealand Company. It was being fostered by Rennie and Cargill. The idea of a Scottish and sectarian settlement was lying at the back of their minds when the upheaval of the Disruption occurred. Five days after the crisis in the Church, Rennie and Cargill, then in London, approached the Company with a changed proposal. By this time the differences between the Colonial Office and the directors of the New Zealand Company had been patched up—only temporarily, as it proved— but the Company's title to land had been acknowledged. Accordingly, the way seemed to be open for an early start with a party of emigrants who might safely proceed to a site selected by the Company's principal agent in New Zealand. The colony should be Scottish and Presbyterian, with provision for religious and educational facilities, and the name of the new settlement was to be New Edinburgh. Englishmen and others who accepted the conditions would be welcomed into the proposed community; but the proceeds of the sale of land should be utilised in promoting the emigration of labourers from Scotland alone. Fresh "Terms of Purchase" were devised; and provision was made for a church-building fund of £5000, for ministers £10,000, and for schools another £10,000. The directors agreed to these proposals, at least in a general way, and so the New Edinburgh scheme was started on its chequered history.
The whole of Scotland had been stirred by the sacrifices made at the Disruption; and Rennie and Cargill interpreted the signs of the times as a great opportunity for pressing the claims of New Edinburgh. Surely, they said to themselves, the people who are willing to go into the wilderness for the sake of principle must represent the type who will undertake emigration to a virgin colony! The example of the Pilgrim Fathers, who had founded New England, was ever present in their minds, although the circumstances were by no means parallel.
See the leading article New Zealand Journal, July 8, 1843, in which the Pilgrim Fathers are referred to by way of comparison and contrast.
The great colonies which had been established by sturdy Christian men and women in America had been frequently adverted to by Wakefield; and, as we shall see, the reference was constantly brought into prominence by the advocates of the Scottish Free Church settlement. Certain it is that Rennie, immediately after the events just recorded, betook himself to Edinburgh, and there conferred with Dr Candlish and Mr Robert Cargill, a "Writer to the Signet and brother of William Cargill, with a view to bringing the scheme before the Free Church. Although the newly-formed Church had more than enough of difficulties confronting its ministers and members in Scotland, its vision of extending the Redeemer's Kingdom abroad seemed to be clearer than ever. Missionary and colonial schemes were placed in the forefront of the Assembly's business, and a Colonial Committee, under the convenership of the celebrated Dr Welsh, was formed at the first Assembly in Canonmills. An acting sub-committee was appointed in the capital, and the minute of that committee, bearing the date June 7, 1843, gives the evidence of this important business:—
It was stated by Mr Cargill that the New Zealand Company had come to the conclusion of providing permanently for the support of churches and schools in all their new settlements, and, as they were about to form a Scottish colony in New Zealand, they had set apart the sum of £25,000 for the sustentation of the ministry, the erection of places of worship, and the erection and endowment of schools in a settlement about to be formed in New Zealand, all in connection with the Free Church of Scotland, and that it was the desire of the Company that a minister and schoolmaster should be appointed in the meantime to accompany the first body of Scottish emigrants. The committee entered most cordially into the views of the Company, and assured Mr Cargill that they would use their best endeavour immediately to secure a suitable minister and teacher for New Zealand, and would, according to his suggestion, consider the best method of carrying out the munificent intentions of the Company.
This minute, signed by John Jaffray, interim secretary, was extracted from the records at the request of Mr Robert Cargill. The original is in the Hocken Library, Dunedin, and is a document of great historical value. So is the letter from Robert to William Cargill intimating' the enclosure of the extract minute. It is quaint and interesting as written:—
Edinburgh,June 29, 1843.My Dear Wm.,
The only official document which has been jettisoned is this extract, which I have just obtained from Mr Jaffray. Evidently the first object was to get a proper minister, and you saw how judicious and prompt were the endeavours of the committee as to that. The result was that Mr Burns came immediately to town, and, having communicated fully with Mr Rennic, as well as the committee, he was himself favourably disposed, and went to the country to consult his friends. There is yet no answer. Should he decline, there are other well-qualified ministers and, first, Doctor Mackay, of Dunoon, to be applied to.
I have taken care to possess Dr Welsh of your several suggestions, which will best be applied by the committee when they get an accepting minister to consult with them. Of course, they will recommend ministers when required, and while they will at this time appoint such as the Company may approve of, they will afterwards appoint, as they may be authorised, whether ministers or successors. But as to the modifying and securing of the endowments these are the concern of the colonists and the minister. At the same time the committee will in all views submit to the Company what arrangements are likely to be beneficial and satisfactory. Any minister now to be appointed will be in connection with the Free Australian Synod now organising until two Free Church ministers shall be got to form a Presbytery in New Zealand, which will connect with the same Synod. The patronage at each endowment will likely be vested in perpetuity in the Free Church.
Yours very faithfully,R. Cargill.
Volume entitled " Letters of Rennie and Dr Aldcorn" (manuscript collection in Hocken Library). See "Centenary History of the Presbyterian Church of New South Wales," by the Rev. Dr J. Cameron and the Rev. John Walker in connection with the references to the Free Australian Synod. Dr John Dunmore Lang, of Scots Church, Sydney, had already begun a movement for the separation of the Presbyterian Church in Australia from the State, and had renounced his civil endowment. On his return from Scotland and America he espoused Voluntaryism in an address given on February 6. 1842.
The words of the minute are of vital significance to the understanding of the original charter of the New Edinburgh settlement, as a distinctly Free Church enterprise, organised on the spiritual and educational side by the Free Church. But how different was the dream to be from the reality! The terms of the foregoing negotiations were destined to be the basis of a great controversy, the echoes of which would reverberate through the proceedings of the next four years. Meantime, however, the convener of the committee set about finding a suitable minister, and, as we have seen from Robert Cargill's letter, two names were soon selected in the order named, the Rev. Thomas Burns, of Monkton, and the Rev. Dr Mackay, of Dunoon. There proved to be no need to fall back upon the second nominee. It is interesting to know that Dr Mackay afterwards migrated to Victoria, and became the minister of the Gaelic Church in Melbourne.
While these negotiations were taking place, Burns bad returned to his former parish in the capacity of a minister of the Free Church congregation of Monkton, as described in the memoir of Mrs Bannerman. Having taken part in the "Ten Years' Conflict "with all the zeal of an evangelical champion he was devoted heart and soul to the Free Church and its great mission. He was held in high esteem by his brethren. He was placed on the Special Commission of the Assembly. He threw himself into the work of organising the Free Church in his own parish. All his former office-bearers, except one, and the majority of his congregation followed him. He founded the Ayr Free Church Presbytery, and was appointed to the clerkship. He helped to build up the cause at Ballantrae, his old charge, and at Troon. His connection with his own congregation of Monkton was soon cut short, however, by the announcement of his appointment to be the minister of the Scottish party which was expected to leave in a few months for New Edinburgh. As early as July his office-bearers knew of his intention, and the congregation, fearing that all the best ministers would soon be picked out for the numerous vacancies in the Free Church, prepared a call to his successor. He proved to be the Rev. John M'Farlan, the son of Dr Patrick M'Farlan, of Greenock. The father was deeply interested in colonisation. He appears in D. O. Hill's well-known picture of the Disruption Assembly, signing the Deed of Demission as the minister who renounced the largest stipend in Scotland. Dr Patrick M'Farlan became Moderator of Assembly in 1845, and he is especially remembered by us as the leader of public worship at the service which was held when the Philip Laing was about to sail from Greenock for Otago.
But we are anticipating. The overtures to Burns in regard to the New Edinburgh appointment are of great moment; and even more important are the motives which led him to accept the position. It is stated by Hocken that "for some months previously there had been an informal and tacit understanding between Captain Cargill and Mr Burns, that if the great movement were availed of the latter should be proposed as minister."
(3) Hocken's "Early History," p. 19. Probably Dr Hocken reached this conclusion from the evidence of the first letter of the Burns-Cargill correspondence, which is dated Edinburgh, May 30, 1843. There seems excellent reason for believing, however, that this, should have been dated 1845, and that Burns made a slip of the pen when writing in the year. The subject will be discussed later.
This would go to show that Burns and Cargill were already acquainted with each other, and that Burns was definitely aware of a probability that he might fill some such post in a Scottish expedition to New Zealand. It would be interesting to know the authority on which this statement was made by Dr Hocken. We have seen that Dr Welsh formally approached Burns with the proposal that he should be the nominee of the Colonial Committee of the Free Church for the position of minister to the Scottish settlement of New Edinburgh, and in this matter the recommendation of the committee was sure to receive the approval of the General Assembly. The name of Burns was brought before Dr Welsh by Mr Robert Chambers, the eminent writer and publisher, who, with his equally distinguished elder brother, took a deep interest in the proposed colony, as we shall have occasion to observe presently. Mr Chambers was well acquainted with Burns, and spoke very warmly of his high, sterling qualities and his willingness to endure hardship on the colonial field.
The answer given by Burns to this invitation was dictated by the purest and most spiritual motives. He was an earnest Christian man who desired before all else the extension of Christ's Kingdom to the uttermost parts of the earth. He was convinced that the evangelical message and the lofty ideals of the Free Church constituted the supreme blessing for mankind. He was also a fervent patriot, who loved his native land with all the warmth of a Scot, and he believed that Scotland had a place for herself in the portions of the southern hemisphere which were being occupied by the British race. It appeared to his clear, constructive mind that colonisation provided a wonderful opportunity for a great lay mission, which would be permanent in its nature and fruitful of good works throughout all future time. Writing of his decision to accept the post of minister to the colony, he thus expressed his feelings, as viewed from a later date:—
The subject was fully brought under my consideration in 1843 by the late lamented Dr Welsh, who was at that time convener of the Colonial Committee. After mature deliberation, I accepted the situation. It was not the least considerable of its recommendations that it had the sanction and warm approbation of a man of Dr Welsh's eminently sound judgment. Another promising feature was the auspicious bearing which the proposed plan of colonisation was calculated to have both in promoting the best interests of the colonists themselves and in lightening the future labours of the Colonial Committee at Home; and, lastly, it seemed to me that, under God, the effect of planting in that most interesting quarter of the world a carefully-selected section, in all its integrity, of our home Christian Society, would far exceed that of any mission whatever.
Letter to the Colonial Committee of the Free Church. See report of meeting of the Committee, October 5, 1847, published in the New Zealand Journal, October 9, 1847.
It is quite évident tliat the idea of a "class settlement" as a religious foundation, with provision for church and school under Free Church auspices, was of the utmost importance in commending the New Edinburgh scheme to Mr Burns. To his creative vision—which had something of the poetic quality of his Uncle Robert's genius, although working in an entirely different direction—the planting of a colony of Scottish Free Churchmen in the extreme south would mean the beginning of a growth of religious and national life which could hardly fail to affect the whole future of the Antipodes. The army of Christ would be immeasurably strengthened if a base were established in the southern hemisphere. It would help to take the forces of unrighteousness in the rear and enable them to be overthrown. He felt it to be the call of God that he should undertake this task of leading his fellow-countrymen to New Zealand, and he consecrated himself to the cause with the molten enthusiasm of a missionary and a patriot. It is impossible to appreciate the aims of the pioneers of the settlement unless their passionate fervour is realised with a measure of sympathy and understanding.
The second Assembly of the Free Church was held in Glasgow from October 17 to 24, 1843, and the New Edinburgh enterprise received the general approval of the highest court of the Church. The report of the Colonial Committee was more definite in its terms of approval than in later years of the protracted negotiations over the scheme:—
It affords your Committee high satisfaction to state that an application has been made to them for a minister and schoolmaster for the projected colony of New Edinburgh. This colony is in some respects peculiar—a principal feature of the plan being that a certain part of the purchase monies (£25,000) is to be set apart for ecclesiastical and educational purposes to parties holding the principles of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Your Committee embrace this opportunity of expressing the high approbation with which they regard the plan of special colonies, by means of which they trust that the provision made for educational and religious purposes will be rendered fully available, and those unseemly contentions prevented which have too often divided the settlers in other colonies. Your Committee would record their gratification that their countrymen, the Presbyterians of Scotland, have been selected as the class by whom the first experiment of the plan of a special colony is to be tried. They feel the deepest interest in the scheme and the most anxious desire for its prosperity; and, when they were applied to for the first minister to New Edinburgh, they conceived it to be their duty to seek out a man of well ascertained ability and worth. They consider themselves particularly happy in having secured the services of the Rev. Thomas Burns, late of Monkton, for this important sphere. They entertain the most confident persuasion that the emigrants will find in him a most affectionate friend, a prudent counsellor, and a faithful and devoted pastor; and they cannot doubt that with the blessing of God on his labours, New Edinburgh will speedily present such a scene of comfort, prosperity, and peace as will satisfy all of the wisdom which the governors of the New Zealand Company have evinced in adopting the plan of special colonies. Your committee have further to state that the New Zealand Company, with that enlightened liberality for which they are distinguished, have agreed to grant £150 per annum for three years for a minister at Nelson, the Colonial Committee guaranteeing a similar sum for the same period. Your Committee trust that they will soon be in a position to make an appointment in Nelson, where they are aware a Presbyterian minister will be hailed by their countrymen with feelings of the most cordial gratitude and joy.
See Scottish Guardian, October 27, 1843.
The report of the Colonial Committee was received by the Assembly on October 23, and the following resolution was adopted, inter alia, on the motion of the Rev. James Sym, the vice-convener, who presented the report:—
The General Assembly approve of the report, and concur in the approval expressed by the Committee of the plan of the special colony in New Zealand; and though fully sensible of the loss sustained by the Church at Home in her present straits in the transference of the services of the Rev. Thomas Burns at Monkton to that colony, they willingly relinquish him in consideration of his peculiar qualifications for the important station he has been called to occupy.
These were not merely conventional words of praise. Burns was held in very high esteem for his personal character and his work's sake. He had occupied one of the most important parishes in the west of Scotland, and had sacrificed his position for the service of the Free Church. We may picture him in the forty-eighth year of his age, tall, massive, with his hair beginning to turn grey, combining, in his strongly-marked personality, energy with dignity, quietness of demeanour with great determination of character. For the next four years he moves about Scotland, attends meetings in Edinburgh and Glasgow, speaks on behalf of the Free Church and the Scottish Emigration Scheme to various bodies, including the large congregations whom he was called upon to address as a minister of the Free Church.
The attitude of the General Assembly to the proposals brought before it through the Colonial Committee was distinctively favourable to the design of Rennie and Cargill. Everything looked exceedingly promising for the early consummation of their plans. The Free Church had given the enterprise all the support that could reasonably be expected of a spiritual court. Governor Fitzroy, of whom great things were expected, had taken his departure for New Zealand, carrying with him the authority of the Colonial Office to select a suitable site for the Scottish colony, preferably at Port Cooper. The promoters of the scheme announced the departure of the first party for the spring, as the autumn sailing would mean arrival at the end of the New Zealand summer, and lack of time for thorough preparation.
But there were not wanting signs of impending trouble, based mainly upon two issues, namely, uncertainty as to the exact meaning of the term "Presbyterianism," under the auspices of which the colony was to be founded; and, secondly, the extent of financial help which the New Zealand Company would actually provide for religious and educational purposes. Hocken takes a strange attitude in discussing the Assembly's resolutions. He comments on the reference to the Company's promise to find £25,000 for these objects, and adds, "Yet no such special agreement appeared in the prospectus issued, nor even in Mr Rennie's letter of May 23 to the directors. This serious difference was the fruitful source of much misgiving and soreness later on."
Hocken, op. cit., pp. 20-21.
But, surely, Hocken has overlooked the distinct inclusion of £5000 for church building fund, £10,000 for ministers, and £10,000 for schools and masters, in the Terms of Purchase submitted on May 23 to the Colonial Committee, after conference with the New Zealand Company, and quoted by Hocken on page 16 of his book! The reader of the New Zealand Journal comes upon fre-quentfrequent references to the same subject,
E.g., New Zealand Journal, July 8, 1843, in the leading article, and August 19, 1843 (no actual sum given here). See also the extract minute of June 7, 1843, above.
and it is difficult to understand how such a careful historian as Dr Hocken failed to realise that the Free Church had solid grounds for regarding the provision for church and school as a definite promise of aid to the extent of the sum named. But whatever the basis of the undertaking may have been, one thing is certain, the money was never paid for the purposes indicated. The other matter which began to cause dissension was the interpretation of the denominational basis of the New Edinburgh enterprise; and that issue soon became acute in the correspondence which ensued between Burns, Cargill, and Rennie, of which mainly one strand, from Burns to Cargill, has been preserved to us.
Chapter IX.The Controversy with Mr Rennie.
The consideration of the weight of duty that lieth upon us, to commemorise to future generations the memorable passages of God's providence to us and our predecessors in the beginning of this plantation, hath wrought in me a restlessness of spirit and earnest desire that something might be achieved in that behalf, more (or at least otherwise) than as yet hath been done. Many discouragements I have met with, both from within and without myself, but reflecting upon the ends I have proposed to myself in setting out in this work it hath afforded me some support, viz., the glory of God and the good of present and future generations.
—Nathaniel Morton.
(Introduction to New England's Memorial.)
In July, 1843, Mr Rennie issued an address to farmers, which was widely distributed throughout the rural districts of Scotland on behalf of the proposed new settlement. In the course of this address Mr Rennie refers to the appointment of the minister to the colonial party, and estimates Mr Burns very highly. He is "an approved, good minister, a man who has experience in the discharge of ministerial duties, and who is moreover a judicious, warm-hearted friend, and what is of no little importance in a new settlement, a skilful, practical agriculturalist."
N.Z. Journal, 1843, p. 209.
As it was expected that Rennie would be the superintendent of the undertaking which was to start in a few months, this expression of his confidence in Burns was a good augury for their future relations. But radical differences of opinion grew up between Rennie and the Free Church leaders, including Burns and Cargill, in a short space of time, even before the October Assembly, which ratified the appointment of Burns as the minister of New Edinburgh.
The Hocken Library preserves a collection of 141 letters which Burns wrote to Cargill from September, 1843. to April, 1847, during the period when the Scottish scheme passed through all the stages between failure and success. Unfortunately, we have not Cargill's letters to Burns, but only the replies of the latter. When Dr Burns died in 1871 his son, for some inscrutable reason, destroyed most of the valuable papers which had been preserved by his father. The loss to the history of the province by this catastrophe is irreparable. However, we can only be thankful that the diary of the voyage to Dunedin and the first few years of the colony survived the perils of time. And we must be grateful to the Cargill family for handing over the invaluable bundle of letters which Burns sent to Cargill during the three and a-half years in which the fortunes of the Scottish colony hung by a thread.
The first letter in this collection is dated Edinburgh, May 30, 1843, and is addressed to Captain Cargill. It was evidently written while the General Assembly was in session. An examination of the contents of the letter, however, reveals to critical eyes that the communication belongs to a later stage in the history of the negotiations, despite the fact that the Assembly was sitting on that date and that Burns was present. The letter exactly fits a similar occasion and date in 1845, when the Assembly was once more in Edinburgh.
The first suggestion of the later date of the composition of this letter was made by Mr F. M'Caskill, M.A., whilst engaged in research work on the life of Captain Cargill in 1928. Professor Elder, of the University of Otago, concurs in this opinion.
Doubtless the subject of the 1843 Assembly was so much in mind that Burns wrote, in a moment of absent-mindedness, the earlier year at the top of the page of his letter, which was really written on May 30, 1845. Here, in all probability, we find the evidence on which Dr Hocken based his statement that Burns and Cargill had for some time been in tacit agreement on the appointment of Burns to the post of minister to the Scotch colony. With the placing of the letter in the proper perspective that piece of evidence falls to the ground.
The first letter from Burns to Cargill is dated from New Prestwick on September 19, 1843, after the committee had nominated the minister and prior to the October Assembly which ratified the appointment. Burns is busily engaged in furthering the interests of the undertaking, and has a Mr M'Kinnell in view as the school-master for the settlement. He discusses various farmers and business men whose names have been mentioned to Mr Rennie as possible emigrants from Ayrshire. Burns is not at all optimistic as to their intentions of joining up with the party. He concludes the letter thus:—
When is it likely that you will be back in Edinburgh again? And do you still intend trying the north of Ireland? Another and more pertinent question: Do you hold it to be absolutely fixed that our expedition does actually start in March next? In short, that, your sales of land are such at this present moment as make it certain that the party will proceed at the time mentioned? If so, are you not afraid that the hour of securing labourers is shortening very fast?
The next letter shows that a crisis has arisen in the relationship of the proposed scheme to the Free Church, threatening to lead to a withdrawal of Burns from his nomination as minister, and the wrecking of the Free Church support for New Edinburgh. The letter is dated October 2:—
Whilst I was in Edinburgh last week some circumstances occurred—views and opinions came out which threaten to dissolve all connection between myself and the colony of New Edinburgh. Mr Rennie had requested me to come to Edinburgh that he might arrange with Mr Sym and myself as to religious instruction in the school of New Edinburgh. When we met and had tried unsuccessfully to settle this point Mr Rennie requested Mr Sym to read to him the constitution (which, although enlarged and added to and in some things altered a little by the Colonial Committee, is substantially the same as that drawn up by your brother). At the mention in the constitution of the connection of all future ministers with the Free Church, Mr Rennie declared that he would not, and could not, consent to it; would not because it might hurt the future sales of the Company's land in the colony; could not because the expression in the correspondence "that the plan of the colony shall comprise a provision for religious and educational purposes in accordance with the principles of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland"—this expression stands in the way of such an arrangement, and renders it incompetent for the Company now to tie down these funds in the direction either of the Free Church or the Establishment; and that it must be left an open question. Both of these objections appeared to us to be very ill-founded. We represented to him that the harmony and religious peace of the future colony demanded that the title to these funds should be fixed now, and Mr Sym declared to him in an earnest manner that such was his conviction of this necessity that rather than see the colony subjected to such a calamity of an endowment to be scrambled for by all who can profess that their religious views "are in accordance with the principles of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland," he would renounce all claims for the Free Church, that the course might be open for connecting them exclusively with the Establishment. I repeated the same sentiment for myself. It was all to no purpose.
The services of a lawyer, Mr SheriffSpiers, were invoked to throw the dry light of the law upon these matters. It was even suggested that the purchasers of land might be given an opportunity of expressing their opinions. The great object of Sym and Burns was to avoid future strife and dissension in the settlement—a possibility which was by no means remote, as the experience in existing colonies abundantly attested. With Presbyterianism divided into at least two antagonistic camps in the Homeland, the issues at stake were almost sure to be strongly pressed abroad. The question had a strong bearing upon education in its religious aspects.
Still more unsatisfactory are Mr Rennie's views in regard to the school of New Edinburgh. He first proposed, as you heard, that the religious instruction in the schools should be confined to two days in the week. When he saw that that would not be agreed to he proposed that whenever the pupils should receive their lessons in the catechism and in the Scriptures they should be all marched to the church and get their religious instruction in the church, and he proposes this arrangement for a colony, the whole labouring class of which are to be exclusively from Scotland. Scotch Presbyterians! After all that we could say he obviously is as much as ever determined on carrying his own views on this point. Again in a note I had from him after I left him he says: "That the system of tuition must be defined"—implying that he is to define it. And obviously to prepare me for what he is to propose he presented Mr Sym and me with a copy each of the ninth report of the commissioners of National Education in Ireland.
From further remarks of Mr Rennie, Burns gathered that so far from entrusting the appointment of a school-master to the Free Church, or even to the minister, he intended to approve of the selection himself.
Now I certainly conceived in common, I believe, with yourself, that the Colonial Committee were requested to nominate a schoolmaster as well as a minister. The committee and yourself, from a regard not so much to my feelings as to the success and prosperity of both church and school, requested me to look out for a schoolmaster. In Mr M'Kinnel I had found a man that met my views to a very gratifying degree. The members of the Colonial Committee, at least Dr Welsh and Mr Sym, have an equally favourable view of him. Yet Mr Rennie, without one word of ceremony or one objection to him but that he is unmarried, which I admit is an objection, and without asking Mr M'Kinnel if he would be willing to remove that objection, the whole matter is unceremoniously taken out of my hands and the hands of the committee, and a person is to be chosen whose qualifications shall be in accord with such impracticable views and opinions as it is sufficiently obvious Mr Rennie's are. Now I hope you will not misunderstand me. It is from no soreness of wounded personal feeling that I write; it is not even the slightest unwillingness to give way to a temper which appears to me to be not a little despotic and overbearing.
Neither have I the smallest itching for the exercise of patronage in this case. I have too great a sense of the heavy responsibility of such an appointment. If it had been yourself instead of Mr Rennie not one word of objection should have been heard from me. My apprehension proceeds from what I cannot help regarding as Mr Rennie's utter incompetency to judge of what is requisite to the proper establishment of a Presbyterian church and school. I should be sorry to say or do anything to hurt Mr Rennie's feelings. I should have preferred writing the substance of this letter to himself were it not that I am satisfied that nothing more is to be gained from discussing with him points on which he and I seem to differ so widely. Perhaps it may be as well to mention that, having occasion to send him a written note, I expressed myself to this effect: "I must defer till further leisure adverting more particularly to the other contents of your note which, taken in connection with what fell from you as to your own views, will lead me to review the whole of my position in connection with the New Edinburgh colony." I intended by this to hint to him that if the constitution is refused by the Company I would consider myself entitled to reconsider my engagement.
In this long and important letter Burns traverses most of the points which were to cause friction and dissension during the early years of the scheme in Scotland, and also in the settlement after its foundation. Although he did not adhere strictly to his attitude of unconditional opposition to Mr Rennie's proposals, Burns, with a truly prophetic insight, discerned the issues at stake, and he dreaded the rise of sectarian dissensions, from which probably even a denominational colony could scarcely hope to escape. Admittedly, his religious opinions were zealous, fervent, and intense, but he longed to avoid the incidence of sectarian wrangling in the new country to which his thoughts were ever turning. The charge of bigotry and fanaticism which he incurred by advocacy of "one religion for the place"
This was Wakefield's idea of a sectarian class settlement. See chap. V, supra.
he was not unprepared to meet, and it is a subject which will be frequently before our minds. Critics of intolerance often fail to note the historical situation as it existed at a given time and in a definite locality. The Pilgrim Fathers of North America believed that they were justified in keeping the ruling British regime of episcopacy at arm's length. They had crossed the sea to found a home of liberty for their faith. If the Puritans should fall into a minority, or if they should be subjected to the successors of the Star Chamber, their dearly-won freedom would become an illusion, and their last state might be worse than their first. It is well known to historians that sacrifices for liberty may prove to be the precursors of intolerance, and the exiles for conscience' sake may cherish a standard of conformity as rigid as that which they had left behind. Such is human nature, and let him that is without sin cast the first stone.
Rennie, being a man of a very different stamp from Burns and Cargill, and not sharing their Free Church views, was averse from making the colony too pronounced in its prevailing religious hue, and he was anxious to provide for his party of intending emigrants, many of whom were neither Scottish nor Presbyterian, whether of the Established or Free Church persuasion. The Company evidently shared his views, for the constitution submitted by the Colonial Committee of the Free Church was not accepted by the directors. The fact remained, however, that the promoters of the colony had approached the Free Church with the idea of founding a class settlement in which the Free Church interests should be paramount; and it was not at all surprising that a man like Burns, who had accepted a position in the scheme, expected that the assurances given to the Free Church would be loyalty carried out.
On October 24 Mr Rennie called on Burns at his home in New Prestwick, and Burns writes to Cargill:—
I have just parted from Mr Rennie, who met a few Ayrshire farmers to-day in Ayr, and after calling here has returned to Glasgow on his way to Greenock and to London. He showed me a copy of a minute of the New Zealand Company's on our constitution, which declares it to be beyond their power to allocate church funds of New Edinburgh exclusively to the Free Church. This settles that point. Ever since I saw you in Edinburgh, or rather since I wrote you at some length on this subject, I have had some misgivings as to the strong light in which I then viewed it. What if something were to happen to our Free Church either in her position or her principles which the settlers could not sympathise with? In short, we must trust to time the progress of events both in this country and in New Zealand, and the leading of Providence for the building up of a united and sound platform of ecclesiastical arrangements for our colony. I told Mr Rennie that, much as I desired the constitution to be sanctioned for the sake of future harmony in the Church, my mind was much more disturbed on the subject of the school, and that the children of the members of my own congregation should be provided with the means of educacation such as they have been receiving in the parish schools of Scotland. He seemed to assent to that as fair and proper. But as the constitution is now gone I asked him how he proposed to regulate the school, etc. He said by trustees appointed by the settlers after we go out. Against this I had nothing to say, except that I thought the trustees ought to be Presbyterians. That I saw he objected to. In short, he will get his own way in the matter unless there is a much stronger body of Presbyterian purchasers than I fear there may be.
I do not know, of course, what the Colonial Committee will say to it. For myself, as far as I can judge at present, I am disposed to take my chance and go out rather than throw up now after matters have gone so far. As soon as I see or hear from the Colonial Committee I will write you again. I wish if possible to escape from these heartburnings and misapprehensions which this matter has stirred up. I return to the General Assembly to-morrow, but wished to write you at the earliest.
So the first bout with Rennie ended in favour of the secular leader. The issues as to Free Churchism or Presbyterianism, the religious character of the school, the denomination of the schoolmaster and of subsequent ministers, the freedom of endowments from denominational control seemed all to be decided by Rennie, with the backing of the Company, against the opinion of Burns and the Colonial Committee. Burns shows a very fair spirit, while realising that things have changed considerably since he was first approached on behalf of the scheme by Dr Welsh. But the feeling of dissatisfaction remained. It was surely an extraordinary position that had been created by the departure from the assurances previously given to the Free Church leaders. It looked as though the New Zealand Company was anxious to make a convenience of the Free Church, without offering anything in return. But two facts had emerged. Burns at any rate as first minister was a Free Churchman, whatever the sequel might be; and Rennie was revealing himself as a man whose fitness to lead a class settlement of Scottish Presbyterians to the Middle Island of New Zealand was seriously open to question at least from the standpoint of the Free Church, which had agreed to father the scheme of New Edinburgh.
Chapter X.Difficulties and Delays.When the streets of high DunedinSaw the lance gleam and falchions redden,And heard the slogan's deadly yell,Then the chief of Branksome fell.—Scott ("The Lay of the Last Minstrel.")
After the October Assembly had endorsed the Scottish Colony by appointing the minister, the newspapers were full of the subject, and various suggestions were made regarding the name of the future settlement.
Somewhere amid the marshes of Darien there was a ruined village of New Edinburgh, which gave a suggestion of ill-omen to the projected venture. Various proposals were made as to the designation of the Colony: New Reekie, Edina, Burns, Duncantown, Bruce, Ossian, Napiertown, Holyrood, Wallace, and so forth. But a letter from Mr (afterwards Sir) William Chambers to the New Zealand Journal dropped a seed which in due season bore fruit.
Edinburgh,October 30, 1843.Sir,—
If not finally resolved upon, I should strongly recommend a reconsideration of the name New Edinburgh, and the adoption of another, infinitely superior and yet equally allied to old Edinburgh. I mean the assumption of the name Dunedin, which is the ancient Celtic appellation of Edinburgh, and is now occasionally applied in poetic compositions and otherwise to the northern metropolis. I would, at all events, hope that names of places with the prefix "new" should be sparingly had recourse to. The "news" in North America are an utter abomination, which it has been lately proposed to sweep out of the country. It will be a matter for regret if the New Zealand Company help to carry the nuisance to the territories with which it is concerned.
W. Chambers.
Although, the name New Edinburgh continued to be used in Scotland for some time, the change to Dunedin gradually came to be accepted, especially after the Port Cooper site was passed over in favour of Otago. It thus appears that Robert Chambers suggested Burns as minister to the Colony, and his brother William suggested Dunedin as the name of the town; which is surely a remarkable coincidence. Both brothers were deeply interested in the fortunes of the expedition. A fine portrait of Sir William Chambers is hung in the Town Hall of Dunedin, near a likeness of Mr George Rennie. Cargill and Burns have claims to stand even nearer to the chair of the chief magistrate of Dunedin, and the present writer expresses the earnest hope that before long the two chief founders of Otago will be worthily represented in the principal hall of the city and province.
The interests of the Colony were supposed to be fostered by a committee of influential men, whose office, under the management of Mr Dowling, a stockbroker and nephew of Mr Rennie
Dowling street, Dunedin, is named after him. The committee was: The Lord Provost (Sir James Forrest), chairman, Col. R. Anderson, Jas. Aitchison, I. Bayley, Rev. Thomas Burns, Wm. Cargill, Robert Cargill, W. Gibson-Craig, P. S. Fraser, John Leadbitter, Right Hon. FoxMaule, M.P., R. Scott Moncrieff, Robert Paul, H. Rose, A. Rutherford, M.P., Geo. Rennie, Dr Smyttan, P. M. Stewart, M.P., J. Gibson Thomson, and Rev. Dr. D. Welsh. This committee did very little save to prepare the way for the Lay Association of later date.
, was at 21 South St. Andrew street. Captain Cargill was the deputy for Mr Rennie, but his business interests were centred in London, where he lived while the scheme was being matured in Scotland. It was really left to Mr Burns to father the undertaking and recruit the labourers for the expedition. As time went on, the burden of the enterprise came to rest more and more heavily upon the minister, who worked unceasingly for its success amid innumerable discouragements and obstacles. This preoccupation with secular and business interests involved him in misunderstandings upon the part of his clerical brethren, especially when failure seemed to be staring the promoters in the face, and the Free Church was crying out for more ministers to man the pulpits of the land.
Burns and Cargill continued to wrestle with the difficulties which had arisen as to the relation of the Free Church to the prospective settlement. Cargill suggested that the Presbyterian communicants should choose the second minister, and that the schools should be Presbyterian in character. To these proposals Burns added that there should be freedom in education to teach according to Free Church standards, and that communicants were to be empowered to decide whether the next minister should be Free or Established. Mr Rennie must not be allowed to exercise the power of veto over such appointments. With these thoughts in mind, Burns withdrew his opposition to the Company's attitude on the subject of the Free Church influence. His object was to avoid sectarian strife, and he felt convinced that the issue need never become acute in the Colony unless some one else raised it. On November 14 he says:—
I have written Mr Rennie acquiescing to Ms proposals and promising to give my best aid in selecting a schoolmaster agreeably to the instructions of the directors, viz., out of the Establishment. It is a matter too nearly affecting the good of the Colony, as well as my own comfort and usefulness there, to admit of any petty standing aloof from resentment at unhandsome treatment. As I have agreed to fulfil my engagement, it would be unworthy in me were I to withdraw my co-operation in the way of promoting the interests of the Colony.
Expressing the hope that the present theoretic differences with Mr Rennie would disappear in the practical work of the settlement at the Antipodes, he writes:—
I received the Colonial Gazette announcing the day for balloting for choice of land in New Edinburgh. From this I conclude that you are all resolved fairly to start in March. I am willing to go. I have also stated that my official connection with the Free Church will officially terminate in a few weeks' time by the ordination of my successor at Monkton. … I say farewell in December. I have asked Mr Rennie to get my appointment completed and a bond made for New Edinburgh.
Again he is forced to touch on the financial position in his letter of December 6:—
I wrote to Mr R. and stated that as my income from the Free Church would cease, I wished that my appointment to New Edinburgh might be completed. He replies that the directors "will be quite disposed to make me (sic) such compensation as the case seems to demand, founded on the value of my present endowment, for the loss of stipend pending the interval between the cessation of my present duties and my appointment to my new charge."
On December 17 Burns said farewell to his faithful and devoted people of the Free Church congregation of Monkton, whose minister he had been in the former and present ecclesiastical connection for the period of nearly fourteen years. It was indeed a touching occasion when the ties which had been hallowed by service and sacrifice were finally severed. On the 24th he introduced his successor, the Rev. John M'Farlan
See Chapter VIII, supra.
to the people of the charge. Thus he cast himself adrift upon the tides of migratory enterprise, trusting in the guarantees of the New Zealand Company, authenticated in his selection by the Free ChurchAssembly, to be the spiritual leader of the band of settlers, who then numbered about forty heads of families. If he had known what was in store for him in making his decision, and the plight in which he would soon find himself, without any means of support, committed to a scheme which seemed to be following the will-of-the wisp, it is extremely doubtful whether he would have thus cut himself off from his beloved work in his church, notwithstanding his strong missionary and patriotic zeal for the colonial mission in the southern seas. But if it had been given to him to look through all these experiences of disillusionment to the ultimate settlement in the far country of his dreams, who can doubt that he would have acted as he did, knowing the upright and determined character of the man?
Burns continued to live in his home at New Prestwick for seventeen months after resigning his charge. His home became the base of his operations on behalf of the New Edinburgh scheme and the Free Church. His duties as pulpit supply or locum tenens in various parishes involved him in constant travel, which provided him with the opportunity of presenting the case for the colony to congregations, committees, deacons' courts, and interested persons. This work of propaganda was so valuable to the scheme that it is difficult to imagine that the subsequent settlement could ever have taken place without his untiring labours. He began services in Maybole early in the year 1844. He writes of the interest of many in Ayrshire. He tells how he met with Robert Cargill in Edinburgh, and adds that "he is off from our party." Names are constantly cropping up in his letters which indicate how Burns dealt with all known individuals who even nibbled at the literature circulated on behalf of the Colony. Like an angler, he frequently notes that many fish will nibble but not bite. On February 17 he announces a journey to his old home at Haddington. He publishes many articles in the local newspapers, including the Witness and the Scottish Guardian. Many of Cargill's letters to him might be rescued from Ayrshire papers of the period, for he published such when he had the writer's permission and when he thought that they would help on the cause. He speaks of Doctors Williamson, of Perth, and Graham as possible members of the party. His relations with the Deans family of Riccarton, Kilmarnock, names of pioneers in Canterbury—as we now know it—tempt one to give long extracts from his letters:—
I went to Kilmarnock, where I saw several fanners who were a good deal interested in our Colony, among the rest old Mr Deans, who is a writer in the town, and one of his sons, who read to me several extracts from letters lately received from Port Cooper, of a very satisfactory nature. The Port Cooper Deans mentions another Scotchman, the son-in-law of a farmer near Kilmamoek whom I also saw (Mr Orr), who has squatted at Pigeon Bay—his name is Hay.
Here was a case of mutual attraction, for the Deans family at Riccarton near Port Cooper were hoping that the Scotch colony would be settled near their farm; and Burns, knowing that Port Cooper was the then chosen site, expected soon to be in the neighbourhood of this friendly Presbyterian home. Many interesting references to the Deans family occur in the correspondence of the ensuing years.
One of the first causes of the delay to the fruition of the scheme was the news of the massacre at Wairau, Cloudy Bay, in which Captain Wakefield and twenty-one other Europeans fell before an onslaught of Maoris under two chiefs from the North Island, on June 17, 1843. The effect of the tidings of this affray in the north of the Middle Island was detrimental to the progress of the Scotch emigration scheme. Hitherto the Middle Island had been regarded as free from such Native troubles, and considerations of invading tribes and exceptional circumstances in connection with the tragedy failed to remove the alarm from the minds of some intending settlers at New Edinburgh.
The second great cause of embarrassment to the scheme came through the difficulties in which the New Zealand Company found itself in the year 1844. To begin with, the pioneer settlements of the Company in New Zealand were meeting with hardships of various kinds—the trough of the wave of colonisation which recurs with monotonous regularity in all new plantations. The disputes about land purchases from the Maoris complicated the problems of settlement. A certain vagueness in the terms of the Government's commission to select a site for New Edinburgh led to long correspondence between New Zealand and London, and consequent delay in the selection of a site for the Colony. Friction between the New Zealand Company and the Government grew more intense in the Colony, and also at the Colonial Office. Lord Stanley (afterwards Prime Minister, as the Earl of Derby), of whom Bulwer Lytton wrote:—
"The brilliant chief, irregularly great,Frank, haughty, rash—the Rupert of debate"
opposed the Company from the commencement of his term as Colonial Secretary in 1841. In the Under-secretary, James Stephen, Stanley had a stout ally in this campaign.
See chap. VI, supra.
The war was waged largely by correspondence between the Company and the Colonial Office, with brilliant sallies particularly on the side of the Company, descending, however, not infrequently, to vituperation and abuse.
Marais, Colonisation of New Zealand, p. 179ff.
Native policy, the Governor's indiscretions, the tension between the new capital at Auckland and the Company's settlements in Cook Strait, failure on the part of the Government to requite the Company for its expenses in regard to emigration, the Company's titles to lands for which sporadic Maori claims to ownership arose from time to time—these were among the chief subjects in dispute.
In March, 1844, however, the desperate state of the Company 's finances forced the directors to apply to Stanley for a loan of £100,000. Receiving a reply that £40,000 was the utmost accommodation that could be granted, the Company decided to appeal to Parliament, and thus ventilate the issue of the colonisation of New Zealand in the public arena. A select committee was demanded in the House of Commons, and granted in April. The report, which ran into over 1000 printed pages, was submitted in July, and on the whole it admitted the reasonableness of the claims of the Company. The effect was to bring the subject of New Zealand into prominence throughout the United Kingdom. Stanley's attitude, however, remained much the same as before, and in consequence the critical state of the affairs of the Company continued for about two years.
The Scottish scheme felt the full impact of the collision between the Company and the Colonial Office. Burns read the news in the column of the London correspondent to the Scotsman in the middle of March, and found confirmation of the turn of events in Cargill's letters from the metropolis. Burns writes on March 19, 1844:—
I presume from the tenor of your two letters that above is correct enough, and if the Company's ultimatum is refused by the Government our enterprise is knocked on the head— as it ought to be. Is Rennie in London? I understand that there is no chance of Macfarlane,
The Rev. JohnMacfarlane, Presbyterian minister, of Wellington, New Zealand.
of Wellington, coming out into the Free Church.
Again on April 1:—
What is the security of our scheme? I have begun to entertain some doubts as to the stability of our projected enterprise. If its well-being depends on the Company, it seems to be on the brink of ruin. On the whole, I should imagine that our expedition must unavoidably be delayed beyond the proposed period.
Notwithstanding the situation, Barns continued to try to find a schoolmaster, but he found himself up against two difficulties. One was Rennie's intention to fill the appointment with a man after his own heart, and he favoured men whom Burns dubbed, in Dr Guthrie 's phrase, "rusty razors," that is, men who had been laid aside as useless and now came out as applicants for positions rendered vacant by the Disruption. The other problem was to induce high-minded men to go to New Edinburgh when they knew that a ban was being placed upon religious instruction in the schools. Rennie had a candidate named Telfer in view, whom Burns did not estimate very highly. Burns desired to call upon a suitable teacher named Kay, and took coach to Girvan for the purpose. He says:—
I spent the evening with Mr Kay and so won upon his wife that it was resolved that Mr Kay should proceed to Edinburgh this week and try and make a bargain with Mr Rennie. I told him from Mr Rennie that … the teacher is to bind himself that under no circumstances are secular and religious instruction to be blended. When I mentioned this to him he was greatly staggered, and said he would be no party to anything of the kind, that it was the religious branch of his teaching that enabled him to get on as he did with his 200 pupils.
Writing on April 26 Burns is still anticipating an early departure, for the enterprise has not yet been officially postponed:—
I presume that the former arrangement will still hold as to sailing from Glasgow in Glasgow ships. I would like to know what cabin we are to have and see about furniture for it. Mrs Burns has been considering if we shall be troubled with mosquitoes in New Edinburgh, as if not she is disposed to take our French beds with no curtains; but if there are mosquitoes we are told that mosquito curtains are indispensable. Mr Kettle when I saw him in Edinburgh told me there are no grates in Wellington, yet he admitted that even on a summer evening people have no objection to a bit of fire in their sitting room.
The silent partner in the correspondence deserves our hearty sympathy. She had her family to consider, and her view of the future would be full of questionings. With the shadow of uncertainty resting over the whole undertaking she must have been the prey to contending emotions of suspense and misgiving. Throughout the course of the proceedings in Scotland, on board ship, and in the new settlement Mrs Burns stands out as a brave and refined lady, a true wife and mother, worthy of the highest admiration.
The reference to the meeting of Mr Burns and Mr Kettle in Edinburgh is interesting, as the twain were to be neighbours and co-workers in Dunedin at a later date. Mr Kettle was born in Kent, in England, in 1820, and at the age of 19 migrated to Port Nicholson. He took part in surveying the rivers in the vicinity of the settlement, and in 1842 did some valuable pioneering work in the Wairarapa and Manawatu districts. He returned to England in the following year, and visited Edinburgh with Mr Rennie, gaining knowledge of the Scottish capital with a view to incorporating the main features of the streets and topography in the proposed town of New Edinburgh. He eventually received an appointment to prosecute the surveys, and arrived at Koputai (Port Chalmers) on February 23, 1846. His work there and subsequent career do not concern us at this juncture.
On May 2 Mr Rennie issued an address to the intending colonists of New Edinburgh,
New Zealand Journal, May 25, 1844.
in which he apologetically reviewed the events which had transpired since he addressed the Scotch farmers nearly a year before. He intimated that the directors of the New Zealand Company had practically suspended operations on behalf of the Scotch Colony in the meantime. He then proceeded to narrate his communications and interviews with Lord Stanley, in which his lordship had informed Mr Rennie at first that he was not disposed to concede the principle of the new settlement; but later he gave a rather grudging consent to it, disallowing, however, any government support to the provision for minister or schoolmaster. Rennie says: "I found myself after four weeks' negotiation with the Colonial Office exactly where I commenced." Postponement was inevitable, at least until the site for the settlement should be definitely determined. In view of the hardship involved in this unavoidable delay, the Company undertook to repay the deposits of purchasers who did not wish to wait. At the end of the address Rennie struck an optimistic note, which, however, had rather a hollow ring about it.
In the interviews to which reference was made in the address, the claims of the members of the party who were preparing to embark, 40 heads of families, or to the number of about 200 in all, were brought before Lord Stanley by Mr Rennie. He pointed out the hardship which would befall them if the scheme was abandoned. He instanced the case of the Rev. Mr Burns, who had relinquished his living, and who, with his wife and five children, was waiting to embark; of farmers who had given up their leases, tradesmen their businesses, and others who had thrown up their situations without prospect of reinstating themselves.
Hocken's Early History, p. 29.
Little result accrued from these representations to the Colonial Office. As a matter of fact Rennie's action in going to Lord Stanley without consulting the directors of the New Zealand Company, in addition to other evidences of alleged insubordination to his superiors, formed part of the ground of his subsequent removal from his position as leader of the New Edinburgh scheme.
Chapter XI.The Site of the Colony.In earlier days on these same native hillsA prosperous forest grew, where bellbirds brakeWith joyous song the stillness of the dawn.Here on the eastern shore wild-raging wavesPersistent beat with fierce but futile forceAgainst the vast vibrating bluffs that standA sure defence for fair Dunedin's bay.—F. W. Clayton, Dunedin.
Pending the definite sanction of a location for the new settlement, nothing of importance could be done towards getting the party under way. Months passed without any word as to the result of Governor Fitzroy's decision as to the most suitable site for the Scotch colony. As we have seen, there was an element of vagueness in the terms of the agreement between the Colonial Office on the subject, and Fitzroy was in correspondence with Downing Street on the point at issue. Mails were painfully slow in those days. Even the directors of the New Zealand Company were unaware for some time of the cause of the delay in the choice of a site.
The situation was complicated by Rennie's dealings with Lord Stanley, and the suggestion of the latter that a site might be obtained near Auckland, the Government providing the land, and the New Zealand Company expending £50,000 for colonising purposes in connection with such a scheme. This would tend to centralise the development in the North Island, and strengthen the capital which had been established by Hobson. "The project never materialised. The Company sent Mr F. Dillon Bell to select lands at Auckland, but Governor Fitzroy objected to certain selections made by him in the town. The whole question was then referred back to England, while the Company refrained from spending any money at Auckland. By the agreement of 1847 the Company gave up all the lands it claimed to have selected at Auckland."
The Colonisation of New Zealand, p. 183, n.
Burns strongly favoured the Port Cooper site up to the time of the publication of Tuckett's opinion in the latter part of 1844. His letter to Cargill, dated April 29, gives a glowing account of the country which we know as the Canterbury Plains. Incidentally we come upon the first glimpse of the southern region in his correspondence, and the first mention of Otago, all quoted from William Deans's letter to his father—
On the other side of the (Banks) Peninsula clown as far as Wikowiti (sic), where a Sydney merchant
Mr John Jones, of Waikouaiti.
has 150 or 200 head of cattle, 1000 sheep, 40 or 50 mares, besides a stallion, near to Port Otago, likewise marked on the chart, a distance of about 150 miles along the coast, the country is very fine, and near to the sea coast perfectly level; in fact, it is estimated that within the distance I have mentioned there is not less than 700,000 to 900,000 acres of perfectly level land, with groves of trees here and there sufficient for house building and firewood. The remainder, with little exception, can be employed without any previous clearing, and it is covered Math luxuriant grass; in fact, in many places too luxuriant, because it is inclined to be coarse. However, it is astonishing how soon the feeding it with cattle and sheep improves its quality. I am the more induced to send you this, as a paragraph in some of the newspapers states that Lord Stanley offered Rennie a block of land near Auckland, which he declined.
In a later letter, Burns stated that a site in the North Island would not be attractive to him, as its population would probably be too mixed to allow of its being a Scottish and Presbyterian settlement.
With the increasingly grave turn of events in connection with the undertaking the possibility of the abandonment of the whole scheme recurred with added force. His own position became growingly difficult with every rebuff to the enterprise in which he had staked his all. The leaders of the Free Church urged him to give up the thought of going to New Zealand; and some of the influential congregations were seeking after his services. He had reason to be anxious about the means of a livelihood for himself and his family. He had sacrificed his stipend as a beneficiary under the Sustentation Fund of the Free Church; and he had nothing from the New Zealand Company but a vague promise of compensation for his labours on behalf of the New Edinburgh colony, which appeared to be receding into the dim distance. Should he not withdraw from this colonial venture and accept a call from one of the home congregations? That was the question which confronted him again and again; but somehow he could not free himself from the conviction that the hand of Providence was in this appointment, and that he must do his utmost to see it through. Meanwhile, he accepted a temporary appointment in Maybole charge, only 10 miles away from New Prestwick, during the absence of the Rev. Andrew Thomson, the minister, whose weak state of health necessitated a voyage to the West Indies.
A staunch ally of the Scottish scheme of colonisation appeared at this juncture, and he became a warm friend of Mr Burns. Dr Andrew Aldcorn, of Oban, was visiting the Presbytery of Ayr on behalf of the Sustentation Fund when he came into close contact with the minister of New Edinburgh. He was a man of independent means as well as a medical practitioner, and he had a thorough knowledge of agriculture and practical affairs. He had already large interests in the colonies, having purchased considerable land near Port Philip, now known as Victoria, to which colony he eventually migrated. At the time of which we write, he was engaged in alleviating the condition of the Highlanders, or crofters, who suffered cruelly by eviction at the hands of the great land owners; and he viewed emigration as the chief mode of providing for their future livelihood. Dr Aldcorn, like Burns, combined the cause of the Free Church with the interests of the Scotch settlement, and during the next three years the two stalwart pleaders were often found side by side. An effort was made to secure a party from the Duke of Sutherland's estates, and to interest the Duke in the proposal. It was suggested that a Gaelicspeaking minister might be found to accompany the expedition. Much correspondence took place between Burns and Aldcorn on the subject, but it does not appear that there was appreciable support for New Edinburgh. Other settlements in Australia and New Zealand received strong contingents from the Highlands.
Meantime, the period of the decline and fall of Mr Rennie had set in. Burns and Cargill were very frank to each other about his shortcomings as the future leader of the Presbyterian colony. His lack of enthusiasm for the religious basis of the enterprise, especially as viewed from the Free Church standpoint, certainly discounted his claims to lead a sectarian colony to the Antipodes. Temperamentally, he does not seem to have possessed the qualifications for making a successful coloniser. The artistic and aristocratic bent of his nature scarcely inclined in the direction of a friendly association with all sorts and conditions of men, including a majority of labourers. The day of autocratic rule in the colonies had long since passed away. That Rennie tended to be autocratic is borne out by the testimony of the spokesmen of the New Zealand Company as well as by the judgments expressed in the letters that passed between Burns and Cargill. The latter contemplated taking a post in India, but was dissuaded from leaving the Scotch enterprise, mainly by the strong pressure of Burns, who writes on September 22, rejoicing that Cargill will be at least three months in the country:—
Providence counteracts adverse moves "on the other side" threatening to knock all the Christianity out of our New Zealand enterprise. How easy it is for a man who happens to be encumbered with no religion to gloss over with smooth words his own heartlcss "policy," in terms that would be befitting the most absolute autocrat. He condescendingly admits that it gave him no surprise that you and I should have our Free Church leanings, and then adds—But I never led you to suppose that I would countenance such a pestilent propensity. That should be enough for such subordinate, inconsiderable persons as you. True, you are both Free Churchmen, and have lately made sacrifices that you might be at liberty to maintain your own fantastic principles. It is to be Presbyterianism in general. It is "my policy." No matter what the Company mean by Presbyterianism, they are Englishmen, and, not understanding such an abstruse matter themselves, they trust me to interpret and explain it, and afterwards to enforce it against all gainsayers. And as for Captain Cargill and Mr Burns, they are such fantastic bigots I would not advise you to mind a word they say. And if they don't mend their manners when they go out to the Colony and crouch submissively beneath the rod of my authority, I promise you I will so handle them that they shall ever after remain a warning example to all who shall have the arrogance to question either my wisdom or my power.
Mr Patrick M. Stewart, M.P., took a hand in making the directors of the Company aware of Rennie's unsuitableness for the leadership. He had known Rennie when he worked as a sculptor in Rome. Mr Stewart writes: "His temper is violent and bad, his religion more than doubtful (I fear), and our poor Presbyterian wanderers would indeed be wasted under such a man." Things reached such a pass that Burns felt he could not hold to the connection with the party if Rennie remained at the head of the expedition. But he makes his meaning clear to Cargill:
I will stand by you to fight the battle as long as it is worth fighting. My mind has never wavered on the subject, provided the Presbyterian principles of the scheme are maintained and any reasonable security given for their being followed.
In the middle of October the issue was decided against Rennie, the New Zealand Company dispensing with his services. Great was the relief of Burns that his colleague Cargill was likely to lead the expedition. Rennie appealed for remuneration for the loss of his expectation of future employment. A scathing article appeared in the New Zealand Journal in reply to this appeal, under the date of November 8. It accuses Rennie of presumption and lack of loyalty to the Company. "He had been working for the Government, not for the Company which he had only been misleading. Mr Rennie appears to consider himself as grandfather-general to the Scotch people. How they will laugh at the assumption! … We could give another reason of which Mr Rennie must be perfectly conscious; but we forbear for the present." This was a hint, doubtless, as to the controversy revealed in the correspondence of which brief extracts have been given above. A third indictment is that Mr Rennie had attacked "the eligibility of the intended site of the Colony," showing himself to be an adept in "the art of damning with faint praise," in regard to the suitability of Otago for the settlement.
As we take leave of Mr Rennie, a tribute is due to one who did so much for the Scotch Colony as originator and patron, as well as agent and publicist. His work at the beginning of the enterprise probably no one else could have done so well. But by temperament and training he was not fitted to take the field in colonial service, particularly in command of a Presbyterian Free Kirk class settlement. He was versatile and individualistic, a man of the world, a law to himself, an advocate rather than an administrator. He was plainly out of sympathy with those to whom he found himself committed as leaders of the movement. He was lacking in tact and the power to bear the yoke. If he had been maintained in office as leader of the party, it is well-nigh impossible to conceive of the successful establishment and progress of the Scotch settlement as we know it in its actual history and achievement. It is true that he sought for comprehensiveness and a kind of catholicity, deeply tinged with secular interests. He claimed to be working against sectarianism and on behalf of harmony. Burns and Cargill made the same claim from an entirely different point of view, and with the goal of a simple and solid kind of unity in the colonising party. From the standpoint of a class settlement there can be no doubt as to the rights and wrongs of the struggle. If Wakefield's notion of a class settlement was a practicable scheme, and if the Free Kirk was justified in taking it up and fostering it, then the views of Burns and Cargill were sound and logical. Rennie was a freelance, out of harmony with the contingent and its marching orders. It is gratifying to know that Mr Rennie received an appointment in 1847 from the Colonial Office which was much more suited to his character and abilities as Governor of the Falkland Islands. Mr Rennie died in London in 1860.
In the middle of October Burns had word of the probable selection of Otakou, or Otago, as the site of the Scottish colony. He was disappointed that Port Cooper had been passed over, after he had built so many fancies and expectations upon it. But second thoughts brought him a measure of comfort. He writes:—
From Mr John Deans's account it would appear that on the Port Cooper plains wood and water, two indispensables, are not so plentiful, so that without supposing anything like bad faith on the part of the authorities in New Zealand there may be an honest preference given to Otago, because with a good harbour, land, and climate there is also in that place an abundance of both wood and water. There is also said to be a Scotch colony there already, and, further, a tribe of 1200 Natives.
Burns was in error here. Of the very few white people who then lived at Otakou, or Otago—whalers, storekeepers, and runaway seamen—very few were from Scotland so far as we know. The Andersons and the McKays did not arrive until December 30, 1844. The Maoris had been much thinned out by sickness and other causes. When the land was transferred at Port Chalmers from the Maoris to the white race the number of Natives is given at only 150.
Apart from the closing erroneous sentence, Burns's estimate of the reason for the preference of Otago over Port Cooper was a shrewd one, as it was in agreement with Tuckett's own opinion. The full reports of the expedition of the Deborah had not yet arrived in Britain. These at length appeared in February, 1845. Burns, Aldcorn, and Cargill were busily engaged in preparing a circular and looking out for likely men to form a strong Free Church Committee for the furtherance of the scheme. In his letter dated February 14 Burns states that he has received from Mr Deans a copy of the Wellington Spectator of August 14, giving a detailed account of the exploratory expedition under Tuckett. He now rejoices in the choice of the new site. It should help, he thinks, in raising the first party. He refers to various points in favour of Otago—water communication, climate, the width of the Island, the presence of coal, white fish, flax, pastures, wood, and water. All of these, he says, with a burst of enthusiasm, must be stressed in the prospectus. He will circulate the pamphlet among friends of the Free Church, following it up with a visit.
I am much gratified by what you say as to the nomenclature of our Colony; it seems to be in the direction of good taste. Let the settlement be called Qtago, the town Dunedin, the river Matou, and not Molyneux, and so forth, keeping to Native names; and let us begin ourselves in this way at the starting in all our advertisements. I suppose we cannot discard New Edinburgh altogether at first. If we can, I would by all means do it. I like Otago. New Edinburgh always puts me in mind of Rennie (poor man, he must be a mortified wight).
This may be a fitting opportunity to refer briefly to the circumstances which led to the purchase of the Otago block from the Maoris, after being duly explored and selected by Mr Tuckett and his party. Every reader should make himself familiar with all the actual reports; for instance, in Hocken's "Early History of New Zealand."
Pages 40-61, 202-276.
It is only possible here to give the barest outline of the chief events.
The new Governor of New Zealand, Captain Fitzroy, after confirmation of his instructions from the Colonial Office to secure a site for the proposed Scotch settlement, decided to grant authority to the New Zealand Company's agent, Colonel Wakefield, to purchase 150,000 acres at the most suitable locality from the Maoris. Mr J. J. Symonds was appointed to represent the interests of the Government in these transactions. Mr Frederick Tuckett, who had already some good work to his credit in New Zealand, was appointed chief surveyor to the expedition. Mr Tuckett was a Quaker, a man of high principles and strong resolution. He was born near Bristol, in England, in 1807, and studied surveying after a sojourn in the United States. In 1841 he left England to lay out the town of Nelson for the New Zealand Company, after the site had been selected by Captain Wakefield. When appointed to choose the site for the Scottish colony Mr Tuckett stipulated that he should be allowed to make a thorough examination of the country on the eastern and southern coast, and that he should be left free to decide as he thought best.
Accordingly, he chartered the brig Deborah, of 121 tons, under Captain Wing, and sailed from Nelson on March 31, 1844. The principal passengers on board, in addition to Mr Tuckett, were two assistant surveyors, Barnicoat and Davison, Dr (afterwards Sir David) Monro, of Nelson, the Rev. Charles Creed, who was travelling to his mission station under the Wesleyan Church to relieve the Rev. James Watkin, of Waikouaiti, and the Rev. J. F. H. Woehlers, a German missionary to the Maoris, who settled at Ruapuke, an island in Foveaux Strait, on which he laboured for the space of 43 years. Mr J. J. Symonds was picked up at Wellington. Port Cooper (Lyttelton) was first visited, and the country all round was examined by Mr Tuckett, who called upon Messrs William and John Deans at their little homestead on the plains. Before leaving the locality Tuckett decided against Port Cooper as the site on the ground that its harbour was exposed, and was cut off from the interior by high hills, while the plains were marred by much swampy land. The shortage of timber for fuel and building and the lack of running water in some parts of the district were also mentioned in his subsequent report.
The next spot visited was Moeraki, from which place Tuckett and a companion walked to Waikouaiti in three days. Mr Jones had farms at Matanaka and Cherry Farm, on the right bank of the river, from whence the settlement of Waikouaiti extended to Puketeraki. It was one of the old whaling stations which was bought from Messrs Wright and Long, of Sydney, by Mr JohnJones, of the same city, in 1838. Under the care of this shrewd proprietor a settlement of about 100 whites and a larger number of Maoris grew up, mostly occupied with whaling, sealing, and farming. It was a rough community, to which, the Rev. James Watkin acted as missionary for four years prior to the arrival of Mr Creed, whom he greeted with the words: "Welcome, brother Creed, to purgatory!" Tuckett sent the Deborah to Otakou Harbour, and undertook the toilsome walk from Puketeraki to Koputai (Port Chalmers), which occupied him two days. We picture him, accompanied by two Maoris, forcing his way through the thick bush and coming in sight of the wooded foreshores of the beautiful loch, on which floated the brig Deborah. It was an eventful day when the romantic loveliness of the scene burst on the view of the man who was to choose the site of a future colony. It was a date which has since become ever memorable, April 25 (Anzac Day).
Tuckett joined the Deborah, after which the small bay is named, as she lay off shore, and took the boat up to the head of the harbour to a small creek. This was the site of the present Dunedin, and was then called Otepoti. From the hills—then much higher than at present—at the junction of Manse and Princes streets, and the old eminence of Bell Hill, where First Church stands, Tuckett looked over the flat and swampy area of South Dunedin, and to the north up to the Water of Leith. Tuckett and Monro, with two Maoris, then made an adventurous trek to the Taieri, finding their way down the river to the whaling station at Taieri Mouth, whence they walked to the Molyneux, or Matou, in three days. The Deborah sailed on to Ruapuke Island, where Mr Woehlers was landed, and Tuckett, after visiting the Bluff and Aparima, where Riverton now stands—a district that impressed him very favourably—crossed over to Stewart Island, where about 70 whites and a similar number of Maoris lived, and thence returned by sea to the Matou. From this river Tuckett, Barnicoat, Wilkinson, and Dr Monro walked back by Kaitangata to Otago Harbour, and boarded the Deborah on June 11. Tuckett had made up his mind that this was the best location for the settlement, and he built a small brick house for his use on the beach at Koputai, or Port Chalmers.
Negotiations were thereupon commenced with the Natives for the purchase of land. At Koputai, where 150 Maoris held prayer meetings twice a day, the transaction was eventually completed. The principal chiefs, Tuhawaiki, Karetai, and Taiaroa, signed a promise to sell the country from Otakou to the Molyneux, or Matou, with the exception of some Native reserves, for £2400. Owing to quarrels between Mr Symonds and Mr Tuckett and the necessity of formal ratification, the Deborah had to return from Wellington with Colonel Wakefield, Mr Spain, Mr George Clarke, and Mr Symonds on board before the purchase could be finally effected. After a week's tour through the area the officials were thoroughly satisfied with Tuckett's choice. Explanations were made to the Maoris on the beach, and on July 31, 1844, the chiefs, followed by 22 others of the Ngaitahu tribe, signed the bond, conveying 400,000 acres from Taiaroa Head to the Nuggets, and inland, to the representatives of the Government and the New Zealand Company for the colony. Of this area 150,000 acres were to be selected by the Company as agreed upon. Shortly afterwards Colonel Wakefield received word of the impasse which had befallen the Company in the Homeland, and the result was the retardation of activities in connection with the Otago block for some time. Mr Tuckett returned to Wellington, and Mr Davison resided in the little brick house at Port Chalmers as the official agent for the Company.
A few words are necessary to sketch the early history of Otakou Harbour prior to the arrival of Mr Tuckett in 1844. From the time of Cook's discovery of Cape Saunders in 1770, so named after Admiral Sir Charles Saunders, and Saddle Hill, which was descried from the sea, several explorers and seafaring men had entered the narrow channel which gives access to the beautiful sheet of water, over 13 miles long and dotted with capes and islands near Koputai. Captain Herd in 1826, the French commander D'Urville in 1840, Major Bunbury in the same year, Captain W. M. Smith, of the New Zealand Company, in 1842, Dr Shortland, who travelled on foot many miles round the present Dunedin in 1843, and Bishop Selwyn, the great pioneering missionary, who visited the station at the Heads four months before Tuckett's arrival in 1844, were the principal visitors. Although there was no white occupation worth mentioning on the land in the vicinity, that is, between Mr Jones's settlement at Waikouaiti and Willsher and Russell's holding for Mr Jones in the Molyneux district, the harbour was the scene of many visits from whaling and other vessels, and a station which comprised about 30 Europeans existed near the Heads in the 'thirties under the Weller brothers.
One of the most interesting accounts of the early whalers was given by Mr Wm. I. Haberfield in the Otago Jubilee edition of the Evening Star, March 23, 1898, p. 35.
At the store near the Maori Kaik ship's parties could purchase clothing and supplies, including drink, which often played havoc with the health and peacefulness of thewhalers and Natives. From this type of population, consisting mostly of runaway desperadoes, who lived as they chose, from hand to mouth, and the half-castes, who learned idle ways, little could be hoped for as the stock of a virile race of colonists.
Although there was a small settlement near the entrance, the harbour was a solitude, with thick bush on all the lofty slopes right down to the water's edge, undisturbed save for the notes of bell-birds' music.
Chapter XII.The Lay Association.
Nature and religion are the bands of friendship, excellence and usefulness are its great endearments.
—Jeremy Taylor.
The affairs of the Rev. Thomas Burns during the period which elapsed between the purchase of the land at Otago and the reception of the official reports in Scotland in February, 1845, were affected by the ill-fortune which dogged the steps of the New Zealand Company and its proposed new colony. He seemed to have committed himself to a losing cause, and he was constantly faced with the question of his future career. On the one side stood his Scottish tenacity, inspired by a vision of patriotic and religious service in the scheme of colonisation, which had come to him as a direct call of God to go out and lead his countrymen, like Moses, to the land of promise. On the other stood. the counsels of prudence, coupled with the opportunity of fulfilling an honourable and successful ministry in the Church which he loved. His finances were growing more and more slender, and the pressure of the leaders of the Church that he should withdraw from a wildgoose chase to the Antipodes was increasing every month. In the middle of September, 1844, he paid a visit to his young brother Gilbert's home at Knockmaroon Lodge, near Dublin, in Ireland. From this brother he received encouragement to persevere in the venture to which he had committed himself. He availed himself of the time of quietness to read over the papers connected with his appointment, and he returned to New Prestwick with the determination to leave no stone unturned to further the success of the scheme. Even in Ireland he tried to interest his fellow-Presbyterians by contributing articles to the newspapers of Belfast and Dublin.
See his letter written after his return, and dated October 10, in the Hocken collection. Gilbert Burns was of the prosperous firm of Todd, Burns & Co., linen drapers, in Dublin. Gilbert proved to be a good friend to the Colony, and as early as 1844 had paid £24 deposit to Rennie for two lots at New Edinburgh. Gilbert Burns's name was brought forward for inclusion on the committee by his brother Thomas. Throughout his life Thomas Burns corresponded with Gilbert in the most intimate manner. A few of these precious letters have been preserved in a brochure printed by Dr Burns's grandson, the late lamented Mr J. W. H. Bannerman, to whose work reference will be made in the sequel.
Soon afterwards he discussed the fruitful idea of forming a strong Free Church Committee to strengthen the movement and co-operate with the Company in planting the colony on lines that would be satisfactory to the religious and educational interests which he had so much at heart.
With the retirement of Mr Rennie from the enterprise Burns's letters to Dr Aldcorn and Captain Cargill show an increasing devotion to this phase of the organisation. He was constantly casting about for suitable men to form a strong combination on behalf of the undertaking. He and Cargill drew up a circular for distribution throughout Scotland, with the object of obtaining recruits for the party of suitable emigrants. Even the question of the place of residence and ministerial work in Scotland was considered in the light of his usefulness in spreading the evangel of the great lay mission to the South Seas, as the following extracts show:—
I find Dr Candlish is beginning to grumble at my continuing so long unattached, and I have received communications from the Home Mission Committee and the Convener of the Colonial Committee. I cannot honourably withdraw till that party (the first) should be dropped either as hopeless or as requiring an unreasonable length of delay. (January 10, 1845.)
The Home Mission Committee is trying to root me out from this locality in order to get my services in other districts. They have expressly appointed me to preach to Mr Charles Brown's congregation in Edinburgh on March 9 and 16, and once in Edinburgh they will not let me back in Ayrshire. The Presbytery of Ayr have refused to sanction my removal until a substitute for me is sent. Now, I have no other object than to be as useful as I can to our scheme, and to reside wherever I can best serve that object. (February 28, 1845.)
The aim of the propaganda in which Burns was engaged was sincerely set forth in the following typical sentences from his letter of March 15:—
Let us lay before suitable persons the proposed Colony and its eminently religious aspect as a great lay mission, which, under God, may soon assume the character of a powerful centre of evangelising influence, overspreading the countless isles of the Pacific, and extending even to India and China.
The reader may remember with thankfulness what has been done since that time by the Church planted by Burns in Otago in regard to missionary enterprise. Preachers, teachers, medical men, and nurses have been sent out to the New Hebrides, China, and India, and there is no doubt that this noble prayer by the pioneer minister of Presbyterianism in the South Island has been answered from on high in the creation of a truly missionary enthusiasm, which should be maintained for the highest ends of mankind. One of the greatest features of the infant Church in Dunedin was the raising of contributions to missionary work when their congregational needs were very pressing. The adage, "like minister, like people," has seldom, if ever, received a clearer confirmation than in the Church which grew up in the pioneering days of Otago.
When Burns perused the full accounts forwarded from New Zealand concerning the choice of the site of the colony his comments indicated his practical gifts as a coloniser, for he was enabled by his imagination and great "sense of country " to anticipate the problems of the future. He is impressed by Tuckett's reasons for preferring Otago to Port Cooper, but he proceeds to offer some criticisms. He questions the wisdom of locating the future town of Dunedin
on the bleak side of a hill, whereas had he chosen the east side of the harbour, it would have been on the sunny side of the slope—a great point. I know the answer will be that he would have planted us in the very heart of the Natives. Now, as to this I am not sure but that amalgamation in so small a number would be ultimately safer and better than what appears to be a permanent separate localisation.
After his arrival in Dunedin Burns selected land on the Peninsula, and built a house there which he called "Grants Braes," showing his continued faith in the theory which he stated 12,000 miles away from the site.
Other points which he raised were that the land around Dunedin appeared to be hilly and densely wooded, and therefore difficult for cultivation; also that the best land seemed to be more than nine miles from the town, "all along the internal water communication"—to which Tuckett had attached much importance. Burns concludes his remarks with this sensible summary: "But it is of no use speculating upon what I know so imperfectly the details of." Burns asks Cargill to send him suitable books so that he may study the Maori language, although he recognises the advantage of teaching the Natives to use the English translations. His charity was shown in the same letter (March 5):—
I have been delighted with the notice of Mr Watkins's (Wesleyan missionary) success amongst the Natives along that coast. I trust I shall find him still at Otago or neighbourhood when we get there, and also Mr Woehlers, the German missionary at Ruapuke, in Foveaux Straits. You see, I have already surmounted all difficulties in thought—am already far on my way to my future country.
See previous chapter. Burns was permitted to meet Mr Woehlers after some years, but Mr Watkins had left Waikouaiti in 1844, and had been succeeded by Mr Creed.
His opinion of Bishop Selwyn was, however, biassed by the alleged Puseyism of his teachings, against which the convictions of Burns ran in diametrical opposition. When he came to meet the bishop in the new land the utmost cordiality was shown on both sides, and Burns, as a newcomer to New Zealand, received much kindness from the bishop, and responded to his genuine goodness of heart with equal friendliness and admiration. The bishop stood just as stoutly for his denominational position, with its High Church leanings, as Burns did for his; and yet that state of matters in nowise interfered with a considerable disposition to co-operate on both sides to the limit of the accepted beliefs and practices of their respective Churches, as we shall see later.
Burns's house in New Prestwick was "taken over his head," and he had to seek another; but he was anxious to stay in Ayrshire, so that he could help to secure suitable labourers for the colony. He projected tours to various parts of Scotland for the same purpose, and approached the Presbyteries of Glasgow, Paisley, Greenock, and Edinburgh, who hailed his scheme "with one voice "; but with the proverbial canniness of the Scotch, which tended ever to keep the enterprise in abeyance, they advised Burns and Cargill to "proceed very quietly." Burns suggested to Cargill that the title of New Edinburgh should forthwith be given up and expunged from the prospectus which they were about to issue, with a view to the insertion of Otago.
On March 21 Burns attended a meeting of elders, specially recommended by their ministers, for the furtherance of the scheme, and looking forward to the formation of a Lay Association. The meeting was held in the office in Edinburgh, and gave a stimulus to the movement. Burns brought before them a suggestion of the Rev. Mr(afterwards Dr) Begg that to ensure the Free Kirk character of the colony the Free Church should buy up the whole 150,000 acres of the proposed settlement—"a feat that he declared the Free Church could easily do." The idea was grasped at with much heartiness, but, as so often happens with such proposals, it remained in that condition of mere approbation. Suggestions of a modified form, involving an outlay of less than the £300,000 required, were then considered, e.g., the purchase of 20,000 acres by "some Free Church capitalist on condition that the Company should make over to them the right of pre-emption of the remaining 130,000 acres, to be all bought up by the Free Church within, say, 25 years. This proposition they all thought perfectly feasible." (Letter to Cargill, March 22.)
Burns was delighted with these proposals, but felt doubtful about being able to find investors to the extent of the amounts mentioned. Mr William Johnston, of the celebrated firm of W. and A. K. Johnston, engravers and mapmakers, of Edinburgh, whose names we have all seen on our school maps, was a hearty supporter of the scheme, and donated to Burns a large drawing of New Zealand, and one of the Otago district for use at his meetings, an offer which was gladly accepted. Mr Johnston also endeavoured to interest capitalists in the proposed purchase of Otago land in the name of the Free Church.
Meanwhile, the leadership of the Colony was not definitely settled. Burns was a strong supporter of Cargill, and wrote on April 4:—
On the subject of the agency of the Colony, I do not see that there can be two opinions as to who should be approached. Even if an equally qualified person should present himself, it would be indecent and discreditable to set aside your just and undeniable claims. I will do what lies in me and in the way your own feelings dictate. But is it not both expedient and necessary that you should, without further delay, come yourself to Edinburgh, and at once take your place at the head of the movement?
The General Assembly, which was to be held in Edinburgh, was approaching, and it was desirable that the opportunity should be used to bring the Scottish Colony once more prominently before the ministers, elders, and general public. Burns was indefatigable in furthering the interests of the undertaking, while Cargill, like Rennie before him, had his headquarters in London. Burns was on the spot, and the bulk of the work fell to him. In letter after letter he urges Cargill to come to Scotland for a visit and help him carry on the campaign and launch the Lay Association. The services of a broker are needed, and various names are suggested and discussed. The objects of the proposed association are definitely mooted in a letter dated April 19:—
It is necessary to form a Scotch Company (Free Church, of course) and take the Otago Settlement out of the hands of the New Zealand Company, while receiving aid by surveys, etc. Pray write me your views as to the Provisional Committee.
Burns speaks of his conference with Mr Handyside and Mr Robert Allan, and states their confirmation of his proposals; and shows by his letters that his time is fully taken up with the business side of the movement, in addition to his clerical duties in different pulpits. The name and pronunciation of the future colony cause him some little concern:—
By the way, some of our Edinburgh friends said Ota-a-a-go was an awkward name. Suppose we spell Otaygo, and then there will be no dubiety about the sound of the vowel "a." They will call it Ot-e-go, or Otaygo, in spite of our teeth; unless we can improve upon it and make it more euphonious. Liberties, I see, have been taken with it already. In the deed
defining the boundaries it is called Otakou, which is very barbarous. Otago is more civilised. It might be polished and furbished up a little more to please British tastes. (April 21, 1845.)
A few days later, just as he is starting for Glasgow, he writes:—
I have as yet made no progress either in Edinburgh or Glasgow, and the whole seems to lie upon my shoulders (April 24.) Your presence in Edinburgh is absolutely necessary to put our New Zealand enterprise into shape and to set it fairly on its legs (next letter). The very life and well-being of our enterprise is hanging in the balance, and I feel the responsibility lying upon my unaided judgment to be more than 1 can answer for. Moreover, I have for some time past felt as if I were stepping out of my own proper place in seeking out the best methods and the best men of business for carrying out this commercial transaction without the assistance or countenance or accompaniment of any layman having a direct interest in the scheme; and I began to fancy people saying behind my back after I had left them: "There goes a minister of the Free Church, moving heaven and earth for a Colony to himself that he may be its minister." This feeling on my part has received confirmation by several of my friends, both clerical and lay. hinting that, having now been instrumental in bringing the scheme to the door of the Free Church and obtaining its sanction, I should allow the commercial branch of the enterprise to be prosecuted by some laymen. They even went so far—some of them—as to say that my continuing to take the principal share of the movement might awaken a prejudice in some minds against it. I rather fear that you imagine that the big Free Churchmen whom I have consulted have been so enlisted in the cause that they are keeping the thing before their own minds and pressing it forward. The hands of every one of them are choke full of their own business, so that no sooner do I part from them than our cause ceases to get any help from them. It is absolutely indispensable that the scheme be immediately put into proper hands, who will work it out in skill and energy. (Letter 79.)
And so the proposal for the Lay Association became a definite objective of Burns and Cargill Burnsurges that the Scottish people will trust a company in Scotland, and especially a Free Church Company, distinguishable from the New Zealand Company, although allied there-with, more fully than one located in London. In furtherance of the movement Burns travelled to Dunoon.
From Glasgow I went clown the Clyde as far as Dunoon and Kilmun, where I met two excise officers who appear to be both interested in New Zealand—one of them named M'Hutcheson, at Dunoon, has a brother-in-law squatting at Pigeon Bay. He has built one or two schooners, and has grown-up sons who sail one of them. Mr M'Hutcheson named some four or five families in Stirlingshire who had formed the intention of emigrating to New Zealand. I mean to write to them.
This Mr William M'Hutcheson was the father of the gentleman of the same name who lives in Dunedin (in 1929). His father, who met Mr Burns in 1845, left Scotland for Port Chalmers in 1861. His brother, Mr John M'Hutcheson, was one of the pioneers in Wellington, Nelson, Wanganui, and Port Cooper. He returned to Scotland in 1846, and assisted in organising the Otago party in Glasgow, settling later at Blenheim, in New Zealand. He was a member of the household of the brother-in-law referred to in Mr Burns's account given above. This relative was Captain Francis Sinclair, one of the most remarkable personalities of the early 'forties in New Zealand. Captain Sinclair built a schooner in Wellington with the help of his family; and in that little ship he took as passengers the Deans brothers and Mr Ebenezer Hay to their destination in the present Canterbury. He then settled with his family in Pigeon Bay, having as his neighbour Mr Hay. Captain Sinclair was drowned in a storm off the Kaikouras before the arrival of the Scotch settlers in Otago. His widow subsequently settled in the island of Niihau, one of the Hawaiian Group, and her family still have their home there.
Mr Burns wrote a letter to Mr M'Hutcheson, on the suggestion of Mr Lewis MacDonald, and that letter has been preserved by his son.
It is in the Library of the Early Settlers' Association of Otago.
The letter shows how the movement for the Lay Association was progressing (April 19):—
Besides my own personal predilection, I am satisfied that as a Scotch enterprise it will be more likely to prosper under the auspices of the Free Church in present circumstances than under any other. This, however,, is only as to church and schools. The other and the principal feature of the scheme is its secular and commercial character, which the Free Church can have nothing to do with. But in this feature also I am thankful to say that the scheme has at length taken a shape much more promising to my mind and much more likely to recommend itself to the approbation of my countrymen. It is about to be taken up… by a Scotch company of Free Churchmen who will take the scheme from the New Zealand Company by a regular commercial transaction, and by means of their own directors carry out the measure in such a way as, under God, may lead to the harmony and peace of the settlement …and provide an eligible place of refuge in a peaceful land of fine soil and unrivalled climate for hundreds and thousands of Scotch families escaping from the pressure and difficulties of an overcrowded community at home… So soon as the company is formed you will hear of it. I wish much that our first party could be ready by September next, and every effort will be used to accomplish that.
The Colonial Committee of the Free Church were indebted to Mr Burns and Captain Cargill for much of the material which went into their report and proposed deliverance, which were partially written out by Mr Burns in one of his letters to Captain Cargill The idea of the class settlement was revived in the business papers of the projected Lay Association and the forthcoming General Assembly. Burns's efforts to find lay support for the Otago Scheme bore fruit on Friday, May 16, 1845, when the first public meeting of Free Church laymen interested in the movement took place at the Eagle Tavern in Glasgow. In the papers of Captain Cargill there is a memorandum of this meeting, written in Cargill's hand, from which we obtain the narratal of the proceedings.
Otago Manuscripts, Volume 7, Hocken Library.
There were only eleven persons present, but the influence of the gathering far exceeded the mere counting of heads. The names deserve to be kept in remembrance—Henry Dunlop, John Bain, William Campbell, John Blackie, J. G.Blackie, William and AllanBuchanan, Matthew Whytlaw, Rev. Thomas Burns, Dr Andrew Aldcorn, and Captain Cargill. With the exception of Burns and Cargill, none of these figured in the committee appointed in 1843, mainly because that was an Edinburgh and this a Glasgow committee. The chairman, Mr Dunlop, stated the object of the meeting, and then called on Mr Burns to speak, and he sketched the history and present outlook for the enterprise. Burns was followed by Cargill and Aldcorn. Mr Whytlaw, who had lived in New Zealand at the Bay of Islands, emphasised the attractions of the Colony for farming and residence. A general conversation followed, in which Mr Campbell suggested that "of the 20,000 acres to be disposed of before the first party leaves this country, a portion should be taken up in Glasgow, another in Edinburgh, and so on in the principal towns in Scotland, by which means the enterprise would be at once easily started." The first resolution forming an Association of Laymen of the Free Church for the purpose of promoting the necessary sales of land, and of otherwise carrying into execution the Scotch Settlement of Otago (New Edinburgh) upon the principles stated in Mr Cargill's letter to the Rev. Thomas Burns, of date March 29, 1845," together with sis other motions were carried.
That we consider the facilities offered by the New Zealand Company for the formation of class settlements to be a public boon and calculated to give a new and elevated tone to British colonisation, and, if duly responded to by the churches at home, that it must have the effect of carrying the best specimens of religion and civilisation into the dark places of the earth, and of combining the benefits sought for by emigration with the diffusion of light and beneficence to universal man.That the Association will therefore use every effort amongst those of their own denomination who are desirous to emigrate for conveying the best of the people to the Free ChurchSettlement of Otago.That Dr Aldcorn, of Oban, be requested to act as secretary to the Association.That these resolutions be communicated to the Colonial Committee of the Free Church, in order to the scheme being brought under the notice of the General Assembly.That the secretary be requested to take all proper means for circulating information through members of Assembly when returning to their several presbyteries and congregations throughout the country, and that thereafter an early meeting of the Association be called either in Edinburgh or Glasgow with a view to further measures.That the thanks of the Association be expressed to Captain Cargill for his persevering labours in this interesting cause, and for his support of the excellent minister, the Rev. Thomas Burns, of Monkton, who has been appointed by the Company; and that an early opportunity be taken to convey to the Company their confidence and satisfaction as regards the position of Mr Cargill, and which he is so well calculated to occupy.
Thus came into being an organisation which was of considerable importance to the projected Scottish Colony. It emphasised the Free Church character of the proposed class settlement. It placed behind Burns and Cargill the support of earnest and capable business men in Scotland filled with zeal for their own Church and the particular branch of it which they hoped to plant as a cutting in the soil of Otago; and it assisted in disseminating the information which was essential to securing suitable recruits from the people of Scotland. It was the direct result of the indefatigable and unselfish labours of Burns in the north and Cargill in the south. It did something—not as much as expected, perhaps—to relieve Burns of the secular and commercial aspects of the undertaking which had been pressing upon his heart, and even upon his conscience. Granted the moral support of the General Assembly, and the practical co-operation of friends of the movement in Edinburgh and elsewhere, the Lay Association, with its provisional committee and secretary, restored confidence in the scheme, so far as the Scottish people were concerned. The thanks accorded to Burns and Cargill had been well earned. The careful reader can scarcely fail to note the significance of the terms of the last resolution, and especially of the grateful acknowledgment of Cargill's "support of the excellent minister, the Rev. Thomas Burns."
The General Assembly, which opened a week later in Edinburgh, adopted the recommendations of the Colonial Committee, and gave its blessing to the spiritual and moral activities of the venture, while refraining from identification with the commercial side, which lay outside the province of an ecclesiastical court. The subject came up for decision at the sitting on June 3, 1845, when the following resolution was entered on the minutes:—
The General Assembly have very great pleasure in the prospect of the speedy establishment of the Scotch Colony of New Edinburgh in New Zealand, consisting of members of the Free Church, and with every security for the colonists being provided with the ordinances of religion and the means of education in connection with this Church. Without expressing any opinion regarding the secular advantages or prospects of the proposed undertaking, the General Assembly highly approve of the principles on which the settlement is proposed to be conducted, in so far as the religious and educational interests of the colonists are concerned, and the Assembly desire to countenance and encourage the Association in these respects.
Chapter XIII.The Darkness Before the Dawn.Behind the dim unknownStandeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above His own.—Lowell ("The Present Crisis.")
The inauguration of the Lay Association in Glasgow was followed by a similar function in Edinburgh, during the sittings of the Assembly. The account of this meeting is given in the letter wrongly dated 1843 (May 30), to which reference has been already made.
Chapter ix, footnote (2).
The occasion exactly fits the same date in 1845:—
I succeeded yesterday in getting a much better meeting at the Canonmills Hall than I expected, to adhere to our Glasgow resolution—FoxMaule in the chair… Sir James Forrest, Sir William Seton, of Pitmedden, Sheriff Spiers, Sheriff Monteith, George Buchanan, of Kelloe, J. M.Hogg, of Newliston, Jas. Hamilton, of Ninewar, Geo. M'Miehen Torrance, of Threave. P. B. MureMacredie, of Perceton, Adam Holland, of Gask, W. H.Crawfurd, of Crawfurdland, Dr Smyttan, Jno. Hamilton, advocate, J. B. M'Combie, of Gellybrand, Aberdeen, J.Wyld, of Gilston, J. M.Nairn, of Dunsinane, General M'Dowall, of Stranraer, Robert Roxburgh, of Greenock. Dr Candlish mentioned our scheme very explicitly to the House last night… Were the Company once agreed with Lord Stanley, and the title to hand, we might move with spirit and persevering energy till the affair were established.
The closing part of the letter touched upon the great difficulty which confronted the founders of the Colony. The relations between the New Zealand Company and the Colonial Office were strained almost to breaking-point. References to the report of the Select Committee on New Zealand Affairs were made in Parliament during the month of March, and Mr Charles Buller took the leading part in attacking Lord Stanley's administration. It was evident to all observers that a crisis was at hand. The situation, as reflected in the correspondence of Burns and Cargill, throws a ray of light upon the character of the former. Burns confessed to a feeling of panic in his mind regarding the cherished scheme, and attributed the hindrances to direct Satanic agency (June 5, 1845):—
I am aware of a constitutional tendency in myself amidst adverse circumstances to magnify the evil that is apparent, and to apprehend worse than appears. My present impressions, therefore, may possibly be corrected by fuller and more accurate information. And, accordingly, you will, I hope, receive what I now write as the confidential flowings of my own feelings than as the deliberate determinations of my made-up mind. …My feeling is that we can do nothing just now, till it is seen what turn things are to take in London. And I confess to you that I say so under a sort of apprehension that the chance is that our entire scheme may be knocked on the head. Meanwhile, my own position is such as will not admit of an indefinite delay. And I have been turning in my own mind whether by accepting a call to one of our congregations at home or taking some appointment in the Colonies I might not bide the time till our enterprise could be started with more prospect of success, when I might be enabled to join it. … May Almighty God direct us all wisely to judge and act in this matter, and then all will be well.
On June 17 the Parliamentary debate began between the Company and the Colonial Office, when Mr Charles Buller moved: "That this House resolve itself into a committee to consider the state of the Colony of New Zealand, and the case of the New Zealand Company." During the three days' discussion which ensued the weaknesses of the Government's policy were frankly stated, and although the motion was defeated by 223 votes to 173, it was felt in the country that the Company had gained somewhat in prestige. A second debate occurred in July, and negotiations between Lord Stanley and the Company for a settlement of existing differences were continued.
Burns ruefully discusses the situation in his letters to Cargill, and mentions " the impossibility of persuading any body of our countrymen to proceed " to Otago under the existing state of affairs. The great historian D'Aubigny wrote at this juncture that the Tahitians should be given a safe quarter in the Pacific, and the suggestion was made that the Scotch Colony might accommodate them. Burns writes grimly, "I doubt poor Queen Pomare would find no crown nor kingdom among our Free Church Presbyterians."
Burns sought advice as to his future course of action from the leaders of the Free Church, including the Rev. John Sym and the Eight Hon. FoxMaule, M.P., the chairman of the Lay Association. This gentleman, afterwards Lord Panmure, and later the Earl of Dalhousie, used his high political position for the furtherance of colonial enterprise, and was a staunch friend of the Otago scheme from first to last. He was a pronounced Free Churchman; and he held cabinet rank under Lord Melbourne, and at subsequent periods, under Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston. He died in 1874. Writing to Cargill on July 18, Burns says:—
The idea which he (Mr FoxMaule) casually throws out has often been present to my thoughts… that, if all this delay should compel me to withdraw from the scheme, I shall at least have prepared the way for some other Free Church minister occupying my place as soon as the first party shall be in condition to move… And I confess to you that it is soothing to my mind to suppose that by my two years' waiting and co-operating with yourself for this object, some good service has been rendered… even though I may be compelled to form some ministerial connection which may prevent me from accompanying you to Otago when you shall be ready to go.
Suggestions were made that Burns should go to Australia, to Canada, or to Auckland in New Zealand; and his situation was so desperate that he pondered over his future course of action. But he clung to the Otago scheme with great loyalty and affection. It had become part of himself. Even if he should be compelled to take some other work, he would go back to the Scotch colony when the opportunity came to him. From the New Zealand Company the promised recompense to Burns had not been forthcoming, and his finances were almost exhausted. Former friends turned against him, and charged him with various sins of omission and commission in regard to his Church. But he stood by his ministerial appointment to the enterprise as long as he could. It was a season of great darkness and agony of soul, to which he looked back with a full heart in later years. Writing-from Otago, in 1862, to his brother Gilbert on the success of the experiment in true colonisation by means of the class settlement, he says:—
It was the idea that first fired my imagination when the New Edinburgh scheme was first broached to me in June, 1843
This statement disproves Hocken's assertion, referred to in chapter VIII and footnote (3), that there bad been a tacit understanding between Burns and Cargill for some time previous to this date, that Burns should receive the appointment.
—a few weeks after the Disruption, when I and my congregation left the Established Church. It was that idea which supported me in clinging to the Otago proposal from its initiation in 1848 until its completion in 1847, amidst the wonderment and charges of Quixotism, romance, "bee-in-the-bonnetism," by which I was assailed by the entire body of my clerical brethren in the Free Church. After 14 years' experience in Otago I now more pronouncedly than ever believe the class settlement to be the only Christian mode of colonization… The contract to which we became parties should be maintained and fulfilled.
From May 23, 1845, when Burns left his home at New Prestwick, he had been lodging in Ayr with his devoted wife and family. On August 12 he moved into a house near the mouth of the River Ayr, and he wrote:—
We are all here in the midst of confusion. The house we engaged in spring was a-building, and was to have been ready at Whitsunday to receive us. We have been in furnished lodgings. I am in the midst of flitting. The house we go into is on the edge of the quay, like an emigrant's. I fancy myself at Port Chalmers sometimes when I look out the window on the vessels.
In September Lord Derby (formerly Stanley) granted the request of the New Zealand Company for a loan of £100,000, and promised to instruct Governor Fitzroy "to make an unconditional grant of the Otago Block of 400,000 acres, the Company engaging to select the 150,000 acres proposed, or any further quantity required, and to reconvey the remainder to the Crown." This gave a more hopeful aspect to the movement in Scotland. A pamphlet was to be prepared, bringing the undertaking into comparison with the colonisation of New England in the early part of the 17th century. The religious and educational aspects were to be stressed in this new circular, as the only true foundation of a successful colony. Various suggestions were made as to the author to whom this pamphlet should be entrusted, including Hugh Miller, the then famous author of "The Old Red Sandstone"; but he declined the task; and it was finally written by Dr Aldcorn, with much help from Thomas Burns. Throughout the whole period of the organisation of the Scotch settlement. Burns kept himself in the background, avoiding all publicity, while really inspiring all the activities on its behalf in Scotland.
Writing on September 12, Burns deals with the naming of places in Otago, and expresses his disapproval of "the sort of heathen deification of individuals by conferring a species of immortality to which they are in no respect entitled." He indicates three sources from which names may be drawn:—
1. Old historical names like Dunedin, not previously given to existing towns. 2. Such names as Free Church land, Free land, Free village, Free cape or river, "Land o' Cakes," etc., might be translated into as euphonious Maori as the literary resources of the Colony could accomplish. … I agree with you that it will be impossible to retain all the Native names. Tokomairiro, Towitoratu, Purehurehu, Waiwakaheke, etc., are rather "long nebbit," and would prove sort of clumsy stumbling-blocks in the speech of our colonists, especially when they happened to be in a hurry—as will, no doubt, often happen, for some years to come! 3. There are many beautiful names in Scotland of sequestered glens," etc. … Otago, I think, it would not be easy to change now. I like it just as it is … if people would only learn to pronounce it right— "Otawgo." …
During September a meeting was held in connection with the Glasgow branch of the Lay Association, at which Burns and Cargill were present. An arrangement was arrived at between the New Zealand Company and the Lay Association, known as the "Terms of Purchase," which stated the respective obligations of the two bodies in regard to emigration, surveying, transport, the erection of buildings, the making of roads and bridges, etc. The Free Church aspect of the movement was committed to the Lay Association, also the important business of recruiting suitable emigrants, and "the eligibility of persons desirous of purchasing land, and of effecting the sale of the properties." The matter was submitted to a full meeting of the Association held on October 10. Burns writes on the following day:—
The sanction of this large Lay Association, nominal as in great measure it is, may serve our cause both here and in London
A London branch was formed to work through deacons' courts of the PresbyterianChurch of England. Cargill was intimately associated with this branch, and the sailing of the John Wycliffe from Gravesend in 1847 was arranged through this agency, at least in name, Cargill himself being the chief instrument of its success.
; but, depend upon it, it is a most perilous thing to submit such a string of well-considered proposals to the criticisms of so many judges, who, with all their business knowledge, like Sheriff Spiers, and all their divinity, like my brethren in Glasgow, are mainly and marvellously bad judges of such a matter. … We thought ourselves most fortunate in getting such a large and wise Association … but, lo and behold, once buckled to such a great lumbering body, we must ever after move with "weary steps and slow," dragging at our tail the monstrous bulk of such a cumbrous commodity!
In December, the pamphlet was published at the office of the Scottish Guardian. It was entitled, "Scheme of the Colony of the Free Church at Otago," and contained two maps of the Otago Block and 52 pages in all.
Armed with many hundreds of these pamphlets, Messrs Burns and Aldcorn, like friars of old, again resumed their journeyings into the highways and byways of Scotland, distributing as they went along, and seeking to entice. But pipe as they might, the people would not dance, and after six months of much disheartening work the pair were obliged to confess that their labour was in vain. Still, the bread had been cast upon the waters, though there seemed no likelihood of ever finding it again.
Hocken, op. cit. page 71.
Burns himself visited Renfrew, Beith, Kilwinning, Saltcoats, and Ardrossan in February, 1846. Next on his itinerary were Paisley, Hamilton, Johnstone, and then Perth, Dundee, Aberdeen, etc. In the course of his wanderings he fell in with a Mr Dalziel, who had travelled widely in Australia and New Zealand. He claimed to have been over the Otago area (of which he thought very little) "and several other places besides in the Middle Island, one of which, Timoru (sic), immediately south of the Banks Peninsula, he declares to be the best in the Island, i.e., in point of soil, for he admits that there is no harbour to it nearer than Banks Peninsula, the road to which would be long and difficult." Burns continues in this letter (February 14, 1846) that he suspects that Dalziel belongs to the party of Dr Martin and a Mr Brown, who had returned from New Zealand and expressed preference for the placing of the settlement near Auckland, where there were about 1700 Presbyterians without a minister, according to the statement made.
This was an exaggeration.
Whytlaw also spoke much against Otago as a site.
It was the discovery of this that led us to add a dozen more pages to our pamphlet, giving information as to the Middle Island, and particularly of Otago. … It is pretty evident that we shall have a battle to fight with these men, armed as I suppose they are with Dalziel's damaging testimony.
So the propaganda went on. Burns postponed his northern trip, and visited Kirkintilloch, Stirling, Kirkcudbright, Wigton, Galloway, and part of Dumfries. The Maori troubles in the North Island of New Zealand were hindering the progress of the peaceful campaign in Scotland. He writes of his lack of financial support from the Company, from which he has received no compensation, despite Rennie's written assurances, and of the unresponsiveness of the people to the appeal for colonists. But he says grimly, "Scotland will move, and must move … but time must be given for that purpose; and, more especially, more favourable intelligence must come home from New Zealand." Burns visited the presbyteries of the west and south, and approached the deacons' courts, but heard on all sides that the time was inopportune for action. Business failures were taking place in Glasgow, while the wages of labourers were on the up-grade. Railways were being built, and workers were finding employment at 3s 6d per day. On March 27 Burns writes that Dr Aldcorn agrees with him as to the necessity for further delay, adding that, "if circumstances should be favourable, a movement might be tried towards autumn to get up a party for 1847, perhaps not very large, as a precursory and pioneering effort."
And what was Burns himself to do in the meantime? The question returned with fresh force at each disappointment and delay. He might perhaps go out as minister of Wellington or Nelson, and afterwards link up with Otago. Whytlaw revived the claims of Auckland. But the New Zealand Company had made no recent offer to fill any of these positions. Meanwhile, the Colonial Committee of the Free Church made an alternative proposal, that Burns should go to Australia at the head of a party of young ministers who were to be sent out to supply the needs of the Presbyterian Church in that country. He took time to consider this project. Another suggestion came from Dr Candlish, that he should become an evangelist to the Free Church stations at home. He placed himself under the Home Mission Committee in the meantime, and preached in Portobello, and then at Aberdeen, where his old friend, the Rev. James Stewart, of the South Church, Aberdeen, formerly of Wallacetown in Ayr, lay dying. He filled this post in June, 1846. His son Arthur wished to go to sea, and he sailed on the ship Tamar from Newport for Hongkong, after getting his outfit at Dublin.
It was now accepted that the first party could not be assembled for at least a year. From Aberdeen Burns wrote to his friend and correspondent Cargill a kind of swan song, which, however, may be interpreted, as Socrates in the Phædo spoke of it, as a song of hope and not of despair
Phædo, 84 E.
:—
It would be very gratifying to my mind if by any means Otago could be kept for the Free Church; and all our labours for the last three years, instead of sinking like water into the sand and disappearing for ever, should yet meet with a fair chance of being carried out to their intended result. In short, I would like that the Otago scheme should not be hopelessly abandoned, but only suspended … in some way that would facilitate its revival.
Even in Aberdeen, and under the shadow of possible failure, Burns used his opportunities for advancing the interests of the scheme. One of the settlers of Otago, a highly gifted man, gave his impression of a meeting held by the leaders
" Twenty-five Years of Emigrant Life in the South of New Zealand," by James Adam.
:—
Fifty years ago, having heard that two gentlemen from Edinburgh were to address a meeting in Aberdeen on the subject of "Emigration to the South of New Zealand," I resolved to hear what could be said about the remote islands of this stern, unknown land and its cannibal inhabitants. On entering the church where the meeting was held, I saw several gentlemen on the platform, one of whom (late Dr Bonar) was called to the chair, and introduced to the audience Dr Aldcorn and Rev. T. Burns. The addresses of both gentlemen were very short, and the information they gave of a very limited kind, for they were speaking of a country they had never seen, and of a life to which they were utter strangers. I was, however, favourably impressed with what Mr Burns said. Being a nephew of the Scottish bard, he might have been expected to have some influence upon Scotch emigrants—if there were any poetry in the life of an emigrant—but he made no attempt to elevate the hard facts of toil and labour in an emigrant's lot into the region of poetry and fiction. … But I had sense enough to know that toil, and perhaps danger, were the concomitants of life in New Zealand. The simple facts that Mr Burns had resigned his charge, had cast in his lot with the emigrants, and would sail with the pioneers, gave confidence in the statements of the reverend gentleman, so that the seed fell into soil prepared and ready to receive it. At the end of the address I stepped forward and had a conversation with Mr Burns, which ended in my receiving an immediate offer of a free passage to Otago.
The vacant charge of Portobello, a seaside resort about ten miles from Edinburgh, petitioned the Presbytery of Edinburgh for moderation in a call, and proceeded to extend the call to the Rev. Thomas Burns, then acting as locum tenens in Aberdeen for the Rev. James Stewart. Burns writes to Cargill very frankly about the whole situation in which he finds himself, financially and otherwise. There is a note of mortification as to the apparently hopeless state of the Scotch Colony. On June 5 he intimates his intention to accept the call, and adds in his note to Cargill, "I have just seen in The Times that the Company are all up." And nearly a week later he writes of the passing of his friend Mr Stewart, of South Aberdeen. He reviews the strange events of life for both Cargill and himself during the past three years:—
I look back sometimes in wonder at the tenacity with which we have held on amidst obstacles and difficulties appearing insurmountable and rising thick in succession after each other, and yet every one of them surmounted—the series is still going on—the last obstacles and difficulties just as great and numerous as at the beginning of the series—the finale seems to be approaching at last. … How often has it (the Otago movement) been hopelessly down, the next day to uprear itself again with new promise! And is not this present crisis in its fate likely to prove another and perhaps a concluding exemplification of the same remark? Time will show.
On June 25, 1846, the Rev. Thomas Burns was inducted into the Free Church parish of Portobello by the Presbytery of Edinburgh, and he and his wife and family took up their residence at Rosefield Place, Portobello. Three toilsome and apparently fruitless years had passed since he accepted the appointment of minister to the Colony of New Edinburgh. Yet, as the Psalmist says, "Unto the upright in heart there ariseth light in the darkness."
Chapter XIV.The Sailing of the First Party.
I always hold that religion is the great State-building principle; these colonists could create a new State because they were already a church, since the church, so at least I hold, is the soul of the State; where there is a church a State grows up in time; but if you find a State which is not also in some sense a church, you find a State which is not long for this world.
—Sir John R. Seeley ("The Expansion of England.")
On June 29, 1846, Sir Robert Peel resigned after the repeal of the Corn Laws, and Lord John Russell formed a Ministry, with Earl Grey, formerly Lord Howick, a strong supporter of colonisation in New Zealand, as the Colonial Secretary. This was the news which thrilled the advocates of the Scottish Colony a few days after Burns had commenced his ministry at Portobello. Captain (afterwards Sir George) Grey had succeeded Captain Fitzroy as Governor of New Zealand. The New Zealand Company, which had been on the eve of dissolution, was resuscitated, and entered into an agreement with the Colonial Office, as from April 6, 1847, which permitted fresh efforts at colonisation, and promised the Company £136,000 for assisting its efforts in this direction. It was, however, stipulated that if, at the end of three years, the Company should find itself unable to carry on, the Government should become possessed of all assets and take control of the operations.
In his new sphere of work Burns found himself face to face with many difficulties. The Free Church building in which the congregation worshipped was a large one, with galleries all round. It was situated in Regent street, Portobello, and was built by the Secession Church 20 years before Burns became the minister. The congregation, which was small, had become deeply involved in debt on account of the erection of so large an edifice. To add to its troubles the charge had been unfortunate in its choice of a pastor, and the cause fell into such ruin that the church was closed and offered for sale. In 1834 the Rev. David Crawford, a Relief minister, reopened the church, and when the Disruption occurred Mr Crawford generously resigned in order that the Free Church might make a fresh start with the charge. The building was purchased for a thousand guineas, and the Free Church adopted the congregation, which included 140 members of the Relief persuasion, and others who did not hold Free Church principles. The building was burnt down on November 8, 1874, but the United Presbyterians rebuilt on the site, and the church standing there is now known as the Regent Street United Free Church. Mr Burns's old congregation built a beautiful Gothic structure in Hamilton street, known as St. Philip's United Free Church, over which the Rev. William Farquharson, M.A.,
Mr Farquharson was a fellow-student of the writer of these memoirs when he was at New College, Edinburgh, in 1903-4.
now happily officiates as minister in succession to the Rev. Thomas Burns, with a membership of nearly 1000 persons.
Mr Burns succeeded the Rev. Mr Cowe, who demitted the charge on October 19, 1845; and, as has been already stated, was inducted on Thursday, June 25, 1846. There was no manse in those days, and Mr Burns lived at 2 Rosefield Place with his wife and family. With characteristic energy the new minister announced his intention of visiting the congregation, with the help of the elders. A start was made with a library for the church and Sunday School, and an effort was put forward in the direction of building a manse. But, despite all that Burns could do, the cause did not prosper in those days as he hoped. Perhaps the fact that the minister's heart was still with his dream colony had something to do with the situation. But other facts were sufficient to account for most of the obstacles which impeded the progress of the work. The following extracts from his letters show something of the course of events:—
I have just got over the laborious work of visiting my congregation, and go down to Jedburgh to-morrow in the capacity of Commissioner from the Presbytery of Ayr, and the Communion here is on Sabbath next. … There is plenty of hard work in this neglected place (July 27, 1848). … I find myself encountered everywhere with a smile of derision, and my coming to Portobello regarded as a fortunate escape from a most disastrous and hopeless connection, and that in spite of all I can say to the contrary … Macfarlane
Rev. J. Macfarlane left Wellington, N.Z., by the Bella Marina in October, 1844, and remained in Scotland.
has not gone back to Wellington. He is preaching to a handful of people in his old church in Paisley (October 3). … They have got me appointed Vice-convener of the Colonial Committee of the Free Church, an office which is sufficiently laborious, and which I could fill up my time well enough without. But there is nothing for it but hard work for all parties in these times (December 24). …
The congregation is so heterogeneous. A large section are "Relief," who stuck to the walls of the church when the Free Church bought it from the Relief body. And these are all "voluntaries," in favour of Sabbath morning and evening trains, their religion mainly formal. Another section are "residuaries," who by some concatenation of circumstances are found within the pale of the Free Church. The elders and deacons are, without exception, made up of these two classes. The third and best class consist almost altogether of ladies —many of God's people among them. … My predecessor was driven from his post by the difficulties he had to contend with. The sterner stuff of which the present incumbent is composed —whilst it may prevent him from yielding to them—may nevertheless shut him up to such a stringent exercise of the discipline of the Church as to purge the congregation of from one-third to one-half of its present members. In truth I am often in the thought that this should be done at any rate. For it is not a Free Church congregation, either in spirit or character or conversation in the world. In these circumstances the thoughts of Otago have lost none of their charm for me. At the same time, they have raised up a new question of duty, viz., how far I would be justified in relinquishing my post whilst matters are in so very precarious a conjuncture. It is a mighty relief … to cast oneself upon God and hear Him saying: "Commit thy way unto the Lord, trust also in Him, and He shall bring it to pass." Meanwhile, my feeling is one of suspense and uncertainty, or rather, a "patient waiting upon God."
I have thought it right to be thus open with you as to my own feelings and position. I cannot but feel an amount of responsibility in connection with the Otago scheme. The probability is that if either of the two of us had withdrawn, the other would have done so, too (at least, I can speak for myself), in which case where would have been the Otago scheme at this day? Probably in the hands of some worldlings, with radicalism, Chartism, voluntaryism, or other equally bad "isms" sticking to them, who would have settled down in that fine position—a horde of ungodliness and barbarism, a centre of contamination whence evil issues would proceed to the temporal and eternal injury of all within reach.
During Burns's ministry at Portobello his interest in the southern enterprise never slackened. He assisted in getting signatures of the members of the Lay Association to a letter addressed to Lord John Russell on behalf of the scheme. He was frequently at the office of Mr Dowling in South St. Andrew street, Edinburgh, and he complained in his letters to Cargill of the lack of attention given there to the business of the Scotch Colony.
The appointment of Mr John M'Glashan as secretary of the movement in Edinburgh was an event of considerable importance. His office was at 5 George street. He was a citizen of Edinburgh by birth and education. Born in 1802, he was educated at the famous High School and the University, and admitted in 1824 as a solicitor with right to practise in the Supreme Court of Scotland. He wrote some books on the law of Scotland, which were regarded as valuable contributions to the subject. He held the post of secretary to the Lay Association of the Otago Settlement from August, 1847, for five years, and gave valuable advice to the Colonial Office regarding a Constitution for New Zealand when the Bill was under the consideration of the Government. He was an exceedingly able secretary, and rendered very important services to the settlement and province of Otago. After the Lay Association ceased to exist Mr John M'Glashan set up his home in Dunedin, being welcomed on arrival from Scotland in 1853 by a public banquet held in his honour. His brother Edward was also a member of the Association in Edinburgh, and preceded John as a settler in Otago by some years. The name of John M'Glashan is commemorated by the John M'Glashan College, a boys' school situated in the old seat of the family at Balmacewan, Dunedin, which was donated by his surviving daughters, the foundation stone of the present buildings having been laid in 1918. The fine traditions already established in the school under the present headship of Mr C. M. Gilray constitutes an excellent monument to the distinguished Secretary of the Otago Association. He died as the result of a fall from his horse on November 2, 1864.
Burns was in constant correspondence with Dr Aldcorn as to the final form of the new prospectus, which contained copious references to the example and influence of the Pilgrim Fathers of New England. In the light of the writings of the great Puritan divine and president of Harvard College, Cotton Mather, Burns suggested the following headings:—"Important Changes Made by the British Government and the New Zealand Company for the Benefit of the New Zealand Settlers"; "The Great Encouragement Which These Changes Afford to Emigration";"The Otago Settlement to be on the Model of the New England Colonies of North America Founded by the Pilgrim Fathers." Although these suggestions were not pressed they were like straws which showed the direction of the wind.
We have already seen that there were many fields open to the emigrants of last century—America, Canada, South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand. Fears of earthquakes and the Maori hostilities kept many away from the distant isles of the southern Pacific. Rivalry was sometimes keen between the advocates of the respective countries. A definite bid for Scottish recruits was being made in 1847 by a prominent visitor from Australia. Dr John Dunmore Lang, the first Presbyterian minister settled in Australia, had commenced his work in Sydney at the Scots' Church in 1823. In 1845 he visited Moreton Bay settlement in Southern Queensland; and he was so favourably impressed with the resources of the districts in the vicinity of Brisbane that he travelled to Scotland for the purpose of inducing the people of his native land to settle in Moreton Bay. He gathered many worthy people together, including some with whom Burns had been negotiating, and despatched them in three vessels which he chartered for the purpose. The first ship was the Fortitude, after which Fortitude Valley, Brisbane, is named. She arrived at her destination early in 1849. Burns referred to Dr Lang's visit in one of his letters to Cargill, dated February 6, 1847.
Mrs William Cargill and her family were living at Portobello during the period of the ministry of Burns, and are frequently mentioned in his letters to his colleague in London. Sickness made itself felt in both homes during the year. Mrs Burns and Mrs Cargill exchanged visits.The pastoral influence of the minister was very helpful during the serious illness of one of Mrs Cargill's daughters.
The last letter preserved to us from the long correspondence between Burns and Cargill during the critical years of launching the Otago scheme was written on April 5, 1847. It strikes that practical note which constantly resounded through all of Burns's communications. It foreshadows a revival in the prospects of the beloved enterprise:—
I have just spoken to Mr Kennedy, the Free Church bookseller, and he is perfectly willing that his name and address should be used in your advertisement as that to which applicants may in the meantime address their letters of inquiry to Dr Aldcorn.
P.S.—Heard from my son at Hongkong, who has had six and a half months' voyage—likes his profession, ship, and officers, and must now be on his homeward voyage.
On May 14, 1847, satisfactory negotiations between the New Zealand Company and the Otago Lay Association were effected, and the "Terms of Purchase"—which underwent frequent revision in details between 1845 and 1849—were presented in a modified form. We have seen the nature of the division of function between the contracting parties, and this may be a suitable place to indicate briefly the main items of the arrangements regarding the disposal of the "properties" in Otago, the block consisting of 144,600 acres.
Each of the 2400 properties had three allotments, one in the town (a quarter of an acre), one suburban (ten acres), and one rural (fifty acres). The price of a property was fixed at £120 10s, being at the rate of 40s per acre. Of these properties, 2000 were for sale, 100 were reserved for municipal purposes, and 100 were available for purchase by the Trustees for religious and educational uses. In addition, 200 properties were to be held by the New Zealand Company. If the total sales should be effected, the value, at £2, would be £289,200; of which £108,450 was to be utilised for the emigration of labourers, £72,300 for surveys and civil purposes, £72,300 for the New Zealand Company, and £36,150 for religious and educational uses. The rural allotments of 50 acres each were located in the Taieri, Tokomairiro, and Molyneux districts. The suburban allotments lay in North-east Valley (which then began much nearer to the centre of Dunedin than at present), East and West Harbour, Anderson's Bay, Roslyn, St. Kilda, and the surrounding areas of the town. It was agreed that five years should be allowed for the Association to sell the properties, in default of which the Company should have the option of stepping in and disposing of the balance of unsold land as it might deem best. Should the Association succeed, however, in selling all the properties, it would be in a position to apply for the remainder of the block beyond the 144,600 acres granted to it. These lofty expectations were never realised.
The work of surveying the Otago Block had been in the hands of Mr Davison at Port Chalmers for some time, when Mr Kettle, accompanied by his young wife, returned to the scene as the chief surveyor. He engaged a large staff of assistants and labourers at Wellington, who sailed with him to Otago in the Mary Catherine, which arrived on February 23, 1846. Port Chalmers was first surveyed; the harbour was sounded; and Mr Kettle chose the principal sites of towns in the rural districts. The great river Matou, called Molyneux by Captain Cook, had by this time received a fresh name, the Clutha, the Gaelic name for the Clyde, as a pleasing recognition of the place of Glasgow in the Otago scheme; and the town became, by the same token, Balclutha. Messrs Park and Davison received appointments as assistant surveyors under Mr Kettle, and they laid out Otepoti, the present Dunedin, under the direction of their chief. On July 4, 1847, Mr Kettle, having finished the work of surveying, wrote to Colonel William Wakefield, the Company's Superintendent at Wellington:—
Dunedin is now almost deserted, there being only five houses in the town inhabited, and we have for the present almost given up hopes of the arrival of the settlers.
In Scotland, however, the prospects of the enterprise were becoming brighter each month. On August 10, 1847, a public meeting under the Lay Association was held at the Trades Hall, Glasgow
See account of meeting in N.Z. Journal, August 14, 1847.
. In the course of the advertisement of the meeting it was stated that:—
Those who can subscribe to, or participate in, the religious and educational institutions of Otago will be received into its community with welcome, and those who may prefer to have a colony of their own will have an opportunity of informing themselves how that object may be attained, the means for doing so being open to all.
The chair was taken by Mr FoxMaule. The "Address to the People of Scotland" was submitted to the meeting, and adopted for widespread circulation. It was resolved that October should be aimed at as the time for the sailing of the first party, in order to arrive at Otago in the autumn. The two committees, of Edinburgh and Glasgow respectively, were appointed, with John M'Glashan and Dr Aldcorn representing the two main cities in a secretarial capacity. In the course of time this work devolved completely upon Mr M'Glashan until the failure of the Association. The Otago Journal was started under his fostering care, and ran through eight numbers between 1848 and 1852. Full sets of this interesting journal are now extremely scarce, although the numbers were at one time plentifully circulated.
Following upon the action taken at the meeting, Cargill applied to the directors of the Company to advertise for vessels. On September 22 the advertisement appeared, requesting tenders for the hire of two vessels of not less than 450, nor more than 650 tons, one of which was to sail from London, and one from Glasgow about October 30. The result was the choice of the John Wickliffe, a new and fast ship of 662 tons, to sail under Captain Cargill from London; and the Philip Laing, of 547 tons, owned by Messrs Laing and Ridley, of Liverpool, a vessel of the old-fashioned bruise-water type, to sail with the Scottish party from the Clyde on or after October 30.
Meanwhile, the re-appointment of the Rev. Thomas Burns as minister of the Colony was proposed; and the faithful friend and champion of the movement since its adoption by the Free Church saw at length the prospect of the fulfilment of his cherished plans and expectations. In October Burns applied to the Presbytery of Edinburgh for release from the parish of Portobello with a view to acceptance of the post of minister with the first party for Otago. The Presbytery gave the matter very sympathetic consideration, and spoke of Burns and his qualifications for the office in terms of the highest commendation. An account of the proceedings is preserved in the New Zealand Journal of October 9, 1847.
The Clerk said he had received some commissions of considerable importance. "At Edinburgh, October 5, 1847, which day the Colonial Committee of the Free Church being constituted. Inter alia: The following documents were laid before the meeting, viz.: 1. Extract minute of the Committee of the Otago Association relative to the appointment of the Rev. Thomas Burns. 2. Letter from the Secretary. 3. Terms of Purchase. 4. Deed of Constitution. 5. Bond to Mr Burns. Captain Cargill also appeared for the Lay Association, and was heard in support of their application. Thereafter the Committee having deliberated, resolved that while they cannot contemplate the loss of Mr Burns's brotherly counsels and cooperation as a member of this Committee without sincere pain and sorrow, and while they are deeply impressed with the loss the Church at home and the congregation of Portobello in particular will sustain by means of his removal, yet, having respect to the vast importance of the projected settlement of Otago and to the principles as regards secular education and religious ordinances on which it is to be carried out, as these have been sanctioned and approved by the General Assembly, having respect also to Mr Burns's former appointment and to his views as expressed to the Committee this day, agree to confirm and sanction his appointment to Otago, and direct the secretary to lay the above-mentioned documents, along with an extract of this minute, before the Presbytery of Edinburgh at their meeting to-morrow, that they may take such steps in the matter as to them may seem meet." The following letter from Mr Burns was then read:—
Portobello,October 6, 1847.Reverend Sir,
—Having been reappointed to the situation of first minister of the Colony of Otago, I think it due to the Presbytery to state at once how far my mind is made up with regard to it. I beg to say that the subject is not new to me.
Here follows the important passage which was quoted in the present work on pages 74-75, giving Burns's view as expressed to Dr Welsh that the enterprise was of the nature of a great missionary undertaking, as well as a promising colonial venture.
Difficulties arose which rendered it prudent to suspend the enterprise. So strongly, however, was my mind impressed with the idea that the hand of God was in it and the cause of Christ connected with it that I was led to cling for three years to the undertaking amidst sacrifices on the part of myself and family in the expectation that it would certainly be carried out. But the call to my present charge reached me and warned me that I ought to cling to it no longer. Now, again, that the appointment comes back to me a second time under circumstances so much more favourable and with details and arrangements so greatly improved I cannot help feeling that its claims are stronger than ever. I cannot think of the accelerated rate at which emigration is proceeding in this country, of the fatal facility with which the emigrant relinquishes his religious habits when he finds himself unprovided with public ordinances in his newly-adopted country—of the deplorable amount of religious destitution already existing in the colonies—without feeling that it would not be easy to overrate the importance of any well-devised scheme, such as I conceive this to be, by which the work of British emigration might be so managed as either greatly to mitigate or altogether prevent the dreadful evil referred to. After this statement of my views and feelings my reverend fathers and brethren will be prepared for the intimation which I beg now respectfully to submit to them, viz., that it is a very decided feeling with me that I have a strong call of duty to accept of this appointment.
Dr Candlish spoke wisely on the position, and moved that the congregation be cited in the usual way, and that the Presbytery meet again on the same day fortnight, to receive the report of a special committee on the subject. At the next meeting the Presbytery resolved to approve of the appointment of Mr Burns to the Otago Colony, and expressed the general opinion of his excellence as a Christian minister and his special qualifications for the office to which he had been called.
Mr James Blackie, who had been appointed teacher of the school in Portobello in September, 1846, was one of the prominent workers in Mr Burns's congregation, acting as clerk of the Deacons' Court. In this young man Burns found the first schoolmaster for the proposed Colony of Otago. He accepted the position offered to him. And so at length the long and difficult search for a suitable teacher which had been commenced under Rennie's regime in 1843 and had been beset by many and great obstacles was satisfactorily terminated. Mr Blackie was so highly esteemed by the pupils of the Portobello School that they presented him with an inscribed desk, which is one of the treasures of the Early Settlers' Museum in Dunedin.
With a satisfactory constitution in the form of documents entitled "The Institutes for Church and School," a "Bond for the Rev. Mr Burns," and a "Deed of Trust," the legal and moral interests of the Settlement were safeguarded in so far as paper guarantees could secure the future course of events. The Deed of Trust provided for the appointment of four "Trustees for Religious and Educational Uses," to whom was remitted the right to control the funds for the objects specified and to expend the same in purchasing lands and erecting buildings for church and school purposes. These Trustees were specified in the "Deed of Trust," which was dated November 6, 1847, as "the Rev. Thomas Burns, minister of the First Church, Otago; Edward Lee, gentleman, Otago; Edward M'Glashan, of Salisbury place, Edinburgh; and William Cargill, agent at Otago for the New Zealand Company."
A copy of this very important legal document can be found on page 38 of the valuable work "The Presbyterian Church Trust, with Historical Narrative." by Rev. Wm. Gillies, Timaru, 1876. The "Institutes" may be found on p. 41. A copy of the "Bond" is in the John M'Glashan collection.
In addition to the matters already enumerated, the Deed promised "£300 per annum for First Church during the incumbency of the Rev. Thomas Burns, to whom the said Trustees have granted provisional bond for that sum; and so far as not required for immediate purposes, they shall lay out the funds in heritable security, and uplift and expend and reinvest, as may be requisite; paying the stipends to ministers and salaries to schoolmasters from the interest and income and accumulating surplus, or other interest with its stock; and they are also empowered to purchase lands, as provided by article sixth of the arrangements aforesaid." As the properties at Otago were sold the proportion of one-eighth was to be paid to the Trustees for the purchase of land as heritable property on behalf of religious and educational uses. The "Institutes" constituted the Church of Otago, "with the schools attached thereto," as part of the Free Church of Scotland, until the formation of a Presbytery which should be strong enough to function independently of the Home Church; and they contemplated the possibility of the foundation of a college in New Zealand. The reference to a college occurs in many of the papers connected with the movement whose rise we have been tracing. It was mentioned in the letter of Cargill to Aldcorn in October, 1847
See pamphlet entitled "Free Church Colony at Otago in New Zealand," October, 1847. A copy came under my notice in the Turnbull Library, Wellington. The first number of the Otago Journal, in a paragraph entitled "Education in Otago," sketches the proposed college. Its curriculum is to include literary and philosophical studies as well as the classics, mathematics, etc., which form the main subjects taught at a high school.
amidst the considerations brought out by the analogy of the Pilgrim Fathers of New England; and it doubtless reflected the sense of the necessity of providing for a liberal education along the lines of a high school, and even a University, together with provision for training in theology. This was quite in harmony with Scottish zeal for education, following upon the great national movement led by John Knox in the sixteenth century.
The first ballot for the determination of the right of the order of choice of the several allotments described above in connection with each property took place at New Zealand House, London, on November 10, 1847. The preference of selection in regard to each kind of allotment thus fixed was to be put into effect at the sales of land which were postponed until after the settlers had arrived on the soil of their future home. The figures show 104 purchases, 69 by individuals, 9 by the Church Trust, 9 by the local municipality, and 17 by the New Zealand Company. At this juncture the Company, through its directors, "liberally agreed to make an advance of £3500 for a church, manse, schoolhouse, and other purposes connected with the Trust, to be repaid out of future funds from land sales," according to the Otago Journal of June, 1848; but one would like to know how much of this money was actually expended in hard cash.
Otago Journal, No. II, p. 1, Early Settlers' Library.
The secretary of the New Zealand Company, Mr T. C. Harington, issued authority to the responsible officers of the expedition, and copies of his letters to Cargil and Dr Henry Manning, of the John Wickliffe; and the Rev. Thomas Burns and Dr Robert Ramsay, of the Philip Laing, are in the Hocken Library. Cargill was appointed the agent of the Company at a salary of £500 per annum. The terms to the ships' surgeons showed consideration for the well-being of the emigrants. In addition to a free passage, the surgeons were to receive "10s for every adult emigrant landed in the Colony, six children above the age of one year and under 14 being reckoned according to Act of Parliament as one adult; £1 for every birth on board, and a gratuity of £25, but subject to a deduction of £1 for every death." The following letter was addressed by Mr Harington to Burns:—
New Zealand House,November 15, 1847.Reverend Sir,
—You are aware that Captain Cargill is about to proceed from London to Otago in the ship John Wickliffe as the agent of the New Zealand Company for that Settlement; but that the great body of the first party of settlers being collected from Scotland are to accompany yourself from Greenock in the Philip Laing.
It is considered desirable that a representative of the Company be appointed, both in the latter ship while at sea and after arrival in the Colony, if such arrival happen to precede that of the John Wickliffe. Captain Cargill has submitted your name as the fittest person to undertake this duty, and the Court fully concurring in this opinion, and concluding that it will not be disagreeable to you, have at once adopted the recommendation.
I am accordingly instructed to authorise and request you to act as the agent and representative of the New Zealand Company on board the Philip Laing during the voyage from Glasgow to Otago in New Zealand, and also in that Settlement, until Captain Cargill's arrival in case you arrive there before that gentleman.
You will therefore consider this letter your authority for ordering, superintending, and managing all necessary affairs in the above-mentioned capacity, both during the outward voyage and after your arrival in the Colony if the contingency alluded to shall occur.
Otago M.S.S., Vol. 7, Hocken Library.
After short delays in the latter stages of preparation the great occasion drew near. The departure of the two Mayflower ships to a new land in the southern portion of New Zealand was imminent. Services were held in the churches of Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Greenock to celebrate the sailing of the Scottish pilgrims. The smaller band who were to embark in the John Wickliffe from Gravesend also had their interests remembered by the Rev. William Nicholson in the Church of London Wall prior to their departure under Cargill. The solemn acknowledgment of the guiding hand of God was characteristic of the beginning of both expeditions to Otago.
At Greenock we can imagine the mingled joy and grief written on the faces of the pioneers of the new Colony on board the Philip Laing. We see the hardy young men and comely young women, the children on the crowded deck, the crew on the forecastle, ready when called upon to lift the anchor with a "deep sea chantey such as seamen use at sea." We notice the surgeon, Dr Ramsay, the schoolmaster, Mr Blackie, the master of the ship, Captain A. J. Elles; and, towering in the midst of his family and friends, we see the Rev. Thomas Burns, upon whose noble countenance are recorded thanksgiving and hopefulness, touched with a sense of care and responsibility. Mrs Burns, who has been fully occupied with the many duties which fall to the mother of a family on such an occasion, preserves her natural grace and dignity, although her heart is full. Many visitors have come aboard the ship, including the Rev. Dr M'Farlan, the Rev. Mr Smith, Mr Gilbert Burns, the youngest brother of the minister, who has come from Dublin to say farewell, Mr P. B. Mure Macredie, of Perceton, Mr John M'Glashan, the Edinburgh secretary of the Association, Dr Aldcorn, the staunch champion of the movement, and Mr Alston, from New Zealand House, London, who has supervised the equipment of the vessel for the voyage. The press account describes the "superior qualities" of the passengers, who numbered nearly 250 souls.
On Saturday, November 20, with this large party on board, prayers were offered for a successful voyage, a safe arrival, and the "comfort, prosperity, and happiness of the settlers in the land of their adoption." The Rev. Mr Smith read from Psalmist lxxii: 8, 9, 16, 17, a passage wonderfully appropriate to the circumstances. An address was given by Dr M'Farlan, and then Mr M'Glashan, the secretary, explained the provisions made for the comfort of the passengers, and concluded his remarks by thanking the Lord Provost of Edinburgh (Mr Black) for his present to the library of a copy of the Encyclopædia Britannica. The service was concluded by the benediction, after the singing of the paraphrase:—
O God of Bethel, by Whose hand Thy people still are fed,Who through this weary pilgrimage Hast all our fathers led;Our vows, our prayers we now present Before Thy throne of grace;God of our fathers, be the God Of their succeeding race.
The sailing of the Philip Laing from the Tail of the Bank was delayed until the following Saturday, November 27, 1847, the anchor being weighed at 2 p.m. From the heights of the beautiful hills around Greenock there were many who watched with tear-dimmed eyes the little ship moving out of the harbour into the sea, and who wondered whether the hopes of a new Scotland in the far-away Southern Ocean would ever be fulfilled. The late autumn afternoon closed in all too soon, and only a dim and distant light told of the ship slowly vanishing into the night. The great enterprise had begun.
Chapter XV.The Voyage.And let our barques across the pathless floodHold different courses.—Scott.
(Kenilworth, Chapter XXIX, Introductory verses.)
The ship John Wickliffe sailed from Gravesend on September 24, 1847. She was under the command of Captain Bartholomew Daly. The agent of the Company, Captain William Cargill, was in charge of the expedition, and with him were Dr Henry Manning, surgeon, and the Rev. T. D. Nicholson, who resigned his charge at Lowick, England, on November 7 in order to undertake duty as the Free Church minister at Nelson. Mr Nicholson travelled merely as a passenger on the John Wickliffe, but he undertook religious duties on board.
The diary of the Rev. T. D. Nicholson has recently been donated to the Early Settlers' Library by the descendants of the first minister of Nelson. The writer of these memoirs desires to thank the Rev. J. H. MacKenzie, Clerk of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, for his good offices in this and in other matters connected with the early history of the province. The diary is entitled "A Collection of Seaweed," and consists mainly of general reflections, illustrated here and there with pen and ink drawings. Strangely enough, Captain Cargill's name is not mentioned in the account of the voyage of the John Wickliffe. We shall have occasion to refer to this journal later in the present work.
Although he had no official association with the Otago Settlement, Mr Nicholson was privileged to be the first minister to hold a religious service in the present city of Dunedin. In addition to the Cargill family the passengers included the Garricks, Mosleys, Brebners, Finches, Watsons, Blatches, Westlands, and Wilsons, Messrs W. H. Cutten, Julius Jeffreys, Thomas Ferens, J. E. Smith (Factor to the Church Trustees), and others
Lists of the passengers of the early ships are to be found in Hocken's Early History (Appendix F), but there are several errors and omissions. Edward Lee should be included.
, 97 emigrants in all.
Violent storms raged round the coast of Great Britain a few days after the departure of the John Wickliffe and the Philip Laing. The heavily-laden John Wickliffe, which was the storeship of the expedition, felt the full force of the gale in the Channel, and sprang a leak, which compelled her to shelter and refit in Portsmouth. Setting out from that harbour on December 16, the John Wickliffe made a fast voyage, and anchored off Port Chalmers on March 23, 1848—an anniversary ever memorable in the history of the province.
The Philip Laing, with the great majority of the settlers on board under the Rev. Thomas Burns, had shared in the perils of the storm which delayed her sister ship. Fortunately, the diary in which Burns recorded the daily events of the voyage and the happenings which occurred for some years after arrival in Otago has escaped the destruction which overtook the bulk of his papers after his death, and is now preserved as one of the priceless relics in the Otago Early Settlers' Library. To Mr William Paterson, the worthy secretary, the present writer is indebted for access to this diary and other documents in possession of the fine organisation of the early settlers and their descendants, which renders unique service to the historical interests of the community.
Burns commences his record thus:—
The ship Philip Laing, 547 tons burden, weighed anchor from Greenock about 2 p.m. on Saturday, November 27, 1847, with 186 adults, of whom 87 were children under 14 years of age, every two of whom are reckoned as one adult, and 11 infants. The cabin passengers, consisting of myself, my wife and six children, the eldest of whom is 17, the youngest eight months, Mr James Blackie, schoolmaster, Mr R. Donaldson, Mr CondamineCarnegie and his wife, Dr Ramsay, surgeon of the ship, A.J. Elles, captain of the ship, Kenyon, first mate, Gilbert M'Gill, second mate, James Barron, steward, James Andrew, cabin boy, with a crew of 26 (men and boys).
The number of souls carried as future inhabitants of Otago is given elsewhere as 248. The members of the family of Mr and Mrs Burns were Arthur John (17), Clementina (15), Jane (13), Annie (8), Frances (6), and Agnes, the present Miss Burns, who was born at Portobello on April 7, 1847, and was about eight months old when the voyage began. With Mrs Burns there was a servant, Mary Ann Carrodus, and a nursemaid, Jane Patullo. In addition to the names given above the following heads of families travelled on the ship:—
Alex. Chalmers. James Williamson, James Adam, John Barr, David Bowers, James Brown, John Buchanan, Thomas Buchanan, Thomas Cuddie, James Cunningham, James Callander, George Crawford, James Christie, Charles Crawford, Andrew Dalziell, William Duff, John Ferguson, Robert Gillies, James Hare, Robert Hastie, James Kelloch, Hugh M'Dermid, Thomas Mackay, Alex. Mahone, Francis Marshall, John M'Lean, Alex. Macdonald. David Millar, Dugald Niven, James Patrick, Gavin Park, Thomas Robertson, James Robertson, Duncan Sinclair, William Stevenson, James Seaton, Robert Stewart, James Thorburn, James Ure, Alex. Watson, John Wallace, William Winton; and among others were George Aitken, John Bell, Alex. H. Bruce, R. Carrick, Alex. Dickson, John Dowell, John Humphrey, William Jaffray, James Kennedy, Alex. Livingston, Andrew Mercer, William Martin, John Mills, Francis and William M'Diarmid, William and James Pollock, George Ross, John Robertson, the Stevensons, John B. Todd, George Turnbull, James Tweedale, William Welsh. William Weatherburn, Andrew G. Watson, Mrs Isabella B. Stevenson (matron of the Philip Laing), Janet Milne, Jemima Robb, Ann Lorimer.
On leaving the harbour of Greenock the fair wind soon died away, and at midnight the ship was only three miles below the Clock Lighthouse. At 4 a.m. a fresh southwesterly wind sprang up, and Burns refers to the motion of the ship, the noise on the decks, and the beating up against the wind, all of which, with sea-sickness, "produced on board no slight foretaste of the discomforts of life in a ship."
Sabbath, 28th.—Cast anchor in Lamlash Bay by daybreak. In the course of the day saw vessels that had gone down the Firth before us, passing by us on their way up again—not being able to run into Lamlash Bay, the wind having died away— and were drifting with the tide away back to the Cumbraes. Worship in the steerage last night and this morning, in which the passengers seemed to join with great cordiality. The weather being very disagreeable, and the passengers very much discomposed with sea-sickness, I did not propose to have sermon through the day. In the evening worship I addressed them on the circumstances in which we find ourselves.
Monday, 29th.—On getting up this morning found Goat-fell white with snow, with a wind quite fair for us at north-east—very cold. We could not take advantage of it immediately, however, as the ship required to be trimmed, some of the stores overhauled, and our empty water casks supplied from shore, to which last operation all the young men cabin passengers and seven or eight steerage volunteered their services. I gave Mr Donaldson money to buy as much timber on shore as will enclose the place (galley) where the coppers for dressing the food of: the steerage passengers are situated, it being at present so open that the fires kindle only with great difficulty, and the cooks are exposed to the weather. On their return Mr D. told me he had paid 18s for the wood. Worship at night.
For 10 days the ship lay in safety while terrific storms raged all round. Burns exercised the functions of his office in regard to discipline and receiving deputations on the subjects which invariably arise on board ship. He was confined to his cabin with a feverish chill and sore throat, and Mr Blackie conducted the devotions while the illness lasted. More bad weather was encountered after the Philip Laing left Lamlash Bay, and the people on board had their first experience of being battened down, with "everything loose driving crash, crash, in a way to awaken the liveliest apprehension amongst the steerage passengers."
Sunday, December 12.—Waked at 5 a.m., and from window saw the early dawn of a beautiful day. Two lights apparently about a ship's length from each other. This turned out to be the two (St. Anne's) lighthouses at the entrance to Milford Haven, where we cast anchor about 7 a.m. All on board enjoyed the quiet and shelter of this magnificent basin. We had prayers after breakfast, and at 12.30 public worship— preached from Matthew xi: 28, "Come unto Me all that labour," etc., to a very full attendance, including the ship's officers and part of the crew. Preached again in the evening from Luke xix: 1 (Zaccheus)—also a very full and attentive audience.
For eight days the ship lay in Milford Haven, the wind continuing adverse. Even in those days labour troubles at sea were not unknown, for we read in the diary that the captain went to the magistrate ashore for "a warrant to arrest four of his men who refused to work—obviously for the purpose of effecting their escape from the ship. Of their treatment they have no cause of complaint. Finding the magistrate at Milford very old and unwilling to act, he is under the necessity of proceeding to Haverford West, 21 miles off." The passengers were glad of the opportunity of a respite, and they divided their time between visits ashore, airing their bedding and attending to the washing of their clothes. Burns secured a plumber to make repairs on the ship, in the interests of the emigrants, whose welfare always received his most earnest and practical attention.
Burns had brought on board a cow and a bull. The cow gave milk nearly all the time. At Milford two bushels of barley were obtained for feed, as both cattle had been affected by the rough weather. The water casks were filled and fresh meat was purchased for the steerage passengers. The refractory seamen received sentence of 21 days' imprisonment, and their places were filled at Milford. Before leaving the Haven, Burns had the joy of receiving letters from his brothers William and Gilbert.
On Monday, December 20, with a north-east breeze the Philip Laing again put to sea, and the land had almost disappeared by 4 o'clock in the afternoon. A heavy roll was running, and further rough weather was experienced. The ship, being unable to carry sail, was drifting to leeward for some hours. Soon, however, more pleasant conditions prevailed in the latitude of the Scilly Isles, and the routine of the ship became established. Mr Blackie opened a Sunday School at 4.30 p.m. on December 26, and had assistance from Messrs Donaldson, Carnegie, and Bruce. The schoolmaster also held a day school throughout the voyage. Mr Donaldson put forth the first number of his newspaper, which was well received amongst the steerage passengers. A class for sacred music was opened, the different parts being taken up.
Burns gave the following review of the routine on board ship in a letter written after arrival at Port Chalmers, and dated May 2, 1848:—
We had divine service twice every week, and three times on Sabbath, and during the greater part of the voyage it was on deck. Not only did all, without exception, including the captain and his officers and men, attend, but I suppose we did not omit a diet of worship above half a dozen times during the four months and a-half from Greenock to Otago. Order was so well observed that a history of one day will be the history of the voyage. Here it is:—
At 6.30 a.m. the proper constable went along the steerage and warned the people to rise. At 7.30 he had every soul on deck, when the roll was called, the cleaning and scraping the floors and sprinkling with chloride of lime commenced, and, if not finished before breakfast, was finished after, and before worship. At 8.30 the cabin passengers went to breakfast. At 9 the steerage passengers began to have theirs served out to them.
At 10.30 we had morning worship. At 11, or rather, immediately after worship, the school opened, six or eight passenger taking each a class, under the superintendence of the school-master, Mr Blackie. At 2 p.m. the steerage dinner was served out, the cabin dinner at 3. At 4 the afternoon school. At 5.30 the steerage tea; the cabin ditto at 6.30. At 7.30 evening worship. The congregational library was opened once a week, when books were returned and new ones issued. A newspaper in manuscript by a cabin passenger was published once a week, and another by a steerage passenger as often. The captain, the doctor, and the minister, a formidable triumvirate, conducted several criminal jury trials with great formality, and inflicted various punishments. Sometimes the proceedings were reported in presence of the congregation, at the close of divine service, and public rebuke administered. The state of discipline ultimately became very thorough. Out of school hours it was a very joyous scene to hear the obstreperous mirth of the children; and in the fine tropical evenings, the entire body of passengers being on deck, sometimes they practised church music, sometimes Scotch songs were sung.
From a letter (clearly by Burns) published in the Scottish Guardian, and the Otago Journal, No. III, p. 41.
The narrative of the voyage is best given by extracts from the diary:—
Wednesday, 29th.—Wind almost fair at north-west, and blowing fresh, so that all night and up till now (11.30 a.m.) we have been going seven and eight knots, and sometimes more. Three vessels are ahead of us, a brig and a schooner, upon which we are gaining fast—the third, a small sloop, came within hail. She proved to be the Killarney, six days from the Downs, for Madeira. She bore away in a westerly direction as if for the Azores instead of Madeira. The bull and cow, in common with the passengers, have suffered from the terrible weather we have passed through. Within these two days the cow has again rallied, and now appears to be quite well.
Friday, 31st.—Beautiful morning, wind fair. Day school going on. Progress, eight knots all night—vessels almost out of sight. Clementina and Frances, who have been complaining a good deal, are rather better. In last 24 hours we have gone 192 miles—Deo gratias!
The eventful year 1848 broke under auspicious skies, and it was probably the most orderly New Year's Day ever experienced by the passengers from Scotland! On Monday, January 3, Burns writes:—
A large ship astern of us. Were it a barque, might speculate as to her being the John Wickliffe. Temperature mild and warm—the sun rising gorgeously at 7—great change from Portobello at this moment. Efforts making to get the regulations more strictly observed by the steerage passengers. Mr Donaldson appointed an additional constable. Distressed to hear of profane language coming from certain of the emigrants. Spoke very seriously about it in the sermon last night.
Even the carefully selected settlers for Otago were only human after all. The wheat and chaff always manifest their true nature on board ship. Burns soon discovered that perfection is not to be found even in a Scottish Utopia. He proved himself to be an admirable administrator and disciplinarian in his position of supreme command at sea—a stringent test which has revealed weaknesses in many transport commanders. Burns sought to preserve discipline by the creation of the right spirit, but when necessity arose he did not shrink from strong measures for the punishment of evil-doers and the happiness of the little community under his charge.
Land was sighted when the ship passed San Antonia, the largest of the Cape Verde Islands on January 9. On the following day Burns recorded that three or four vessels were in sight. A French barque passed close to the Philip Laing, but made no reply to the display of the ensign.
Saturday, January 15.—It rained in torrents, a great deal of rain water being collected by the passengers. For the cows William Winton filled two casks nearly full. Two sharks appeared at the stern of the ship; a hook and line baited with a piece of pork was put down to them, when after a while the smaller of the two, about two feet in length, was caught and hauled on deck.
Sunday, January 16.—Morning, torrents of rain filled a number of empty casks, two for the cattle. Usual morning worship. A beautiful evening. The whole ship heard the preaching. Immediately after evening service, was called down to pray at the bedside of Mr Brown's child; it died the same morning.
Monday, 17th.—Heavy rain all morning and all day. No morning worship, from the state of the weather and of matters on board. Another child, M'Lean's, died … buried after prayer on deck over ship's side; strong apprehension on board. Steaming, hot, pestilential weather; went down and prayed at the two parts of the ship where the bereaved parents are instead of the usual worship, as the assembling them together increased the suffocating heat and aggravated the close, heavy smell below, and it was too wet to have the worship on deck. Worship in the cabin.
Tuesday, 18th.—Signalled a brig, the John Scott, White-haven, and from Cardiff, which she left the same day we left Milford Haven, with a cargo of coals for Ceylon. She bore down to us in the evening, and hailed us and offered to give us the requisite supply of coals, which was accepted of in the hope of saving the necessity of going into the Cape.
Wednesday, 19th.—Great bustle on lowering a boat to get a few tons of coal from the John Scott, which prevented worship on deck. Great numbers of bonitos, dolphins, ships' jacks, albacors, boobies. Caught some bonitos. Almost no progress since Friday. Captain Noseworthy, of the John Scott, came on board. Both vessels lying to. Captain Noseworthy had his wife, his wife's sister, and his two young children along with himself.
Thursday, 20th.—Beautiful morning, with a fine steady breeze from south—a foul wind for us, unluckily—small advance. Worship on deck, taking my station on the poop by the rail in front overlooking the waist, where and on both poop and forecastle the audience was placed. All heard distinctly.
The Line was crossed on Monday, January 24, about 10 a.m. Burns had Mr Donaldson appointed assistant superintendent, for securing the better observance of the regulations by the emigrants, and "preparing them for falling into similar habits of propriety and order when they shall, D.V., arrive in Otago." The captain was of opinion that the ship was becoming "jammed" in towards the American coast by the lack of the trade winds and the trend of the currents, which set in the direction of the Caribbean Sea. The health and spirits of all on board, including the animals, showed a considerable revival with the improvement in the weather. Burns opened up the boxes of books which had been supplied by friends in Scotland for the use of the party. The tropical evenings were happily spent in singing "the auld Scotch sangs," and the well-known Psalms and paraphrases.
Sunday, 30th.—Still more delightful weather, the sun too powerful in such a pure and cloudless sky to sit under, but the heat out of the sun, and especially in the afternoon, when the deck is shaded by the sails, is tempered by the fresh, dry invigorating breeze. Service three times. Received from Mr Donaldson a list of 42 male adults who have spontaneously formed themselves into an association for improving themselves in the knowledge of the Shorter Catechism. Intimated that, as it appears from the certificates, a number of the emigrants have not been communicants in any Church, and as it would be desirable that the ordinance of the Lord's Supper should be dispensed as soon after our arrival at Otago as circumstances will permit, I would be happy to meet with such as may be desirous of joining for the first time in that ordinance, and that their names be handed in to me through Mr Donaldson.
On February 1 a baby boy was born to Mr and Mrs James Brown. On the following day the marriage of William Jaffray to Margaret Hunter was celebrated, proclamation of the banns having been made in the parish of Mid-Calder, County of Edinburgh, prior to their departure. Burns intimated his intention to visit the various quarters of the ship. On February 6 a brawl which might have had fatal consequences took place between a lad and one of the men. In the heat of anger the boy seized a knife and struck at the man with it. Fortunately, the blade was turned by the belt. On the following day an inquiry was held by Mr Burns, attended by the captain, the surgeon, the schoolmaster, and a jury of 12 steerage passengers. After careful consideration, the boy and man were sentenced to be publicly rebuked before the congregation after evening worship, the man to assist the cooks by carrying water for one week, and the boy to assist in cleaning the ship for a fortnight and to have his head shaved. One of the eye-witnesses has described the scene of the rebuke by Mr Burns following upon an insolent remark by the man who had provoked the boy to the effect that the punishment of the lad was "not nearly severe enough."
I have known Dr Burns as a preacher for five and twenty years. I have heard from his lips splendid bursts of eloquence during that time, but never did I see rage in such a grand and dignified attitude—the grey locks, the eagle eye, the Roman profile, the right hand stretched forward, the clear voice, the impassioned eloquence, and the profound silence of the on-lookers made up a picture which it is impossible to reproduce.
(4) James Adam, "Twenty-five Years of Emigrant Life in the South of New Zealand."
Each day Burns recorded the ship's position in his diary, and made observations upon the weather and the speed of the vessel. He visited and conducted classes in the young men's quarters, the single women's, and the married people's portion of the ship in turn, after due announcement from the pulpit. On February 13 he baptised two children, the first to James Brown and Hannah Renfrew, named after the ship and its captain, Philip Elles, who died, however, before the completion of the voyage; and the second to Robert Gillies and Margaret Gardiner, the baby girl named Margaret having been born in Scotland on June 11. At times the ship did from eight to nine knots an hour, but baffling winds retarded her course considerably. Worship was held twice, and on Sundays thrice, a day in good weather, Burns taking his stand "at the cabin door, the audience sitting, the greater part beneath the bulwarks along the waist of the ship—the cabin passengers, some on the front of the poop, some in the cabin." On February 20 a large shark was caught and hauled on board. On the same afternoon the ship Zenobia—Owen, master—was signalled, and the captain agreed to take letters from the Philip Laing to the Cape. Burns hurriedly wrote to his brother Gilbert, and asked him to report to Mr M'Glashan.
On March 10 Burns records the birth of a son to Mr and Mrs Niven, the child afterwards being baptised as David Elles Ramsay Niven. The marriage service was read on behalf of Mr and Mrs Carnegie, who had been married by civil law before leaving Scotland. Towards the end of March the weather turned cold, and a violent storm raged for some days. Windows were smashed by huge waves, and water poured through the starboard cabin. The hatches were all fastened down, and the ship rolled alarmingly. But Burns kept worship going three times on the Sunday, despite the gale. The buffeting proved to be too much for the cow, which had been ailing for some time, and she died when the tempest was at its height. By this time (the first week in April) the ship was south of Tasmania. On April 8 Burns described the Aurora Australis:—
A very remarkable Aurora appeared last night between 8 and 9 p.m. It covered the entire heavens, with the exception of the north and north-east horizon. It had the usual pale yellow coloured appearance that we are familiar with in the northern hemisphere. But in the west, in a space covering the constellation Orion and for a considerable space around it, it was of a strong, deep, blood-red colour. But by far the most remarkable and beautiful feature was due north. Here the rays were concentrated with great accuracy round a centre as I have often observed the clouds form themselves into a figure described as Noah's Ark in Scotland. The crown of the sky about 9 p.m. presented an uncommonly striking and lovely appearance, suggesting the idea of the Medusae, called jelly fish or blubber fish, when cast on shore with its rays of different hues.
With the approach to New Zealand Burns began estimating the distance as the crow flies from Otago, the land of his dreams. The closing entries regarding the voyage are of interest:—
Thursday, 13th.—Lat. 47, 40, S. Long. 168, 19, E. Distance, 110 miles. Thermometer 55¼. At midnight again the ship was again put about on the seaward track, but made no progress. The day cleared up to be fine and sunny. Thomas Cuddie's wife was delivered of a boy about midnight; both doing well. All in hopes of seeing land.
Friday, 14th.—Saw land last night a little before sunset (a sunset of most remarkable beauty), being the north-east point of Stewart's Island. This morning the wind light and from N.N.W. We were off the mouth of the Clutha.
Saturday, 15th.—This morning made Taiaroa's Head. The pilot, Richard Driver, showing a recommendatory letter from Mr Kettle, came on board about 9 a.m., and took the ship in charge. Deo Laus.
Writing a few days later (April 25), with a full and thankful heart to the Rev. John Sym, of Free Greyfriars' Church, Edinburgh, Burns thus described the conclusion of the voyage:—
After the lapse of nearly four months, without seeing aught but the heavens above us and the wide waste of waters all round us, the ship, like a thing of life and of more than mortal sagacity, glided with perfect precision, and without hesitation or mistake, into its destined place at the farthest corner of the earth. What a "triumphant display" I could not help saying to myself as we passed up this peaceful haven to Port Chalmers, and found that there could be no doubt that we were in the right place, although not a creature on board had ever been in these seas before. What a triumphant display of the art of navigation!
After reviewing the voyage, paying a tribute to the captain and surgeon, and quoting the statistics of four infants' deaths, three births, and three marriages, Burns continued:—
My first impressions of Otago surpass my anticipations, which certainly were high enough. The harbour throughout the entire 14 miles to which it extends is one uninterrupted scene of most romantic beauty. Nothing but hills on both sides—steep and bold headlands, and peninsulas of various forms—descending to the water's edge and forming little bays of hard sand; all of them without a single exception densely clothed from the water up to their very summits with evergreen woods presenting an unrivalled scene of the richest sylvan green and alpine beauty.
The John Wickliffe, after a fast voyage, had reached Otago Harbour on March 23, and was lying at anchor off Port Chalmers as the Philip Laing approached. Deafening cheers arose from both ships as the anchor plunged into the calm waters of the bay. Three incidents in connection with the arrival have been preserved to us. The pilot, Richard Driver, endeavoured to scare the passengers by dwelling on the cruel intentions of his Maori rowers, and he caused much amusement by his quaint stories. Asked as to the relative merits of Wellington and Otago, he replied that he "would rather be hanged in Otago than die a natural death in Wellington!" The steep and wooded heights surrounding the harbour on all sides caused some concern to the new settlers, who failed to see how such land could be cleared and ploughed. Burns, whose practical knowledge of agriculture always proved of value to the farmers, took the men aside and explained to them that the rural lands were in the Taieri, Tokomairiro, and the Clntha plains, and not on the hills which confronted them. Immediately, their anxiety gave place to joy and confidence. The third incident had to do with the school-master. As the ships drew together on arrival one of the small boys lost his balance and fell overboard. Without a moment's hesitation Mr Blackie dived into the water and rescued the child, both being hauled on board the Philip Laing amid acclamations made all the heartier by a touch of heroism.
Chapter XVI.The Landing.
Here is a stone which the feet of the exiles pressed for an instant, and this stone has become famous. It is treasured by a great nation; its very dust is shared as a relic. And what has become of the gateways of a thousand palaces? Who cares for them?—de Toequeville (on Plymouth Rock).
The landing of the Scottish settlers in Otago was not of a kind that readily lends itself to pictorial or dramatic representation like that of the Pilgrim Fathers of New England on Plymouth Rock in the year 1620. The independent arrival of the two ships and the separation of landing places at Port Chalmers and Dunedin caused the disembarkation to be "neither particular nor general," as the Rev. T. D. Nicholson quaintly notes in his journal. Captain Cargill and a small party went in the ship's boat to the head of the harbour, while the other passengers went ashore in parties to spy out the land around Port Chalmers. The young men were soon set to work on the site of the town by the worthy agent of the expedition. When the Philip Laing arrived about three weeks after the John Wickliffe, however, the opportunity was taken to mark the event with suitable thanksgiving to Almighty God. We who have followed the vicissitudes of the Scottish scheme of colonisation from its inception in 1842 to the great event of the arrival of the first settlers in 1848, can enter into the thrilling joy of the reunion of the two parties from Greenock and London as the ships lay side by side in the little cove off Port Chalmers. We can feel the manly force of the first grip of the hands of Cargill and Burns while they looked with moist and shining eyes into each other's faces as they stood together on the deck of the Philip Laing. The passengers were addressed by the superintendent in words that were full of sincere acknowledgment of the blessings of Divine Providence in bringing them to their future home over thousands of miles of the trackless ocean to a goodly and beautiful land. Cargill's words were as full of practical sagacity as of thankful piety. After speaking of the goodness of God and contrasting the propitious nature of their adopted country with the rigorous conditions under which the Pilgrim Fathers of America founded their colony he made a stirring appeal to his fellows in words that echoed in all their hearts:—
My Friends,—It is a fact that the eyes of the British Empire, and I may say of Europe and America, are upon us. The rulers of our great country have struck out a system of colonisation on liberal and enlightened principles, and, small as we now are, we are the precursors of the first settlement which is to put that system to the test. Our individual interests are therefore bound up with a great public cause, and, passing over in this place the higher objects which Free Churchmen must effect, we should just adopt the sentiment of our British race—"England expects that every man will do his duty." Our duties as pioneers may be somewhat arduous, but as compared with all that have gone before us they are light and transitory. We, no doubt, encounter a wilderness, but we do so in a climate equal at least to the South of England, and with appliances altogether new. The cargo of the John Wickliffe is nearly on shore. A storehouse is roofed in, and similar matters are being proceeded with, which give work for all, until the choice of town allotments shall have been made, when all hands will be required and engaged by the owners of these lands to erect their houses and those of their engaged servants ere the approaching winter, such as it is, shall arrive.
Otago Journal, No. III, p. 38.
Cargill concluded his address by fixing the wages in the name of the New Zealand Company at 3s per day for labourers and 5s for craftsmen until the growth of contracts and prosperity should permit of an increase, such rates comparing favourably with the pay at the time in Scotland. This declaration regarding wages was not, however, received with much enthusiasm by the steerage passengers of the Philip Laing. For they had heard Mr Burns speak of labour and its rewards in better terms than these during the voyage. Having been familiar with the struggles of the farming population in the Homeland and feeling that strong sympathy with the workers which found such striking poetical expression in his uncle's verses, Burns had intimated his intention of fixing the hours of work at eight hours a day, and the daily remuneration for labourers at 3s 6d. Burns, with several orders for and and work in his possession, as the agent of several friends of the movement in Scotland, was destined to be the largest employer of labour in the settlement for some time to come, and he had made up his mind that he would adopt the hours and rate of pay which he had announced on board the Philip Laing. The force of public opinion compelled the New Zealand Company to follow his lead after an interval.
Here we see the greatness of Burns as a coloniser and a democratic leader, a pioneer of the great eight hours movement, and the sane and modest champion of the rights of labour to a fair share in the rewards of production and prosperity. As Dr Hoeken said: "The eight hours movement has always been one of interest, and to Mr Burns must be accorded the credit of its introduction to New Zealand.
Hocken's Early History, p. 103.
Before the arrival of the Philip Laing the first Presbyterian service ever held in these parts was conducted by the Rev. T. D. Nicholson on board the John Wickliffe as she lay at anchor off Port Chalmers, who wrote in his diary:—
Our thanksgiving to Almighty God for His many mercies and His abounding loving kindness shown towards unworthy us during our prosperous voyage. "Were there not ten cleansed, but where are the nine?"
On Sunday, April 9, the first religions service conducted in Dunedin was held by the same minister. He spent his first night ashore sleeping on the deal floor of the survey office, his pillow being a small travelling bag. On the following day he preached at the immigrants' barracks, which had been hurriedly erected by the new settlers, assisted by the Maoris. The service was held on the date given above at 11 a.m., and the text chosen by Mr Nicholson for his discourse was Acts iv, 12: "Neither is there salvation in any other, for there is none other name given under heaven among men whereby we must be saved." On the same afternoon at 3 o'clock he held service on "the small mount adjoining the Wickliffe Pier or landing place." This "small mount" was undoubtedly Church Hill or Bell Hill, as it was subsequently named, which had already been marked as the site of the future church of the settlers, as it is at present (the hill having been reduced) the location of the First Church of Otago. Mr Nicholson's text in the afternoon was Psalm cxix, 9: "Wherewithal shall a young man cleanse his way? By taking heed thereto according to Thy word." The service was doubtless held in the open air, after the manner to which the emigrants had accustomed themselves while on board the ship. Mr Nicholson made the following impressive note in his diary:—
The elements were at rest, the air was mild, the waters were without a wave. What a scene for a hallowed Sabbath! Dunedin, may it be said of thee: "Thy tabernacles smile with heavenly holiness: thy present day is a day of small things; when shall we hear of the great things? The answer will depend upon thy remembrance of thy day of grace."
The greeting accorded to the Philip Laing is thus described in Mr Nicholson's diary:—
April 15.—This morning at 9 o'clock we were cheered, by the welcome sight of the long-looked-for Philip Laing off Taiaroa's Head. I was the first to see her. The captain's gig was soon ready, and Captain Daly, Mr Cutten, and myself pushed off and boarded her outside the Heads. The morning was calm and beautiful, and it was delightful to meet with Mr Burns and his friends in this far-off land and to give them a hearty welcome to the shores of their future home.
After the arrival of the vessel on Saturday Burns was determined not to allow the approaching Lord's Day to pass without a service of thanksgiving ashore. Notwithstanding the rush of affairs, he travelled up by boat to Dunedin the same afternoon in order that he might perform this sacred duty. He spent the night at Mr Kettle's house. On Sunday, at 11 o'clock, he preached in the barracks which had been erected for the married people of the John Wickliffe, his text being from Psalm cxxx, 4: "There is forgiveness with Thee that Thou mayest be feared." The reading of the short Psalm with its appropriate opening, "Out of the depths have I cried unto Thee, O Lord," must have been as impressive as it was appropriate to the occasion. Among his auditors was the Rev. Charles Creed, the Wesley an missionary of "Waikouaiti, who had come over with others from the neighbouring settlement to meet the Scottish contingent. At Mr Burns's request Mr Creed took the afternoon service. Writing to Mr Sym, Burns remarked of Mr Creed: "He is an excellent, devoted man. I hope that we shall be able to strengthen each other's hands." There was no sign of intolerance in that declaration by the Scots minister, but it gave evidence of sincere charity and the desire for cooperation.
This service marks the commencement of Mr Burns's patriarchal ministry in the First Church of Otago, the origin of which is usually dated from the arrival of the first settlers. It would be truer to fact, however, to recognise that the church was formed at Greenock, when the passengers of the Philip Laing gathered for service on board their ship. It is feasible to regard the service held by the Rev. Mr Smith and Dr McFarlan on November 20, 1847, as really originating the congregation over which Mr Burns exercised full pastoral oversight throughout the voyage, and after the landing at Otago. In one of his letters to Cargill, Burns had emphasised the importance of founding a congregation in this way prior to departure, and he had suggested that Cargill himself should be one of the elders. Owing to the separate voyages of the two leaders, however, this proposal was not able to be carried out. It is quite possible that Burns could not find even one ordained elder on board the Philip Laing, otherwise he might have taken steps to form a session, with the powers which he doubtless possessed from the Presbytery of Edinburgh, with which his congregation was in ecclesiastical association.
In the diary of Mr Thomas Ferens, one of the passengers by the John Wickliffe, there is an interesting reference to the impression which the Rev. Thomas Burns made upon his hearers in his first service. Writing on Sunday, April 16, Mr Ferens says:—
This morning the weather was fine and settled. Mr Burns, the minister of the Philip Laing, who had arranged with Mr Creed to preach at the Barracks at 11 a.m., came up last night. Text, Psalm cxxx, 4––a sound, excellent evangelical sermon —apparently a man of talents and of mind, tall, athletic, and well-proportioned, but aged.
Early Settlers' Library, Dunedin.
After walking round the site and looking at the town allotments, which were to be selected on the following Friday, Burns returned to his ship on Tuesday. He then visited the sections round Port Chalmers. The bull, the goat with its kid, and the dog were taken under the care of Arthur Burns in the long boat to Mr Anderson's run on the opposite side of the harbour from Dunedin, where George Turnbull, who acted as Mr Burns's handy man, was left in charge of the precious live stock. Burns had acted as banker to many of the emigrants, and was occupied at this time in paying out part of the money that had been entrusted to his care during the voyage.
On the second Sunday after arrival Burns conducted morning and evening service as usual on board the Philip Laing, which still retained most of the passengers. At the mid-day service the Rev. T. D. Nicholson preached. In the afternoon Mr Burns preached on the John Wickliffe and baptised the infant son of Mr and Mrs Nicholson, who was born to them on April 19 on board the ship. The name of the infant was John Wickliffe M'Whir Daly Nicholson!
The first sale of properties under the terms of purchase was held on Friday, April 21, when the town sections were offered in the order of preference which had been determined by the ballot held prior to the departure of the settlers from the Homeland. Burns had spent the previous Monday in inspecting the town lands, and he made purchases on behalf of the Church Trustees and certain friends in Scotland, such as Rev. E. B. Wallace, Mr P. B. Mure Macredie, Mr William Todd and his brother Gilbert. He also selected two sections for himself. The full particulars of the lands purchased are given in his diary. From the properties which he bought for the Church Trustees on the occasions of the early land sales the bulk of the revenues of the Presbyterian Board of Property have been derived. The churches, manses, and the University which have all received generous assistance from these funds have profited from the practical sagacity which Burns displayed in the administration of the Trust for Religious and Educational Uses. Reference will be made later to the other sources of revenue for these purposes.
Burns and his family continued to live on the ship with most of the emigrants while housing arrangements were slowly progressing ashore. The framework of the manse had been brought out on the John Wickliffe, and was soon in process of erection. He writes on Friday, April 28:—
On Wednesday last (26th) I went up to Dunedin to see about the manse. Monson promised to have two rooms ready by Saturday next. Fixed about a kitchen to be built of mud and the windows made lower. Promised to go up and preach at Dunedin on Sabbath.
The first visitor from the North Island called on Mr Burns at this juncture. He was a merchant from Wellington named Mr George P. Wallace. He brought a letter from the Rev. John Inglis, the Reformed Presbyterian Church missionary at Manawatu, who was then supplying the vacant pulpit of the Presbyterian Church in Wellington. Mr Inglis had been driven from Manawatu by the Maori hostilities, and had proved himself an acceptable minister to the Presbyterians over whom Mr Macfarlane had previously held the pastorate. The Wellington Presbyterian Church had invited Mr Inglis to become their settled minister, but the Reformed Presbyterian Church of Scotland had refused to agree to this proposal, and had ordered Mr Inglis to confine his activities to missionary labours among the Natives. The Rev. James Duncan, his colleague, had already returned to Manawatu, but Mr Inglis renewed his request for permission to minister to the needy Presbyterians of the capital. In his letter to Mr Burns information was sought as to the intentions of the Free Church in regard to Wellington, as his decision would be regulated a good deal by that. Mr Wallace gave a graphic picture of the spiritual destitution which would befall the Wellington Church if it were deprived of the ministrations of Mr Inglis.
Mr Wallace tells me that nearly half of the population at Wellington are Scotch, and that, whilst the Episcopalian Church is attended by all the Government officials and by the leading English capitalists, and by the military, and whilst the Wesleyans are attended by a number of the young of both sexes, still the Presbyterians at present attending Mr Inglis's ministry contain a larger proportion of the substantial settlers than any other denomination, and are the strongest congregation of the place. They are worshipping at present in the church belonging to the Established Church of Scotland, a mere shell of a house, which is crowded to the door. It is unfinished and out of repair, and built on a Government grant of land and £90 in debt. If they succeed in getting Mr Inglis they will build a new church for themselves. Mr Strang, the Registrar-general, is the great prop of the Established Church; he lately sent Home a requisition for a minister, offering to make up £100 a year; this was signed by some 40 or 50. Besides himself and two other trustees of the church, viz., Harvey and Bethune, and either one or two of the four elders, all the rest are Highlanders, who are very poor, and both unable and unwilling to contribute anything. The names of the elders are Quinn, from Haddington, Villiers, a carpenter, Hood, do., and Mackenzie, an old man. Quinn, Villiers and Hood signed Mr Inglis's call, whilst all of them, trustees and elders, attend his ministry at least occasionally.
Burns was deeply interested in everything affecting the spiritual welfare of his adopted country, and he replied to the letter of Mr Inglis, assuring him of his very high regard, and informing him that the Free Church would probably respond to the requisition from Aucklandasking for a minister, but that it was doubtful whether the Free Church would go any further at present in view of the despatch of ministers to Nelson and Otago. Mr Inglis later supplied at Auckland, and in 1852 became the honoured missionary to Aneityam in the New Hebrides, whither he proceeded with his devoted wife in Bishop Selwyn's vessel the Border Maid. A warm friendship grew up between Mr Inglis and the missionary bishop, and with Mr Burns he had also a strong bond of affection. Dr and Mrs Geddie, of the Nova Scotian Mission, were the pioneers on the island of Aneityam, and extended a cordial welcome to Mr and Mrs Inglis on their arrival. This marked the beginning of the interest of New Zealand in the New Hebrides as a missionary field. At a later date the Rev. J. Inglis received the degree of Doctor of Divinity from his University.
The difficulties of communication between Port Chalmers and Dunedin were made apparent by an incident that happened on Saturday, April 29. With the desire of fulfilling his promise to preach in Dunedin on the approaching Sunday, Burns set out from the Philip Laing in the captain's gig at 10 o'clock in the morning. Before half the distance was traversed, however, the wind blew so fiercely from the south that the boat was driven into a little bay. Burns and those who were with him attempted to force their way through the thick bush and up the steep hill, but failed to make any progress. They then tried to find a passage round the shore by walking along the beach, but in this also they were baffled. There was nothing for it but to return to the ship, which they accordingly did. On the Sunday Burns preached as usual on board. In the afternoon he visited the brick house originally built by Tuckett at Port Chalmers, and then used as a hospital. He offered consolation to Alexander Livingston, a passenger by the Philip Laing, who had contracted consumption and was dying, also to Mrs Thomas Cuddie, whose eldest child had died on the previous Friday. The father took the body of the babe up to Dunedin, having received a note from Mr Burns for Captain Cargill asking that the interment might take place in the cemetery. On the same day a daughter was born to the wife of William Winton.
The next few days were spent in transacting business in connection with the land which had been purchased for friends at home, and in exploring the many beautiful coves on both sides of the harbour. Sawyers' Bay was visited by Mr Burns, his wife and family, and a party in the ship's boats on Tuesday afternoon, May 2. On the following day they went to "the Native clearing, a town reserve above the watering place" (the present Maori Kaik), when a heavy thunderstorm interrupted the pleasure of the outing. On Friday, May 5, a visit was paid to "the remarkable rock above Port Chalmers" (near the present monument to the late Captain Scott, of Antarctic fame). Transport by boat continued to cause difficulty.
Arthur went up to Dunedin with the second cargo of our luggage (the first cargo went up on Wednesday last). The boat could not get up; came down again on Saturday, but could not reach ship, and was carried by the tide down two or three miles, where she still lies with her cargo in her. I fear the articles may be wet with the rain, which fell so heavily.
Sabbath, May 7.—Worship three times as usual. I baptised William Winton's child by the name of Ann. Weather cold and boisterous.
Monday, May 8.—Angus Cameron came down by Captain Cargill's orders to show the sawyers, the two Fergusons and Christie, a place opposite to, but some way above, Port Chalmers; they came back in the afternoon satisfied with the place. Mr Macdonald went down to Otago (Otakou) to kill two bullocks, James Killock (Kelloch) with him. Arthur went up to Dunedin in the afternoon with luggage—was kindly put up by Mr Jeffreys; got the things all into the house, the study table a little twisted in one of the castors. I went along with Mr Blackie and Mr Carnegie to Otago to search for Mr C.'s boat that had gone adrift from the John Wickliffe, by one of whose men she was picked up as she was drifting past. We sailed into Deborah Bay—Otakeiti—and I was much struck with the beauty of the scenery. A man in a boat told us that Mr C.'s boat was found at Otago (Otakou on the Peninsula). We went down and brought her up. Two of Driver's (the pilot's) Maoris offered their services to pull me in the lifeboat, which they did. I am much interested in them.
Tuesday, 9th.—Went with Mr Blackie and two boys in the lifeboat round by the islands to Portobello Bay and house, accompanied by Mr Carnegie in his own boat and two boys. Beautiful scenery. Walked over the ridge behind the house and saw the Pacific Ocean. As we came home we met the boats going up to Dunedin with luggage—some of mine. Arthur, who did not come down, sent a message for the lifeboat to go up to help and discharge the cargo, but we were in the boat returning home when we met the long boat and the Company's boat going up. Francis M'Diarmid showed me a specimen of the freestone rock opposite to Dunedin—where the bull is going— which John Brown, the builder, says is admirable stone. He says the proper test is to put a piece of it in a solution of sulphate of soda and Glauber's salts for 24 hours, and if after that, when exposed to the air it does not yield to the weather, it will certainly stand. With Dr Ramsay's aid we have one piece in a solution of soda—the result will be learned in a day or two.
Burns diligently laboured to find whether good stone could be procured around Dunedin, and his experiments did not produce very promising results. He was intent upon finding shell deposits from which lime might be made for building purposes. He was to find out by bitter experience that the stone from the opposite side of the harbour (Anderson's Bay) was not really durable.
On Monday evening, May 8, Alexander Livingston succumbed to his illness, and Mr Blackie accompanied the body in a boat bound for Dunedin, where it was interred. The child of Mr Cuddie and Mr Livingston were the first two burials after the arrival of the Scottish settlers. On May 14 Burns baptised Thomas Cuddie's newly-born and surviving child by the name of Alexander Thomas Burns.
Wet weather came in early in May and caused considerable discomfort to the pioneers. For eight days heavy rain fell constantly. After a break of a day or two the rain commenced once more. On Friday, May 19, Burns describes the day as one of "the calmest beauty, the most enchanting serenity," and he records that his party sailed in the captain's gig to Port Chalmers and down into all the nooks and bays. But again wet weather supervened. On Sunday, 21st, the morning was foggy, with rain later on, but calm. The birds were singing in myriads in the woods. The usual services were held on the ship, and Burns baptised the child of James Hare and his wife Margaret Spiers by the name of Emma Sarah Carnegie, born May 16.
At this juncture the John Wickliffe, carrying letters from Mr Burns and the settlers, left Otago Harbour (May 19) conveying some passengers, including the Rev. T. D. Nicholson, to the north. The John Wickliffe had a quick run to Port Nicholson, which was reached within four days. Here Mr Nicholson left the ship which had brought him thus far on his way, and after spending three weeks in Wellington, where the Rev. John Inglis was preaching, he went on to his destination at Nelson, and arrived there on June 18. He laboured at Nelson until 1857, when he was succeeded by the Rev. P. Calder, Mr Nicholson accepting the charge of Wairau Plains, now known as Blenheim.
On Wednesday, May 24, Burns went up to Dunedin and looked over the manse, which he described as being (in the phrase of an old friend of the family) "in a most gla-arious condition!" As he spent the day in sorting things out, the inference is that confusion reigned supreme.
Saturday, 27.—Left the Philip Laing with a view to public worship at Dunedin to-morrow in the Company's boat, Bentley, master, at 5 p.m. with James Brown and wife, Robert Stewart, wife and child, Robert Gillies, wife and child; but owing to want of activity did not reach Dunedin till 11 p.m.— fine evening, fortunately. Slept in the manse.
This was the first occasion on which Burns occupied the manse. On the following day he preached in Mr Cutten's (previously Mr Garrick's) house.
Mr Garrick, a solicitor, who, with his family, travelled out on the John Wickliffe, selected the site of the present Bank of New Zealand at the first sale of town sections.
The audience was not large, he tells us; with a gleam of his whimsical humour he adds, "but very select." Later in the day he preached in the young men's barracks, a grass whare on the beach. The attendance was small, and the place was very dark and uncomfortable. Captain Cargill, Mr Kettle, and Mr Macdonald were present among others. Burns ate and slept in the manse. On the following day he accompanied Messrs Kettle, Lee, and John Cargill to the "flat swamp at the head of the harbour," where levels were taken for draining the area where Kensington and Musselburgh now stand. On Tuesday he returned to the ship.
The landing of the Burns family in Dunedin took place—more or less officially—on the following Friday and Saturday, June 2 and 3. The incident might have had a very serious aftermath. Burns describes it in his diary and also in a letter to the Rev. John Sym, dated June 12, from which the narrative may be quoted.
Otago Journal, No. Ill, p. 41.
On Friday I brought my family here finally from the Philip Laing. The servant maid, with the three youngest children, including the baby (Agnes) were in the luggage boat; there was not room for them in the captain's gig. In the morning when we started there was as lovely weather as ever shone, but suddenly the sky became overcast and the wind blew right in our teeth. The gig pulled through in good style, but the luggage boat could make no headway against it. The consequence was that poor baby, Fanny, and Annie, with the maid, slept all night in the bush, the boat having put into a little bay about three miles down the harbour. Cold, cold it was, snow and frost—by far the coldest night we have had; ice as thick as a shilling was seen next morning, though ice and snow were both gone soon after breakfast. My poor wife was most miserable all night. Next morning about 11 o'clock we were delighted to see two sailors with Fanny and Annie on their backs, and Jane Patullo, the maid servant (with the babe in her arms), all walking up to the manse door. The children were not a whit the worse of it. One of the features of this singular climate is, no matter how much you may be exposed to it you take no injury.
In his diary Burns adds that "the boat, with all our things, remained another night under the rain." Such was the manner of the entry of the minister of the Scotch Colony of Otago with his wife and family into their new home!
Chapter XVII.The Early Days.In each other's faces Looked the pioneers,Drank the wine of courage All their battle years.For their weary sowing, Through the world so wide,Green they saw the harvest Ere the clay they died.—Jessie Mackay.
The manse was built of weatherboard and lined with rough deal. Canvas and paper were put in the interior to give it warmth. The position of the manse was rather exposed, as it stood on an eminence then clothed in evergreen bushes, at the head of the harbour, with a pretty little bay at the bottom of the steep slope. The site is near the present Princes street, at the intersection of Jetty street, where the Grand Picture Theatre now stands. After a month's occupation of this four-roomed manse Burns contracted with Henry Monson to build a kitchen with clay walls, and to put flooring boards above the rooms, for a sum of £16; he also set Thomas Robertson to work on the fireplace and chimney. Before the manse was lined and ceiled the fine snow used sometimes to sift down on the faces of the occupants as they lay at night in their beds. At first all the cooking had to be done outside in gipsy fashion.
But the hardships of the majority of the immigrants were even greater than those suffered by the elderly minister, his wife, and family, who were privileged to occupy a house from the day of their landing, small and inconvenient as it was. An "Old Colonist"
Article on "The Pioneer Women of the Otago Settlement," Otago Jubilee number of The Evening Star, March 23, 1898, p. 49.
wrote:—
The accommodation provided for the immigrants proved, unfortunately, much too small, and grass "whares" were hastily put up—long, narrow erections with bunks on each side, like the steerage of a ship; no windows or fireplace; a door at one end. By some mistake these whares were placed on the beach, above ordinary high tide, but the spring tides found them ankle deep in water. An extract from Dr Burns's address, given on the occasion of laying the foundation stone of old Knox Church on November 23, 1859, will show something of the discomforts which many of these uncomplaining women endured. "I went to preach to the bulk of the people in a long barracks made of grass and rushes, situated on the beach. I found my fellow-passengers sitting in almost total darkness, the rain pouring through the roof, the floor in a miserable condition—women with young children on their knees mid-leg deep in mire and puddle. In all my life I never preached with so sad a heart. Preaching it could scarcely be called, but words of cheer and encouragement were offered, and comfort, as far as possible, was spoken to them in their very trying circumstances."
The vigorous young men of the party from the Homeland lost no time in building houses for themselves as soon as the town lots were disposed of. Mr James Adam, to whom reference has already been made, gives a vivid description of his first efforts in providing a remarkable edifice for his family
"Twenty-five Years of Emigrant Life," etc.
Two days after the land purchasers had selected their town sections I applied for the lease of a quarter-acre. I was too poor to purchase, and Captain Cargill gave me a four years' lease of one of the New Zealand Company's sections. As my family were anxious to leave the Philip Laing I engaged two Natives at 3s per day to build me a house, and sent them to the swamp—now Kensington—for a boat load of speargrass to thatch the walls and roof. On my leasehold there was a clump of maple trees, but before cutting them down I stretched a line through them for the ground plan of the house; trees which coincided with this line were left standing, merely cutting off the tops seven feet from the ground, and those which were out of the line of the walls were cut down and put in line by digging holes. By this novel plan the walls were made strong and substantial in one day. The Natives then put small wands or wattles across the uprights, about 12 inches apart, fastening them firmly with strips of Native flax, and over all they laced the long grass to the wattles, did the same over the roof, and at the end of four days my house was ready for its tenants. I have owned good houses since, but I have never been able to evoke the pleasure and happiness felt on the night my cosy hut was finished. I could not refrain from going out frequently to contemplate its proportions, architecture, and site. There was a difference of two feet in the breadth of the gables, but no one could see the four corners of the house at once; it was never known to anyone but myself. Next day I went down to the ship to bring up my family. I fear my wife must have felt some self-gratulation because she was going direct to her own villa instead of the overcrowded barracks. My cottage stood where the Grand Hotel now stands. The entrance was through a leafy archway from Princes street, and at the first sight of the rustic cottage a cry of joy burst from the little one in my arms and the rest of the family. Here was a sweet reward for all my labour and toil. Tea, the never-failing beverage in the bush, was proposed; a fire was kindled outside, and the kettle hung upon a triangle of poles, while the frying pan was doing duty lower down. That was the finest repast I have ever had. The cottage, apparently in the centre of an inpenetrable wood, the shades of evening closing over us, the gipsy encampment round the fire, the happy countenances of loved ones, turned a plain cup of tea into a delightful picnic not easily effaced from the memory. There, also, we had our evening worship, concluding with that noblest psalm of praise "O God of Bethel," and then retired to rest.
Mr James Adam was the first precentor of the pioneer church on board the Philip Laing and after arrival in Otago. He took an active part in the provincial life of the colony as well as in the Church. He was one of the first three representatives elected to the Provincial Council in 1856. He settled at Bon Accord, Tokomairiro, and he rendered great service by his acceptance of appointments to visit the Old Land and the colonies on behalf of immigration to New Zealand.
Mr Burns busied himself in promoting the general interests of the settlement, and he made himself acquainted with the nature of the environs of his new home. On Monday, June 5, he accompanied Mr Garrick and Dr Ramsay to the Halfway Bush in the Kaikorai district. He was greatly pleased with the valley and the river, but he wrote in his diary the following note: "Want of wood and bad access will prevent sections being chosen there just now." On the following day he started out with Mr Garrick for the North-East Valley, but owing, doubtless, to the swamps which then occupied much of the area north of the village and were flooded by the swollen Water of Leith he failed to penetrate the valley. Next. day he took boat with Captain Cargill and Mr Garrick to the opposite side of the harbour, where the Andersons had a selection (hence Anderson's Bay). The party included Thomas Robertson, James Patrick, and George Crawford, and the object of the visit was to find a suitable spot for opening a quarry of stone for building purposes. They also looked at some of the suburban sections in that area, but time did not permit of the completion of their mission. On Thursday after inspecting the town sections in Stafford street Burns went with Mr Blackie to "the flat swamp at the head of the harbour." On the same day Anderson's house was burnt to the ground. Some of George Turnbull's effects, including his clothes and watch, and also some effects of James Buchanan were destroyed. On Friday, June 9, the first sale of some of the suburban sections took place, and Burns purchased for his Scottish friends and Ms brother Gilbert. The Trustees for Religions and Educational Uses purchased No. 10 in Block VII, Town District, and afterwards assigned it as the minister's glebe. A bill for £150 was also drawn as the minister's first half-year's stipend. It was to be sent to Colonel Wakefield at Wellington, and it was expected to cost Burns 5 per cent, to get it cashed. The payment was due on May 20, which would indicate that the appointment of Burns was dated from November 20, 1847, when the church was really constituted on board the Philip Laing at Greenock.
Several purchases of land were made from the area of Sawyers' Bay and Deborah Bay. The whole future of the settlement was shrouded in uncertainty in the early days. The main issue was between Port Chalmers and Dunedin. Burns keenly discerned the two sides of the question. Writing soon after his arrival to his brother Gilbert he said:—
The principal difficulty, I feel, is between selecting at Port Chalmers or Dunedin. The number of town sections at Dunedin is about 2000, and at Port Chalmers about 40, and the expectation is that the latter is never likely to become a large place. Although the entire produce of the millions of acres of fine rural land in the interior can only find an outlet at Port Chalmers—there being no other harbour available from Banks Peninsula to the southern point of the Island—yet various circumstances not unlikely to occur may throw the benefit of such transit into Dunedin to the prejudice of Port Chalmers. The deepening of the bed of the Upper Harbour up to Dunedin so as to carry large vessels thither is a project of no great difficulty—so says Mr Kettle—or for flat-bottomed steamers to take to or from large vessels lying at Port Chalmers. However, even giving force to the preceding suppositions, the place where such a traffic is to be carried must, with certain limits, become a place of great importance, and consequently the cattle land abreast of it must be of corresponding value.
Such a declaration is evidence—if such be required— of the remarkable practical sagacity which marked Burns as a coloniser. His influence among the settlers became strong from the beginning of the colony, not only on account of his spiritual and moral guidance and the upright character which inspired all his activities, but also because there was no better authority on agricultural and pastoral matters, no more practical and efficient adviser in the pioneering community than the honoured minister. Many families in Otago owe their present prosperity to the counsel given by Mr Burns to the original settlers as to the selection or disposal of lands, and the best use to which their fields might be devoted. While Burns failed to enrich himself and his family in his new sphere, he laid the foundations of valuable investments for the Presbyterian Church—since largely utilised for the benefit of the manses, the churches, and the University of Otago, as the properties held for Religious and Educational Uses, now administered by the Synod of Otago and Southland through the Presbyterian Board of Property. Up to the end of the regime of the New Zealand Company the Church Trustees had purchased 22 of each kind of property— suburban, town, and rural—exclusive of sites for churches and manses.
For fuller information see" The Presbyterian Church Trust," by Rev. W. Gillies. On page 13 he says:, "The landed estate of which the Church is now possessed was thus bought and paid for at the same price and just as truly as the land estate of any private settler was, the money enabling the Church Trustees to make this purchase accruing to them under a mutual agreement between the New Zealand Company, the Otago Association, and the first settlers and land purchasers.
The approaching departure of the Philip Laing gave a second opportunity for the despatch of mails to the Homeland. It also promoted a wedding, the first celebrated in Dunedin. Mr Burns's eldest daughter Clementina was united in wedlock with Captain Arthur JamiesonElleson Wednesday, June 14, 1848, at the manse, after due proclamation of the banns at the church service held on the previous Sunday in Mr Kettle's office. The certificate, signed by the Rev. Thomas Burns, is preserved in the historic Bible of the Philip Laing, which is one of the most sacred relics in the Otago Early Settlers' Library. The courtship had begun on the voyage out, and some people were wont to suggest slyly that if the captain had not been so much interested in the minister's daughter the Philip Laing might have reached Otago before her sister ship from London! Captain and Mrs Elles afterwards settled in Invercargill, and were held in the highest respect by all who knew them. The Philip Laing made many later voyages to various ports, and finally became a coal hulk in the port of Hongkong. Burns purchased the lifeboat of the ship, and Arthur piloted the newly-married couple to their floating home in this boat.
On June 13 Bishop Selwyn arrived. On his former visit to Otakou in 1844 he had not proceeded up the harbour for the simple reason that there was no settlement there. The bishop on his arrival in Dunedin slept at Mr Kettle's house, which gave shelter to numerous visitors in the early days. It stood where the Stock Exchange now stands in the midst of the city's busiest life. The names of Mr and Mrs Kettle should always be held in honour for their gracious hospitality to strangers and visitors. Burns writes in his diary:—
June 14.—Bishop Selwyn arrived to visit the Episcopalians of this settlement—slept at Mr Kettle's last night. I dined at Captain Cargill's with the bishop, Messrs Lee, Garrick, and Cutten. The bishop is a good Christian man—a good deal of discussion as to the New Zealand Company, the Church Missionary Society, and the Wesleyans—gentlemanly, mild, and reasonable.
June 15.—Arthur brought up the boat, and told us that the Philip Laing was weighing anchor when he left about 12 noon. The bishop called and sat two hours—extremely friendly.
This visit of the bishop was the occasion on which a conversation took place with Mrs Burns, as narrated in the memoirs of the Rev. JohnInglis, D.D.
"In the New Hebrides," pages 316-317.
After the usual salutations and a little general conversation Bishop Selwyn addressed himself to Mrs Burns—a lady of great beauty and as ready in reply as she was beautiful— "I am afraid, Mrs Burns, that in this quiet, strictly Presbyterian settlement of yours you will be startled by such an irruption of bishops and Episcopalian clergy." "Oh, not at all," she said, "I have been accustomed all my life to bishops and all grades of the clergy; my father held two livings in England. No number of bishops or clergy would startle me." "Oh, indeed!" said the bishop, I was not aware of that; but how, then, did you happen to leave us and come here?" "Oh, I just thought better of it, sir," she said."My mother was a Scotch woman, and one of my uncles was a parish minister in Scotland. I knew both churches; I decided for myself, had the courage of my convictions, left the Church of England, and joined the Church of Scotland—hence I am here." The bishop was somewhat taken aback; there was, however, too much principle and too much politeness on both sides for the incident to leave any disagreeable feeling in the minds of either party.
Bishop Selwyn was a great favourite with the Scottish settlers, who admired his heroic self-denial, energy, and enterprise. Having heard that Mr Burns's barometer lacked mercury, the bishop sent some for his use on the following day. With the present of the mercury he also sent from the Heads a copy of the Pentateuch in the Maori and three copies of dialogues in the same language. Burns gratefully acknowledged the gifts, and recorded in his diary:"All extremely obliging in the bishop." Dr Hocken informs us that the bishop reciprocated the feelings of friendship with Mr Burns, and considered that the settlement was fortunate in having a pastor of his character.
Hocken's Early History, p. 106.
The weather had by this time improved, clear days and hard frosts at night followed upon the wet spell which had proved so trying to the settlers. Burns and Cargill, with a party, supervised draining operations in the Dunedin meadow (Kensington). The minister was anxious to visit the Taieri, and he called on Mr Anderson to borrow his mule for this purpose. Mrs Anderson, who received him, told him that Mr Carnegie had been asking for the mule for the same day, and the same errand. Burns then called on Mrs Kettle to borrow her "Dobbin," but was informed that Mr Strode
Mr A. C. Strode, the resident magistrate, appointed by GovernorGrey, had arrived in Dunedin on April 20. It should be mentioned that Governor and Mrs Grey had visited Otago Harbour on February 14, and had been favourably impressed with the site, and on the recommendation of the Governor, Earl Grey, Secretary of State for the Colonies, agreed to the formation of a separate province. Mr Strode and Mr John M'Carthy were sent as Government officials to Otago, the latter person establishing himself in "splendid isolation" at the Heads.
had the first promise. In the afternoon (June 17), accompanied by Cargill and his son, Mr Strode, Dr Ramsay, and Mr Burrell, Burns went in his newly acquired boat to Anderson's Bay, in which he was becoming deeply interested. He was relieved to find that the bull had escaped the menace of the poisonous weed then known as" the toot" (tutu), and was thriving under the care of Turnbull.
Work now became the order of the day. Although it was mid-winter much could be done in clearing the sections, improving the tracks—they could not be termed roads—draining, fencing, and building. The deferred suburban sections came before the settlers for sale on July 6. Burns showed his preference for the land at Anderson's Bay, to which he had been attracted when studying the maps of Otago in Scotland.
See Chapter XII, supra.
He had the interests of his friends as well as his own to consider, and he gave reasons for his choice in a letter to Gilbert Burns preserved for us by the late J. W. H. Bannerman
"Early Otago and Genesis of Dunedin: Letters of Rev. T. Burns, D.D., 1848-1865" (R. J. Stark & Co., Ltd., publishers, Dunedin). The selection of extracts has been sadly limited by a misfortune which overtook the bulk of the letters addressed originally by Burns to his brother. We owe our thanks to the late Mr J. W. H. Bannerman, the compiler, for this brochure; without it we should have been denied this source of information, for the location of the letters which escaped the calamity to be referred to is at present unknown, Mr Bannerman having lost his life in the war. In the preface dated from the Bluff, September 16, 1916, Mr Bannerman describes the fate which overtook some of the letters addressed by Dr Burns to his brother: "The letters were discovered in England only a few months ago, and they contain valuable first-hand references to the early days of the province. Unfortunately, one section (1852-57) was lost on board the ill-fated Arabic, which was torpedoed and sunk off the Irish coast."
I have chosen nine suburban sections in Anderson's Bay district, which is right across the harbour in the neck of land which separates the harbour from the Pacific. At the end of the ridge where it rounds into Anderson's Bay the sides are composed of a large mass of freestone for many feet above the level of the harbour, with the top densely wooded. This end of the ridge the Company have reserved for a quarry. It is very rich, flat land all along the top of the ridge, and it is a peculiar feature of the country that the Maoris choose these summits uniformly for their potato gardens. I was induced to choose in this locality not altogether from the great beauty of it, but mainly because the water communication (which is one and a-half miles across) makes it the most accessible of all the suburban lands except the meadow. There is a further advantage, that the bank of sand is composed entirely of shells, which will make excellent lime, for there has been no limestone discovered as yet. Moreover, it is sloping the most beautiful way to the sun, so that it will be first rate for tillage, and where it is too steep for the plough it will make beautiful pasture. It is at present the resort of all the wild pigs, wild calves, and cattle because of its sunny exposure and excellent herbage. On walking over it I discovered one chief cause for the partiality of the animals to the Bare Point, as it is called here, is the presence of the aniseed plant, so gratifying to sheep and cattle that they will not look at any other herbage.
The sections which Burns purchased for his friends involved him in many business dealings, which he handled with the most scrupulous and unselfish care. Leases for a few pounds a year on certain specified conditions were drawn up and signed. He was anxious to start his son Arthur on the land, and had this in view when he selected allotments at Anderson's Bay. By means of the boat access could be gained to this land with the greatest readiness. Almost all communication was by boat in those days. Thick bush covered nearly all the district in every direction, beyond the slight clearings near the harbour's end and a few narrow, rough tracks.
On Tuesday, July 11, an incident occurred which might have terminated the career of Thomas Burns. With William Winton and George Turnbull, his two regular workers, he went in the boat to bring fencing wood to the manse. When out in the harbour the plug suddenly came out of the bottom of the boat, and she quickly filled with water. In the efforts to reach the shore and save the wood which they had secured, Burns fell overboard. Fortunately, he was able to hold on until his companions brought a dinghy and rowed him ashore.
On July 8 a ship from England arrived at Port Chalmers. It was the Victory, under Captain Mullins, from London, with about 40 passengers on board. This was a great event in the infant community. They felt that they were linked up once more with the Homeland, and could look forward to such arrivals at frequent intervals. The newcomers were welcomed, and the mails were eagerly opened. The extraordinary intelligence of the Revolution in France (February, 1848) aroused much interest. Burns received a letter from his brother Gilbert and newspapers from Home. An important piece of information appears in the diary:—
June 17.—Mr Kettle arrived from Wellington, whither he had proceeded from Akaroa, at which latter place he had been on a mission to negotiate the purchase by the New Zealand Company of the Middle Island from Waikouaiti to Kaikoura.
The second marriage in Dunedin took place on the same day as the foregoing entry—John Murray, sawyer, formerly a seaman from the Heads, where he had been living for nine years, was united to Catherine Taylor, who came out to Otago on the John Wickliffe. Dr Ramsay and Mr Blackie were the witnesses to the marriage. Mr Burns sent his first report of births, marriages, and deaths to Mr Strang, the Registrar at Wellington. The Victory, which sailed near the end of July, carried the outgoing mails.
On the last day of July Mr Burns made the acquaintance of Mr John (familiarly called Johnnie) Jones, the remarkable man from Sydney, who had developed the station formerly held by Wright and Long, also of Sydney, at Waikouaiti. From this farm much of the produce and food on sale at Dunedin was derived, and the northern settlement undoubtedly proved to be of considerable benefit to the pioneering community of Otago. Burns also met with a southern "notable" in the person of Toby, chief of Ruapuke (where Mr Woehlers was doing his great work for the Maoris). The island chieftain visited Dunedin at the end of July with the object of selling a seal boat.
So the winter months passed away. Burns zealously attended to the spiritual interests of his flock, while doing everything within his power to assist in the development of the settlement of Otago. He interested himself in making a vegetable garden at the manse and in fencing, draining, building, and all manner of industry in the busy little township. He noted the prices of cattle and sheep imported from Sydney, and the losses on the voyage. He was delighted with the soil and climate of Otago. He speculated upon the possibility of setting up mills on two streams which flowed into Deborah Bay, and cutting the timber which grew abundantly in the vicinity. He thought that a ship-building yard might be placed there some day. He discussed wages, the relative cost of living in the Homeland and Otago. He rejoiced in the discovery of coal on the Taieri, and estimated its effect on the problem of supplying sufficient fuel for the winter. He was always on the look-out for good freestone and lime deposits. He determined to start a farm at Anderson's Bay, and began clearing the land in the beginning of August for the site of a stone house there. Here is a characteristic entry:—
September 5.—Arthur, Mr Blackie, and Tom Martin, after leaving Ludlow and William Wedderburn to cut fencing wood, and going down to Port Chalmers for £3 worth of fruit trees (apples, 3; pears, 4; cherries, 4; apricots, 2; gooseberries, 12; currants—black, 6; red, 6; white, 6; and two laurustinas) brought up a load of paling. John M'Lean supplying W. Winton's place, the two Maoris finished planting No. 17 Block and began in large garden. Married John Alston to Widow Livingston. Finished district two of visitation.
The rural allotments were sold on August 31, and Burns selected several blocks at East and West Taieri, including some for the Church Trustees, the numbers of which are recorded in his diary. On the 18th the Blundell arrived with a large quota of passengers on board. The community was steadily growing. The news of the founding of the Colony had strengthened the hands of the Lay Association in Scotland, and recruits were being constantly enrolled for Otago. Burns made a census of the people during his first pastoral visitation, and estimated that there were in the settlement 444 persons and 88 houses. In addition the total Maori population of the Otago Block was given as 166, of whom 111 were at Otakou Native settlement, 27 at the Taieri village, and 28 at the Clutha. The time has now arrived when we should review the steps leading up to the opening of the first church and school building.
Chapter XVIII.Church and School.
If it shall be God's will that we shall succeed in establishing this Colony, I persuade myself that with His blessing attending us we may be instrumental in planting down in these favoured islands a well-ordered, God-fearing community, that may stand in these remote regions a sample of the Kingdom of Christ, which, like a light burning in a dark place, shall bear no indistinct testimony to the Truth.
(Letter of Thomas Burns to William Cargill, written from New Prestwick, Scotland, on December 28, 1844.)
We may picture to ourselves the early settlement at the head of Otago Harbour, with its patchy clearings of native bush and small huts standing thereon. All the evidences of man's struggle with the wilderness were present. We easily imagine the haphazard appearance of the rough dwellings, the gipsy camping places, the long thatched shed which served as the barracks, the flimsy jetty at the landing place, the few boggy tracks, the boats riding at their moorings or drawn up on the beach, and in the background high, densely wooded hills which seemed to threaten man's very foothold on the shores of the loch. The shortage of sawn timber was the greatest hindrance to the erection of houses. Everything was rough and ready. Grasses, rushes, and flax, cut from the neighbouring flat, served as temporary roof and walls, supported by bush poles, and often covered over with mud which dried hard and firm. Heavy labour was involved in clearing the bush and preparing the soil for the plough and the town site. Little by little, however, man subdued the thick bush. Becoming inured to toil by the driving force of necessity, the pioneers made themselves the real occupants of their sections, suburban allotments began to take shape under the ringing blows of the axe, and the plan of Dunedin,
hitherto sketched on paper by the surveyor and marked in the earth only by pegs, began to show itself in reality on the lower slopes around the tiny stream which flowed out near the jetty. Without a building for worship or schooling, however, the village, or "the primitive townie" as T. J. Barr called it
Mr Henry pencilled a few lines telling how the paper came into his hands, and sent it to Dr Hocken. It now lies in the bound volume of Otago MSS., marked Vol. 7 in the Hocken Library. It is in the clear hand writing of Mr Burns.
, scarcely realised the ideals of the minister, who had stressed the importance of the Church and school when advocating the Colony. And Burns lost no time in seeking to fulfil this essential part of the project. As we have seen, services were held with the utmost regularity on board ship from the commencement of the voyage, and in the barracks and in Mr Kettle's survey office after arrival on shore. As soon as the sections were purchased, including some allotments for the Church Trustees, and the people were settled at Dunedin, Burns pressed the scheme of building a church and schoolhouse to the forefront. It so happens that the original document which led to the choice of the first site for this dual object has come to light. At a sale of Mr Webb's furniture at Hillside many years ago Mr J. Henry purchased among other things some books, and in one of them he found the following historical document(2), which had evidently been in the possession of Captain Cargill at an early date.
Dunedin,July 4, 1848.Sir,
—I beg to enclose a copy of a resolution of the Church and School Trustees of this date, and to request your favourable consideration of it.
Thomas Burns, Convener.William Cargill, Esq., Resident Agent, Dunedin.
(Copy.)
At a meeting of Church and School Trustees held at Dunedin on July 4, 1848. Inter alia: It was resolved that application be made to the resident Agent of the New Zealand Company for permission to erect a schoolhouse on the unappropriated reserve immediately adjoining Mr Garrick's town allotment, as being the most accessible to the community from its central position and communication with the sea beach.— Extracted from the minutes by Thomas Burns.
This "unappropriated reserve" was one of three reserves laid aside by Cargill with the authority of the New Zealand Company as the "Special TrustProperty," donated by the Company to the Otago settlement "as a sort of birthday gift to the Church."(3) The site chosen at the meeting held by the Trustees in Dunedin on July 4, 1848, referred to in the foregoing minute, was known as Reserve Block No. 5; the other two being No. 10, where the original manse was located; and No. 4, or Church Hill (better known during the succeeding decade as Bell Hill), on which the magnificent edifice of First Church and the existing manse now stand, the hill having been reduced and levelled in the late 'sixties, prior to their erection. Colonel Wakefield, acting on instructions from the Company, had, in 1847, authorised the surveyors to lay aside reserves for these purposes, viz.," a site for one church with school and playground for the children, and also, in the case of Dunedin, a site for a college." Effect had been given by Mr Kettle to these orders prior to the arrival of the settlers, and Captain Cargill as resident Agent had power of attorney conferred upon him to "appropriate, dispose of, and deal with such last-mentioned lands," etc., in the interests
"The Presbyterian Church Trust," by Gillies, p. 22. Probably the "full price" of these reserves was included in the "advance of £3500 for a church, manse, schoolhouse, and other purposes connected with the Trust" which was announced to the emigrants at the first ballot, held in London on November 10, 1847 (see Chap. XIV, supra). The frames of the manse and schoolhouse carried on the John Wickliffe were also reckoned in the amount named as a gift to the class settlement.
of the community.
Ibid, p. 23.
The primacy and intimate connection of religion and education which the Free Church had endorsed under the steadfast advocacy and leadership of Mr Burns were thus recognised in the identity of the Trust and of its properties. Accordingly, the manse of Mr Burns was immediately set up on No. 10, as already narrated, and the first building for joint church and school purposes was at the earliest convenient moment allotted to the area which lay under the shadow of Church Hill, that being reserved for the ultimate erection of the church.
The request was acceded to, and plans were made for the construction of a schoolhouse. A contract was let to J. Courtis and John Ferguson to erect the building for the purpose named
Burns's diary, entry july 4, 1848. The tender must have been cub-mitted to the meting on the same date.
. The price fixed was £82, and the time allowed was 33 days. On July 11 Burns fixed with Captain Cargill the exact spot on which the school was to be placed. It stood where the Standard Insurance Company's office is now located in Lower High street, Dunedin, just opposite to the statue of the late Dr Stuart.
In the meantime, while the building was going on, the manse was being constantly improved, the chimney was finished, books were unpacked in the study, which had been added, and the manse grounds were planted with grass seed, vegetables, and fruit trees for the coming season. Burns walked to the top of High street, then covered with bush, and expatiated on the view.
On Sunday, September 3, the new church was opened for service, and Burns took his text from Jeremiah viii, 20: "The harvest is past, the summer is ended, and we are not saved." The congregation showed a fortitude which few, if any, of our modern congregations could emulate. For although the shell of the building was finished there were no seats provided for them! The first wedding in the new building was celebrated between Francis M'Diarmid and JanetMilne on September 23. On Sunday, the 24th, Mr Burns intimated that the school would open on the following day. Thus began the first school, familiarly known as the "Beach School," from which all the fine educational institutions of Otago have in one way or another descended to the present time. Mr Blackie, the young schoolmaster, whose health was already giving way, entered upon his work with enthusiasm. Writing to the Rev. John Sym on September 28 Burns reviewed the progress of his parish in an interesting fashion.
Otago Journal, No. IV, p. 57.
.
We have got up a very neat schoolhouse, constructed of wood, in a very convenient situation, and it is used both for public worship on Sabbath and school through the week. It was opened for public worship on September 3, and last Sabbath it was nearly full. It is not yet seated, but will be, I hope, in the course of a week or 10 days, when our newly-arrived countrymen, who have come in the Blundell, will find themselves well accommodated. Before this we worshipped in the surveyor's office, which, although the largest place that was to be had, and comfortable enough, yet did not hold one-third of the congregation. A Sabbath school has been opened, and is well attended. I have just completed my first ministerial visitation of my new parish.
Wooden houses built of weatherboard were soon set up by the majority of the settlers in place of the first temporary huts, and Mr William Fox, the acting principal Agent at Wellington, favourably commented upon this fact in his report to the New Zealand Company in the beginning of 1849.
Ibid, No. V, p. 69.
The town also became more neat and orderly in its layout. He took this as proof that the immigrants were of a good class, intent upon the best interests of their new home. The spirit of the pioneers at this period was one of cheerful endurance of trifling discomforts, with the prospect of better things to come. The free life in the open air was exhilarating, and the health of the community was remarkably good.
Among the many obligations which we owe to Mr Burns his services to meteorology should be remembered with gratitude. From the time of his arrival he carefully observed the weather, and kept records of temperature and wind. Troubles with his barometer, which Bishop Selwyn helped him to overcome by sending him a supply of mercury, but which recurred at a later stage, interfered somewhat with his records for a brief period. On October 4 he mentions in his diary that he paid an Italian on board the Blundell £1 for repairing his barometer. Notwithstanding such difficulties, Burns set himself to keep an accurate record of the weather at Dunedin, and he did so with a faithfulness and meticulous assiduity such as a professional observer alone could be expected to observe. His scientific training under Sir John Leslie proved to be of great benefit to him in Otago.
The climate of Otago was largely an unknown factor when the Colony was planted. Burns recognised that he was living in the southernmost portion of the British Empire, and that records of the changes in the weather at this latitude would be of great value not only to the settlers, who were so largely dependent upon the prevailing conditions for their crops and harvests, but also to the meteorologists of the future, who would desire observations over a considerable range of years. Accordingly, Burns, assisted by his daughter Frances, or Fanny, afterwards Mrs Henry Livingston, took the records of the thermometer, barometer, prevailing winds, and rainfall every day. In October, 1848, he gave up incorporating such weather notes in the entries of his diary, and made a special place for the register of the weather at the back of the book. In November, 1852, a new book was used for the purpose, and the records contained in this large volume continued until July, 1864.
Early Settlers' Library, Dunedl.
At first Burns took the temperature and reading of the barometer between 7 and 8 a.m., then adding notes on the prevailing winds, weather, etc., in the forenoon from 6 to 12, the afternoon from 12 to 6 p.m., and the night from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. From September, 1849, he entered the readings at 8.30 a.m., with the same threefold division of the day of 24 hours as before. In May, 1850, he set up a rain gauge, and reported the rainfall (if any) each morning. On Friday, February 7, 1851, Burns recorded the atmosphere as "very singular, yellow and green, like the smoke from an extended fire," and in a footnote writes under the previous date:—
This Thursday is still known in Victoria as "Black Thursday." The effects of the extensive fires were strikingly visible in the sky at Dunedin on the following day, the 7th. This note was written on October 17, 1861, in consequence of reading in Garratt's "Six Years' Life and Experience in Australia, From 1849 to 1856." Garratt says on page 9 of this pamphlet that "the effects of the violent wind on Black Thursday were very remarkable—immense fires, excessive heat, and alarming darkness. Ships at sea were covered with burnt wood and dust." Some of the burnt leaves were carried as far as Otago.
In March, 1852, Burns began giving the figures of the maximum and minimum thermometer, and the mean for the preceding 24 hours, in addition to the other particulars, as before. At the close of each month from the beginning the statistical tables of average readings and the total amount of rainfall were worked out with meticulous care. He also gave a summary of the daily weather. For instance, the number of days without rain, of slight rain, and of heavier rain, also the direction of the wind over various periods. From 1855 until the records cease in 1864 a summary of the weather for the preceding year was also worked out and appended to the monthly records.
And so for at least 16 years, three times a day, Burns checked the details of the weather with an accuracy and precision which could scarcely be surpassed at an observatory. Mr D. C. Bates, the Director of the Dominion Meteorological Office, Wellington, in 1921 borrowed the book of records kept by Dr Burns, and had a copy made for reference purposes, and he expressed his high appreciation of the work done by the pioneer minister in this department, and the value of the data thus preserved to future generations.
Another very interesting relic of Mr Burns's ministry is his visiting book
Also in the Early Settlers' Library.
, dated September 4, 1848, and continuing to November 18, 1858. As he visited every house in the whole of his district as minister of the Colony his notes are equivalent to a good census of the population. The first name is that of Edward Lee, one of the Trustees of church and school, regarding whom the information is given: "An Episcopalian who wishes to communicate, but not as a member of the Free Church." Mr Lee settled afterwards at West Taieri, the Lee Stream being named after him. Probably he did not act as Trustee because he was not a member of the Presbyterian Church. The denomination of each settler is given, the name of his wife (if married); and children (if any), and name and age of the children. Prom a study of the list of persons recorded in this book it is evident that the population of Otago at the period was more mixed than might have been imagined. The foundation of Dunedin undoubtedly attracted many people from Waikouaiti and the Heads to the new centre of population. Some interesting stories from life could be collected from these entries. For instance, "Matthew Hamilton, from Greenock in 1821, whaling out from London went on board a Spanish man-o'-war; left at the Manillas, came to Hobart Town 1829, to New Zealand 1830, Cloudy Bay and Akaroa, married to young Maori woman." The great majority of the residents were Scotch and Presbyterian, as was to be expected. Port Chalmers and the intervening dwellings were included in the first visitation, but none of the country districts had been visited by Mr Burns up to the beginning of October.
While faithfully pursuing his pastoral duties Burns did not allow the general work of cultivation to fail. He pushed on with preparations for establishing a farm at "The Glen," Anderson's Bay, and set about building a stone house there. He afterwards named this homestead Grants Braes, and it was possibly the first stone house erected in Otago.
I have had considerable difficulty in locating the site of Grants Braes. From Mr James Scott, of Drumoak, Wyndham, the most reliable information has reached me. He writes: "Yes; the stone house which Dr Burns built soon after coming to Otago was on the present site of Waverley House. He cleared his own section of 130 acres and did a great deal of cultivation growing wheat. He had a threshing mill, and no doubt the circles made by the bullocks tramping round threshing the wheat may still be found on the hills. His son Arthur, a very young man at the time, had a flock of sheep on the place. I had five different landlords all interested in Grants Braes, as the doctor had bought sections for people who gave him money to invest for them, Dr Burns's section being in the middle of the farm. The two-gabled stone house on the hill which you visited was built for me when the old one on the beach, the old Grants Braes, was past living in." Mr Scott says in another letter to me on the subject of Grants Braes: "This stone house was close to the beach, built against the bank, and was never finished upstairs, this part being used as a workroom. When I went to the house on top of the hill the place at the beach was practically a ruin, and I took the flooring out of it to build a loft in my cowshed. The walls were still standing when I came south over 50 years ago, but were pulled down and Waverley Hotel built on the site. Smith and Larnach bought the property from Mr Arthur Burns a few years before my lease was up. Most of my business transactions were with Mr A. Burns. When I first came to Grants Braes Dr and Mrs Burns usually visited us once or twice a year, and I remember him as a very jolly gentleman and keen business man."
It was situated where "Waverley" now is, in the bend of the lower road on the eastern side
of the harbour, near Anderson's Bay. The house has disappeared through the failure of the stone to stand the weather. The old homestead and farm were occupied for some years by Mr Arthur Burns, for whom they were intended by the generous father, who did all within his means to provide for the future of his only son, and of the settlement as a whole. The bush at "The Glen," or Grants Braes, was felled by Alexander Duthie, Edward Martin, and Thomas Brooks under contract. A heavy crop of wheat was grown on the land, and afterwards ground into flour by Peter M'Gill, miller for W. H. Valpy, whose mills were at the Water of Leith. The stone for the house was quarried at Anderson's Bay Point by John Matthews and James Robertson, and transported on punts by Arthur Burns and his father's boat's crew. Matthews and Robertson, stonemasons, also built the house, which was commenced in December, 1848. The timber was cut and sawn by Duthie and Brooks from the adjoining bush, and the carpentering work was done by Henry Clark, later of Tokomairiro, and Alexander Garvie, some of the window sashes being made by John Sidey, afterwards of "Corstorphine," Caversham. The lime for the building was burned at Portobello by James Seaton, who arrived on the Philip Laing, and was afterwards representative of the Peninsula in Parliament
Mrs W. Allan, of Hunter's terrace, Dunedin, is the daughter of Mr Seaton, and is the oldest survivor of the passengers by the Philip Laing.
. Two crops of oats raised from seed brought by the Rev. T. Burns from Scotland were shipped to Sydney in the early 'fifties, and started the export trade of grain from Dunedin. The father's farming ability and the son's maritime experience fitted in very well with the needs of Grants Braes and the transport to and from the water front. With the raising of a fine flock of sheep and the slopes all cleared and providing good pasture, Arthur Burns left the farm under Brebner's care, and moved to East Taieri, where his father had selected a rural section, and here Arthur Burns established himself until the mining boom deprived the farm of labourers. The name of this old farm (Mosgiel) has become historical, inasmuch as, after leasing sections of the property for some years, the woollen mills were started by Arthur Burns at Mosgiel in 1871. The old homestead at Grants Braes fell into disrepair after the death of Dr Burns, the stone proving pervious to the strong salt air, and the former importance of Grants Braes disappeared, leaving only the name to preserve a shadowy bond with the past in Dunedin and Haddington in the Homeland, where the factor of the Blantyre estates had taught his son Thomas the great lessons of life. The following entries in the diary (1848) touch on points of interest:—
October 14.—Quarry in the Glen turns out a failure. Accompanied with Mr Blackie, went to Sawyers' Bay. Advised the Somervilles to choose in Anderson's Bay, which they have done.
Sunday, October 15.—Preached (Dunedin) Isaiah lv, 8-9. In the afternoon preached at Port Chalmers in Mackay's house; room full; left this 2.30 p.m., reached Sawyers' Bay 4.30; left 6.30, reached home 7.45 p.m.
This first service ashore at Port Chalmers marked an epoch in the development of Mr Burns's ministry. He revisited the Port on the following Sunday, by boat, of course, taking Captain Cargill with him. The Dolphin, a schooner of 35 tons, had arrived from Wellington, bringing news of a terrible earthquake there and at Nelson. The returning boat of Mr Burns carried the mail to Dunedin, also a Miss Aitken and Messrs Allan and Mercer.
The seating of the new church in Dunedin was not finished until the end of the year, and the delay caused much disappointment to minister and congregation. Burns mentioned that many people had to stand in church, and that he had been unable to arrange for the long-expected dispensation of the sacrament in consequence of the lack of pews.
On Monday, December 4, the Bernicia arrived at Port Chalmers with a quota of immigrants on board. On the following day the first vessel of any size to reach Dunedin found her way up the harbour. She was the GovernorGrey, with a cargo of timber, 12,000 feet, all bought by Mr Macdonald. The schooner came within a cable's length of the jetty. As one looks at the port of Dunedin to-day, often berthing large ocean-going steamers, one's mind goes back to that December 5, 1848, and thinks of the excitement caused by the arrival of a schooner off the landing place. The ultimate ascendancy of Dunedin over Port Chalmers as a place of shipping was thus foreshadowed.
On Sunday, December 10, Burns intimated that the first sacrament would be held in the church on January 14, also that two diets of worship would ordinarily be held in the new church at Dunedin. The seats and pulpit were completed before the end of December, 1848. So the settlers had a fitting place of worship erected and furnished before the first year had passed away. Reviewing the occasion of the opening of the first church at a later date
Farewell address delivered by the Rev. Dr Burns at the original First Church on December 25, 1864 (Te Pono Press, Waimate)
Dr Burns said:—
They had come to close quarters with their great undertaking, and were grappling with its toils and battling with its difficulties. And then it was that the blessedness of the Sabbath refreshed the spirit of the toil-worn settler, and the house of prayer with its open door stood ready to receive him. And when the worshippers had all entered in and the house was filled, and the song of praise arose, and the prayers of the congregation went up, and the word in season fell on the listening ear and edified the understanding heart—oh! then it was that we thought of our Scottish fatherland as the land we would never cease to love; and we felt that we could never be thankful enough that whilst we had left behind us so much that was very dear to us, a gracious God had taken sufficient care that in coming so far we should bring along with us the Christian Sabbath, a house of prayer, and a Gospel ministry. Yes! Those peaceful Sabbaths of our infant Colony, our still and noiseless streets—nobody to be seen, for all were in church —everything betokened such perfect, unbroken repose that a Dunedin Sabbath might have stood a favourable comparison with the most attractive rural village Sabbath in all broad Scotland.
Following upon the old Scottish custom, Mr Burns had special services prior to the Sacrament. Sunday, January 7, 1849, was "preparation Sabbath"; Thursday was a "Fast Day"; Saturday was similarly observed; and Sunday, January 14, was "the great day of the feast," when, with awed and hushed hearts, the worshippers took their places at the three tables in the church. About 80 communicants took part in the sacramental service, and Mr Burns expressed in his diary his sense of the solemnity and propriety of the occasion. Mr Henry Clark, a carpenter, formerly an elder of the Dean Free Church, Edinburgh, had arrived in the Blundell, and was able to assist the minister in the dispensation of the ordinance.
Steps were now taken by Mr Burns to afford the congregation an opportunity of electing elders. The Session records of First Church, which fortunately have survived the perils of time, contain official accounts of the procedure which was adopted. On March 25, 1849, intimation was given of a resolution passed at a meeting of the congregation that a Kirk Session should be formed, and, by means of sealed lists, the members were invited to elect four elders. On April 26 the congregation met to receive the result of the ballot, and the minister announced the following as having received the greatest number of votes:— Mr Henry Clark, Mr James Blackie, Captain William Cargill, and Mr Alexander Chalmers, of Halfway Bush
Burns gives the figures for the election of elders in his diary as follows: —H. Clark 29, J. Blackie 28, William Cargill 26, A. Chalmers 13, J. Brown 8, C. I. Williamson 5, C. H. Kettle 4, J. Adam 3, W. Duff 2, A. Begg 2, W. White 2, John Somerville 1, Francis M'Diarmid 1, A. Garvie 1, M. Allan 1, W. H. Valpy 1.
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The induction of Mr Clark and the ordination of the other three elected members to the eldership took place on Sunday, May 13, in the presence of a large congregation. Thus the First Church received the essential organisation of a charge according to the polity of the Presbyterian Church, and found itself in a better position to serve the spiritual and moral interests of the scattered handful of settlers from Otago Heads to the southern plains.
Chapter XIX.The Second Phase.Sed tacitus pasci si posset corvus, haberetPlus dapis, et rixae multo minus invidiaeque.
(If the crow had been content to eat his prey in silence he would have had more meat and less strife and envy.)
—Horace, Epistolae, 1.17.50.Now join your hands, and with your hands your hearts,That no dissension hinder government.—Shakespeare, Henry VI, Part III.
In every new colony a dangerous phase of reaction manifests itself soon after the initial stage of plantation. The glow of adventure burns down; the first enthusiasm begins to wane; the stern struggle with the forces of the wilderness loses its intensity; and "other things entering in," such as real or fancied slights, misunderstandings, jealousies, and dissensions, choke the good seed of unity and concord. The pettiness of human nature seldom fails to assert itself in a small community. This phase of the social climate has blighted the fair prospects of many a promising settlement in a strange land. The Colony of Otago, with its predominant Scottish group of immigrants, settled among a number of individuals whose interests were different from theirs, could scarcely hope to escape such a stage of controversy. The fact that the forces of unity triumphed in the long run proved the stability of the enterprise into which so much religious and social enthusiasm had been poured.
For a considerable part of the new year things went smoothly enough. Work, the greatest solace of the human heart, kept all happily engaged for the common weal. Ships arrived with keen immigrants, mostly like the original contingent, from Scotland, although London was the port of sailing. On January 6 the Ajax, on April 11 the Mary, on June 5 the Mariner arrived at Port Chalmers. The newcomers soon settled into the routine of colonial life. By the Ajax Mr William H. Valpy arrived, and used his capital to the advantage of the settlement, establishing mills for timber and flour in the valley of the Leith and making his home at Forbury, near St. Clair. His rural allotments at the Waihola and Horseshoe Bush soon became runs for sheep. Although he came of Episcopalian and clerical stock he was a supporter of the ministry of Mr Burns and the religious basis on which the Colony had been inaugurated. Mr and Mrs Burns visited Mr and Mrs Valpy on January 26, 1849.
In the meantime Burns had been busily engaged in extending his range of activities to meet the needs of the growing community. On January 12 he bought a grey mare, Sally, from Mr Pelichet for 30 guineas, with 10s for the groom. Mr Burns had spent an afternoon two days previously in trying the horse at Duff's paddock, so that, although he paid a good price for it, he could not be charged with "buying a pig in a poke." Riding Sally on his pastoral errands, he was able to reach places inaccessible by the usual means of the rowboat.
On January 31 he was able to gratify his long-cherished ambition to pay a personal visit to the Taieri. Accompanied by Mr Kettle he rode to the surveyor's sheep station on the plain, and was deeply impressed by its potentialities for agricultural and pastoral uses. Valuable coal had by this time been discovered on the western side of Saddle Hill. Burns rode for several miles, filled with admiration for all that he saw. Even the swamps failed to damp his ardour, for he declared that they could be drained and changed into valuable land for farming. On Wednesday, February 21, he paid his second and more extensive visit to the Taieri. He visited and preached to the Native village, where the chief Te Raki lived with about 24 Maoris. It was situated near the spot where the bridge now crosses the main south road. Burns held a thorough "visitation" of the village, and drew up a careful census of the individuals who formed the camp. Burns also baptised three children, one of whom was the child of Te Raki. The best description of his impressions is found in a letter to his old friend of Ayrshire days, the Rev. Ebenezer B. Wallace, dated from Dunedin on April 26, 1849
This letter is preserved in the Early Settlers' Library, Dunedin.
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Some months ago I rode down to the Waihola and spent a couple of days visiting the Native village about six or seven miles from the mouth of the Taieri River. Riding along the whole eastern side of the Taieri Plain, I then sailed down the river from the Native village to the river's mouth, through scenery of the most romantic grandeur. It is a noble river, two to four fathoms deep, as broad as the Clyde at Glasgow, till it becomes confined within the precipitous wooded banks for several miles from its mouth. I sailed also to the Waihola Lake. Altogether the Taieri district is the most magnificent plain I ever saw, 14 or 15 miles long by four and a-half and five miles broad—perfectly level, being evidently the bottom of a former lake which must have covered the whole plain, with high hills surrounding it on every side; very rich land, requiring, however, to be drained in some places, but the water to be drained off all lying on the surface. When cultivated and waving with yellow corn it will be one of the richest sights in the world, I believe. Every one who has seen other colonies at their starting says that we have done wonders, and certainly Dunedin for the last twelve months has been a busy, industrious scene. The town already presents a town-like aspect. Aa to cultivation, there are patches in all directions, and enclosed gardens in the town.
Various incidents occurred in the early part of the year which are recorded in the diary. On January 8 Mr (afterwards Sir) William Fox, the acting principal Agent, visited Otago in the Government cutter Fly, after stopping en route at Akaroa. In company with Captain Thomas he was on a tour of exploration, seeking for a site for the Canterbury settlement, which by this time was being formed in England. Although the site of Otago hardly came within the scope of the mission of Mr Fox and Captain Thomas, the former gentleman examined it with genuine interest, and reported very favourably upon the settlement of Otago in every respect
The report is printed in the Otago Journal No. V, p. 69.
. Port Cooper was definitely chosen for the Anglican class settlement.
Burns preached at Port Chalmers in the afternoons of Sundays, October 15, November 12, December 10, 1848, January 7, February 4, 1849 (every four weeks). On the last-mentioned occasion he used his mare for the journey. It must have been a rough trip along the merest bridle track over the hills to the Upper Junction and down to Port Chalmers. Sally objected to the innovation, and jibbed at Sawyers' Bay, refusing to cross the stream. The minister had no alternative apparently but to leave his horse there and walk the rest of the way to Port Chalmers, where he found a number of tents pitched, the Ajax having just taken her departure. On the return journey Burns reached Dunedin within an hour and a-half after leaving Sawyers' Bay. Four weeks later Mr Kettle accompanied the minister to the service at Port Chalmers. On this occasion the surveyor's horse jibbed at the same spot on the homeward trip, and his horse was left behind! In the old days the horse was a great educator! On Sunday, April 1, the services at Port Chalmers came to a stop until after the winter months. Burns says:—
At Port Chalmers for the last time this season—roads: very bad. Got home in one hour and 40 minutes. Had I been any later I would have been benighted in the swamps.
The main causes of dissension in the community may be attributed to opposition to the idea of the class settlement which lay at the foundation of the Scottish Colony, and to racial and religious prejudices connected therewith. A very small section of settlers who had no affinity with the Scottish and Presbyterian origins of the main body endeavoured to raise an agitation against the leaders, and they succeeded, up to a certain point, in making a stir in the community. With the issue of the first newspaper, the Otago News, on December 13, 1848, under Henry B. Graham, who was editor and compositor, the alleged grievances of the small section which came to be known as "The Little Enemy" found a medium for expression.
The first anniversary of the arrival of the John Wickliffe gave evidence of differences of opinion. The simplest mode of narration may be to let Burns speak for himself. In his letter to the Rev. E. B. Wallace, previously quoted, he gives his version of the situation:—
Five weeks before the anniversary sermon I intimated from the pulpit that the day would be observed as a day of public thanksgiving and humiliation before God. Immediately thereupon commenced very active measures by a small party, which is headed by an English attorney (a bitter enemy of the Free Church and of the ecclesiastical branch of our settlement ), to counteract my intentions by getting up a set of public sports for that day. They easily enlisted in the cause some of the storekeepers who have come down here from Wellington, where these gentry (storekeepers, tavernkeepers, etc.) drive a profitable trade by such a mode of celebrating their anniversaries. They have also got over to their party the editor of the Otago News, this being the only newspaper in the place, and lending itself to this small party enables it to present to people at a distance the appearance of representing the spirit and sentiment, the actings, sayings, and habits of the entire community, and we sober Free Church, honest, well-meaning folks are fairly swamped—never seen, never heard of any more than if we had no existence, and yet we are not only the (though we say it who could not say it) best, but by far the largest portion of the community. The News, immediately succeeding the anniversary, instead of containing the slightest mention of how we, the largest majority, had been spending the day had its whole columns filled with a full and particular account of the sports—horse race, boat race, foot race, sack race, greasy pole, rolls and treacle, and all the other choice and tasteful pastimes of these worthies. When we saw this and how the matter would look elsewhere, wherever the News should travel, as if our people, instead of going to church, had gone to the races, we felt that something should be done. Nothing better could be thought of than printing the forenoon sermon and sending it Home with an explanation accompanying it. After all, the sports were miserably attended—nothing but some drunken do-no-goods, runaway sailors, sawyers, whalers, who have repaired to Otago, most of them since we came, whilst the church was filled forenoon and afternoon, same as on a Lord's Day.
Having contended stoutly for the ideals of the system of colonisation on a religious basis through four trying years in Scotland, Burns was not likely to abandon his position after arriving on the soil of the land of promise. To his mind the obligation of thanksgiving to Divine Providence on the completion of the fist year after the foundation of the settlement was supreme and unquestionable. But, after all, there is something to be said for a festival of joyful celebration in the cycle of the year. Human nature cannot be repressed unduly without the risk of a "complex," to use the modern term. Looking back after the lapse of time one may ask whether it would not have been wiser to countenance the sports, provided that they did not interfere with a service in the church.
The anniversary sermon preached by Mr Burns was printed in the Otago News (and paid for) and also separately as a pamphlet
"A Discourse Delivered in the Church of Otago on Friday, March 23, 1849, Being a Day of Public Thanksgiving, Humiliation, and Prayer, and the Anniversary of the Arrival of tho First Party of Settlers." By the Rev. Thomas Burns, minister of the Church of Otago. Published by request. Dunedin: Printed at the Otago News Office, Rattray street, 1849 (12 pages). The copy from which the above extract was quoted was kindly loaned to me by Professor T. D. Adams.
. It was a noble discourse, well worthy of being preserved, especially when it is remembered that it is probably the first pamphlet published in Otago. In the closing portion of the sermon, which was based on Psalm 144, 15: "Happy is that people that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord." Mr Burns said:—
We have just come out from the midst of a large and old-fashioned community at home, where we had our path hedged about by the innumerable checks and salutary restraints of a strictly governed, well-regulated society; and the tone of our morals and the standard of our religious practice were maintained at a steady pitch by the prevailing example of many surrounding Christian Churches. Here we are a solitary congregation —isolated from the rest of the Christian world. When we think of all this, and then cast our eye upon the backward courses into which all the other British colonies have fallen, how rapidly the spirit of vital religion has decayed, and the shocking vices of profanity and drunkenness have increased in them all, we must be blind indeed if we do not see what a serious risk we ourselves run of resting contented with a lower standard in religion and morals than we have been accustomed to. It is like the letting out of water; it may seem at first a trifling matter, but let it alone and in time it will gather increasing force, till at length it will be found breaking forth into the headlong impetuosity of a raging flood, bearing clown all the ancient bulwarks of social order, overthrowing the hallowed institutions of the community, and covering the land with the wrecks of violence and disorder, of confusion and anarchy.
At first sight it might appear as if there were no very great danger of this in our own case; inasmuch as, being a class Colony, taking up new ground and being ourselves at once the materials and the fabricators of a new society, we must have the formation of the habits and practices of the Colony, as well as our own individual habits, entirely in our own hands, and under our own control. But it is impossible to think of the manner in which this anniversary is being held out of doors at this moment without being aware that already there is a division of sentiment amongst us. It is not the same for us and for others to renounce principles which we profess. For rarely in the history of the world have hereditary principles come down to any people enshrined in such awful associations —such kindling, heart-searching recollections. Shall we, my friends, ever renounce these principles ? No, never. "If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy."
In the meantime Captain Cargill had withdrawn his order for 40 copies of the Otago News on account of an article criticising the Otago Block, which appeared in No. V issue. The article was certainly likely to damage the settlement in the eyes of readers in the Homeland, and it was unfortunate, to say the least, that the little news sheet should attack the agricultural possibilities of the district and the motives of those who were inducing emigrants to choose Otago as their future home. Cargill's action, however, made matters worse than before. The paper thenceforth treated Cargill as an enemy, and championed the sentiments of the small section which was opposed to the leaders. Another incident savoured of sectarian intolerance. The Rev. Charles Creed, who had commenced services at the gaol (apparently the only room available for the purpose), ostensibly on behalf of the Episcopalians and others who were not Presbyterians, received a letter from Captain Cargill suggesting that it would be better for him to confine his ministrations to Waikouaiti, where his duty properly lay as a stated missionary of the Wesleyan Church. Mr Creed handed the letter, together with a rejoinder by himself, to the Otago News, and it was published on May 2, along with an editorial strongly protesting against the action of the Resident Agent in this matter. Mr Creed contended that he had visited the various stations at Otago, Otepoti, Taieri, and Molyneux long before the arrival of the Scotch settlers under their minister. Creed's statement was reasonable enough, apart from any reference to Cargill's argument that there were only three or four Wesleyans in Dunedin, and that Mr Burns was acting on behalf of all denominations until the bishop should make other arrangements for the Episcopalians. About this time Burns was attacked in the Otago News by two anonymous correspondents. Burns took no part in the controversy regarding Mr Creed's activities, the only items from his pen being the entry in his diary on January 28, a Sunday:—
Full church to the door in the forenoon. Mr Creed read the Episcopal service in the gaol to a few, forenoon and evening. Mr C. also baptised Mosley's and Ross's children without any communication with me.
Burns busied himself in getting the library into working order for use by the people of the town. He spent his spare time for several weeks in numbering and cataloguing the books which had been donated for the ships' parties, beginning with the Philip Laing. There were by this time more than 1000 volumes, mostly theological and biographical. There were books of standard fiction by Scott, Dickens, and Thackeray; poetry by Shakespeare, Milton, Scott, and Burns, and works on the arts, sciences, and agriculture. In addition, the Encyclopædia Britannica presented prior to the sailing of the Philip Laing, and the works published and presented by the Chambers Brothers, completed the library.
It was located in the session house of the church, and was opened for the issue of books on Saturday evenings. The charge made was 1s 6d per quarter. Many duties fell to Burns in regard to the general well-being of the population. In addition to acting as librarian he often sorted the mail, and read extracts from the newspapers to those who gathered after the day's work was done. Many were the uses to which the hall was put in the early years of Dunedin. It may be compared to a Y.M.C.A. hut during the war. It was the rendezvous of all who wished for a meeting place with their fellows, and it served every common interest that was helpful to the community. During the day time Mr Blackie conducted school there. The Kirk Session supervised the school and fixed the fees at 2s per quarter for every child learning English reading and 3s per quarter for all other children. The fees were to be paid to Mr Blackie in advance
First Church Session Minutes, July 16, 1849. The minute book has been kindly loaned to me by Mr William H. Adams, to whom I am indebted for other materials in connection with this work.
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Saturday, May 12.—Called upon this morning to announce to Angus M'Phie's wife that her husband was drowned on Wednesday morning last in attempting to cross the Taieri from Mr Lee's—body not yet found.
Saturday, 26.—Public meeting 3 p.m. on the subject of introducing convicts into these colonies—unanimously opposed.
Sunday, 27.—Thin attendance—cold, disagreeable weather. Intimated two congregational meetings. Opening of library and class for church music.
The public meeting held in the church on the subject of extending the transportation system to New Zealand, as had been suggested by Earl Grey, found the little community of Dunedin united against the proposal. The Australian colonies were protesting against the system, and, despite claims advanced on behalf of a more plentiful supply of labour through the channel of transportation, the people of New Zealand joined in opposition to the scheme. Mr Valpy took the chair at the meeting, and Mr Burns proposed the resolutions which voiced the prevailing opinion. The notes of Burns's speech, in his hand writing, are included in the bound volume of Otago manuscripts in the Hocken Library. This meeting and the discussions which it aroused in the community gave force to the growing demand for self-government on the part of the settlers.
In 1846 Earl Grey had granted a constitution to the colonists, but on the recommendation of GovernorSir George Grey the Act was suspended for five years, as he considered that it would be dangerous to give self-government when the country was disturbed by Native unrest and threatened with a fresh outbreak of hostilities. Accordingly the settlers continued to be under the autocratic rule of the Colonial Office in name and of the Governor in fact. New Zealand had been divided into two provinces, the northern known as New Ulster and the southern as New Munster, but these distinctions meant little or nothing to the new Colony of Otago for the first two years of its existence. Mr Burns was one of the most powerful advocates of the right of the colonists to govern themselves.
On June 25 Mr Woehlers, from the island of Ruapuke, visited Dunedin and spent much time with Mr Burns during his stay. The two men had much in common, and held each other in high esteem. In view of the increase in the attendance at church the building was enlarged to accommodate the congregation. The second observance of the Sacrament took place on Sunday, June 15, but owing to the bad weather and the almost impassable state of the roads the attendance was small.
Towards the end of October Burns fell ill with what he believed to be cholera, and was very weak for a few days after the illness abated. The months passed away without any event of note taking place. Church work proceeded steadily. On December 26 the ship Mooltan arrived with 120 passengers. Cholera had occurred on board the vessel, and a few days later a letter was addressed to Mr Burns by the captain and surgeon, Dr William Purdie, commending to his care four orphan children whose parents, Mr and Mrs Harrison, had died of the disease during the voyage. Burns took the matter to the Kirk Session, and reported that the children had been received by the Harolds for temporary care and subsistence. The Session approved of the arrangements made, and gave authority to the Moderator to administer the estate of the deceased parents.
Minutes of First Church Session.
In a letter to his brother Gilbert
"Early Otago," by Bannerman, p, 7.
Mr Burns stated that "the New Year (1850) was ushered in with some of the signals we were accustomed to in Scotland—shouting and firing guns. Some scamps loaded and fired off repeatedly the 8-pounder cannon that stands on the jetty, and clambered up on to the church until they caught the rope and rang the bell."
The story of this bell, which is now in the Early Settlers' Museum, was a strange one. It had been a ship's bell on one of the convict transports. Then it was used on the Magnet, which conveyed the early settlers to Waikouaiti in 1840. Mr Jones used it for the mission station at Waikouaiti, and transferred it to Dunedin for the church and schoolhouse there. The minute of the Kirk Session, dated July 21, 1850, throws further light upon it, showing that Mr Jones had offered the bell as a gift to the church, and that the Session gratefully accepted it on the date mentioned.
In 1851 some friends in Scotland sent out a bell to Mr Burns. The office-bearers of First Church, regarding the new bell as too grand for "the queer-looking fabric of a church," hit upon the idea of setting it up on top of Church Hill, thus taking legal possession of the site for their future church.
As an accommodation to the inhabitants of Dunedin leave was granted to the authorities on week days to make use of the bell to regulate the working people's time. This use of the bell came gradually to be regarded as its proper and principal use, and the hill itself to be spoken of as if its only use was to be the site of the bell.
Taken from a brochure entitled "A Brief Account of the Origin and History and Also the Income and Expenditure of the Presbyterian Church of Otago, as Contained in an Address Delivered by the Rev. Dr Burns at the Congregational Soiree of the First Presbyterian Church on February 16, 1865." Mills. Dick & Co., printers, Staffordstreet, Dunedin, 1865. Page 13.
It was called Bell Hill. At a later stage people began to deny that either the bell or the hill belonged to the church. Even in the Provincial Council statements were made to this effect. It so happened, however, that repairs were needed, and the workman copied out the inscription which had been originally stamped on the bell. It stated that the bell was the gift of a few friends in Scotland to the minister and congregation of the First Church of Otago, 1851. This bell now reposes, badly cracked, on a pedestal in the shadow of First Church. And shortly afterwards the issue of a Crown grant to the Church Hill "as the site for the First or Principal Church of the Presbyterian Church of Otago" settled the ownership of the hill.
The year 1850 was notable for the large attendance at Communion In the church. People came far and near despite the difficulty of walking along the rough tracks. Over 200 partook of the sacred ordinance, which was held at three tables with all solemnity on January 20. Soon after, on February 14. Burns had the grief and misfortune to lose his old grey mare Sally. She was drowned in fording the Taieri at the Native village. After becoming heated by the journey at midsummer the mare was allowed to cool down before entering the water, and she was seized with cramp. Burns never owned another horse; he so deeply regretted the loss of Sally, his faithful steed; and thenceforth he performed most of his journeys on foot.
The following note in his visiting book shows his wonderful powers as a pedestrian:—
Note of walking distances from Saddle Hill to Dtmedin on July 21, 1852, the roads being pretty hard with frost, but otherwise very fatiguing. From William Jaffray's at Saddle Hill to junction of Main road to Dunedin, 35 minutes, thence to Mrs Shand's 45 minutes, thence to top of ridge, 40 minutes, thence to junction of road to Mr Macandrew's lime quarry 30 minutes, thence to Mr Reynolds's gate 15 minutes, thence to manse 15 minutes.
Roughly, about 13 miles of very hilly country in three hours!
Chapter XX.The Presbytery of Otago.
You, my readers, myself, and a good few besides may hail from other branches of the vine, but in the old days we elected deliberately to go to a settlement which was under the cover of the Free Church branch, and are forward to acknowledge the benefits we derived from the comprehensive measures of its Free Church founders; and therefore regard the first addition to the ministry of that Church here, and the occasion of its first becoming a corporate existence, as an event of great interest in the history of Otago.
—Thomas James Barr, in "The Old Identities" (p. 236).
For the first six years after landing at Dunedin Burns had a parish which extended roughly from the middle of the South Island to the Bluff. It was impossible for him to conduct more than the stated services at Dunedin and Port Chalmers for the first few years. His pastoral visits also were limited to the Taieri in the south until his first journey to Tokomairiro and the Clutha in December, 1851. With the gradual growth and extension of the settlement the necessity of assistance in his clerical duties forced itself upon his notice almost from the beginning. On March 6, 1850, Burns entered in his diary: "Sent off letter to Rev. John Sym as to necessity of a second minister."He got some generous help from Dr Purdie, who had settled in Otago, and kindly undertook to hold fortnightly services at Port Chalmers, the first of which was held on April 7, 1850.
A crucial event in the history of Otago was the failure of the New Zealand Company, whose interests had so powerful a bearing upon the inauguration of the Colony and its sister settlement at Canterbury. Word was received by the Phœbe Dunbar, which arrived at Port Chalmers on October 24, 1850, that the Company had tendered its resignation of its charter, and that the Lay Association had applied for one in the same manner as that given to Canterbury, which had made a start with four large emigrant ships and a party of colonists. Captain Cargill wrote to the Kirk Session of the church at Dunedin announcing the intelligence, and pointing out that through the failure of the Company "further advances on our account under the heads 'emigration,' 'civil uses,' and 'religious and educational uses ' "must necessarily come to an end, and he added that" it is from the proceeds of our land sales alone that funds are to be derived for the future advancement of these objects, and for the gradual liquidation of balances now due upon them."
Minutes of First Church Session.
This was a somewhat serious, although not a wholly unexpected, blow to the class settlement, and those who opposed the Scottish and Free Church character of the Colony openly rejoiced in the prospect of a change from the existing order of things. But the glee of "The Little Enemy " was premature. A meeting of the congregation was called by the Session, and the situation was faced with calmness and determination. Thrown more than ever before upon their own resources the settlers resolved to support the cause of the church and school by voluntary contributions, whilst seeking to discharge the liabilities which the shortage of land sales had left as debits to their funds.
It will be recalled that the Otago Lay Association had in November, 1847, agreed with the Company to sell, if possible, 2000 properties or 120,500 acres within five years to private buyers. Up to the time of the failure of the Company, however, only about 18,000 acres had been sold. At the proportion of one-eighth of the value of this land the fund for Religious and Educational Uses was entitled to receive £4500. From this sum, however, the stipends of the minister and schoolmaster had been paid, and expenditure had been incurred for the purchase of 22 properties and for other purposes connected with the Trust, such as the passage moneys for minister and schoolmaster and erection of manse and church. The result was that a debt of £1700 stood in the books against this fund. The liquidation of this debt was taken as a first charge (in gradual instalments) on the moneys accruing to the Trust, including those which might come to hand from further sales during the two years which were left for the completion of the bond entered into between the Company and the Lay Association. The total income from the 22 properties which had been secured by the Trust was only about £30 a year for several years.
The first thing done by the Session and congregation under the leadership of their indomitable minister was to make additions to the eldership, and to constitute a Deacons' Court for the management of the finances of the church, which would include collections, seat rents, and the Sustentation Fund. Here the experience of the minister who had faced the chaos following upon the Disruption in Scotland proved to be of very special value to the cause. The result of the elections and distribution of districts among elders and deacons was as follows:—Town Districts—Elders, H.Clark, W.Cargill, C.Robertson, James Brown, Thomas Bain; Deacons, Alex. Garvie, Edward M'Glashan, William Stevenson, William Young, John Mills. North-East Valley—Elder, William Smith; Deacon, William Chapman. Halfway Bush—Elder, George Hepburn; Deacon, James Marshall. Anderson's Bay— Elder, George Brown; Deacon, James ElderBrown. Green Island Bush, Forbury, etc.—Elder, Thomas Ferguson; Deacon, John Anderson. Taieri, Waihola, and Tokomairiro—Elder, Francis M' Diarmid; Deacon, William Jaffray.
Before leaving the year 1850, which saw the introduction of fresh financial arrangements into the Dunedin charge, it is fitting that brief reference should be made to a few events which occurred in the course of that year. On March 5 Mr Valpy held a harvest home at Forbury, and it was an occasion of much rejoicing to old and young. Mr Burns, accompanied by Mr Fox, attended the festival, and entered heartily into the proceedings. Mr Burns had a similar function at his then untenanted house at Grants Braes on July 26. Mr R. N. M'Dowall acted as chairman, and the entertainment was kept up with "harmony and spirit, being continually interspersed with the alternate amusements of dancing, singing, and recitation."
Otago News, August 3, 1850.
An address by the chairman on the benefits of steadiness, industry, and sobriety concluded the evening. Although it is not reported that Mr Burns was present, the event suggests that he was no gloomy ascetic as some of his detractors averred. The appointment of Mr JusticeSydney Stephen
A nephew of Sir James Stephen, of the Colonial Office. See chap. VI, supra. Mr Strode had already been created Resident Magistrate in Otago.
to Otago at a salary of £800 a year caused much dissatisfaction, inasmuch as the criminal record was almost a negligible quantity. The story goes that the gaoler, John Barr, used to warn the few prisoners whom he had in custody from time to time that if they did not return from their outdoor duties at a specified time they would be locked out for the night, a threat which always had the desired effect!
On September 29 another daughter was born to Mr and Mrs Burns. Her name was Isabella Grant. She was the only one of the family born in Otago. She afterwards married Mr Alexander Stevenson, and had one son, Douglas, who was lost at sea in 1899.
On November 18, GovernorSir George Grey, with his wife and members of his staff, arrived in Dunedin, and was the guest of Captain Cargill. He made a good impression, and was lavish in his promises to the settlement—a municipal charter within three months, a political constitution before the year was out, and the expenditure of £700 in extending the jetty, building a hospital, and the completion of a road near the present Oval
Grey's Provincial Councils Bill passed the Legislative Council in July, 1851, but its ordinance affecting Dunedin was disallowed by Earl Grey as; being "ultra vires."
. On the day after his arrival, in addition to a levee, which was held at the Royal Hotel and attended by everybody in his or her Sunday clothes, a dinner was served at Captain Cargill's, at which Mr Burns was present. The Governor subscribed five guineas towards the roofing of the church.
Burns's diary and Chisholm's "Fifty Tears Syne," pages 110-111.
On November 20 the distinguished guest left Dunedin for the Government brig, which was lying at Port Chalmers.
The faithful schoolmaster, Mr Blackie, who had accompanied Mr Burns from Scotland and had rendered excellent service to the children of Dunedin, had by this time fallen into ill-health, and he left the settlement on board the Phœbe Dunbar, in hopes that the climate of Sydney would relieve the tubercular trouble from which he suffered. Unfortunately, he did not long survive his change of residence. Mr Burns had much correspondence with Mr Blackie's aged father in Dundee with a view to settling the affairs of his honoured young colleague. Mr M'Dowall took the place of Mr Blackie at the school.
Mr James Macandrew, who was destined to play an important part in the future history of the province, arrived on board his own ship, the Titan, on January 16,
1851. Mr Burns soon became intimate with him, and stood by him in many of his troubles and battles for progress in the Colony. With Mr Macandrew arrived his minister, the Rev. William Nicholson, of London Wall, referred to previously in connection with the service held prior to the departure of the John Wickliffe from London. Mr Nicholson spent two months in Otago, waiting for a vessel to convey him to his destination, which was Hobart, in Tasmania. He assisted Mr Burns during his stay and conducted a service with 13 persons at the Taieri.
In the year 1851 the entries in the diary kept by Mr Burns from the sailing of the Philip Laing from Greenock come to an end for all literary purposes. A few jottings are given from time to time, but they mainly record odd notes of letters written, outstanding events, and amounts of money sent to the missions of the Free Church, and later on to the New Hebrides. These memoirs of ours must move rapidly over the remaining portion of Dr Burns's life.
To enter fully into the details and general history of the period from 1851 to 1871 would require a separate volume. The object of this work is to give a presentation of the man Thomas Burns, with special regard to his work of colonisation and his spiritual leadership. If that purpose is kept in mind the reader may seek for a history of the times in other works of reference.
The newspaper of the infant Colony, which had caused profound dissatisfaction in the minds of Cargill, Burns, and the main body of the Scotch settlers on account of its highly critical attitude towards the policy of the leaders and the whole conception of a class settlement, came to an end with the issue on December 21, 1850. The tragical feature of the cessation of the Otago News was the failing health of the editor, Mr Graham. A new organ of the press was urgently desired, and the Otago Witness, yet happily circulating as the oldest weekly paper in New Zealand, came into existence on February 8, 1851. A company of 11 shareholders was founded, consisting of Messrs Valpy, Cargill, Burns, Johnston, W. H.Reynolds, John Jones, W. H.Cutten, H. M'Glashan, and James Macandrew. Mr Cutten was appointed editor. Mr Valpy disapproved of the attitude of the paper towards himself after he accepted the Governor's nomination to the Council without popular election, and he soon withdrew from the venture. Bickerings reached their height about this time. The small section which sought to free the settlement from the authority of the leaders supported Grey in his official conduct of affairs. The Otago Settlers' Association, with Dr Robert Williams as chairman, was formed on May 31, 1851, and enrolled about 100 members. When it came to a vote the hostile section always made a poor showing, and "The Little Enemy" died a natural death when the Constitution was reported in 1852.
On the granting of the Constitution Burns wrote to Mr John M'Glashan, then in Scotland, under date November 18, 1852:—
Original letter In John M'Glashan collection.
Our colonists are in great spirits in consequence of the New Zealand Constitution. The thing for which I was chiefly alarmed was the consequence to our moral sense and our regard for integrity and worth that were likely to ensue from the irritation and disgust arising from the habitual exhibition before our eyes of everything like honesty and truth and principle violated, not only under the countenance, but in subserviency to the known wishes of Sir George Gray. I used to think with great dislike of the temper and spirit of Yankeeism in our North American neighbours. But I believe a kindred spirit would in time have been created in the honest hearts of the Free Church men of Otago had this wretched system lasted for a generation or two. Thanks to the feeble position of the Derby Ministry and the need of bidding for popularity, and thanks also for the frank, manly spirit in which Sir John Pakington has met our demands, and once more and specially thanks to such men as Fox, Wakefield, and yourself for a final deliverance from so great an evil!
Although Burns felt deeply the attacks which were made upon the Colony by those whose religious and national instincts diverged from his own, he preserved his nobility of character in all his public actions and utterances during the period of controversy. His letters to his brother Gilbert reveal the intensity of his feelings, but he never forgot his duty to his congregation as well as to himself; and he refrained from entering the arena of petty strife and controversy. For instance, when the Mechanics' Institution was opened on January 3, 1853, amid much cavilling Mr Burns alone spoke with calmness, eloquence, and dignity, "free from all unpleasant allusion."
Hocken's Early History, p. 131.
The first number, of the Otago Witness gave a census of the population of Otago taken to March 31, 1850, as 1149 persons, of whom 888 were in some kind of association with the Presbyterian Church. The figures for the Church of England were given as 206, and there were 55 others. In view of the large number of persons who recognised the church as their meeting place, it was not surprising that additions had to be made to the building for the accommodation of worshippers. In the first issue of the Witness Burns said:—
The great body of our immigrants, more or less regularly, attend on my ministry, according to the distances at which they are severally located. Our place of worship is regularly filled, lobby and all, and I can see them standing outside with infants in their arms, partly for want of room and partly for fear of the infants disturbing the congregation.
Many of the settlers walked long distances to the Church. For instance the Harolds used to leave Taieri Ferry early on Communion Sunday morning to attend the service. A small lunch or "piece" was taken, and eaten in the Church grounds between the forenoon and afternoon diets of worship. The ladies sometimes removed their shoes and stockings at the streams. The usual garb of the men was the blue smock, worn over their clothes, with a leather belt around the waist.
The interest which the minister took in the health of the people was shown by the fact that he announced from the pulpit that Dr Purdie was prepared to vaccinate free of charge any who came to him. A considerable number of the people immediately availed themselves of the opportunity to receive this treatment as a safeguard against the scourge of smallpox. One would like to know whether any record of such a close association between religion and medicine, especially that great department which is now known as Public Health, can be found elsewhere at such an early date as 1850.
The Kirk Session of the Church met regularly every month. On June 27, 1851, a special meeting was held with the Deacons' Court, and a report was passed and transmitted to the Edinburgh Presbytery. After reviewing the benefits of the religious basis on which the settlement had been founded, and considering their effect during the three years that had passed in regard to Sabbath observance and the education of the young in Christian principles, the report proceeded to remark upon the spirit of harmony that pervaded the community, despite the efforts of a small section "to throw the brand of discord" into their midst. The division of the territory into 11 districts, with an elder and a deacon for each district, the church door collections, which averaged between £1 and £1 10s each Sunday with an equal contribution from seats rents, were then referred to in turn. It was stated that the church was seated for 400, and was still too small for the congregation. The Communion roll contained 360 names, "including a few Episcopalians who are looking forward to getting a minister of their own persuasion amongst them." The population was estimated at 1600, including over 120 Natives at the mouth of the harbour and 50 Natives and others at Waikouaiti. Of these 1600, 1100 were stated to be Presbyterians, mostly Free Church, 61 Independents, from 15 to 20 Wesleyan Methodists, 11 Roman Catholics, "who were visited last summer by a French priest, one of a body of priests who, with their bishop and a number of Sisters of Charity, all French, arrived all at once not long ago at Wellington"; in addition to the foregoing the Episcopalians were set down at 230.
The report mentioned the liberality of the people in subscribing £120 for roofing the addition to the church and adding to the seating accommodation. They had also raised a similar sum towards a church building at Port Chalmers. Reference was then made to the Mechanics' Institution, meeting every two weeks for essays to be read followed by discussion, and public lectures once in two months. The Otago Settlers' Society and the Dunedin Property Investment Company were not regarded as too secular to be tabled in a church report.
The matter of education is so bound up with the biography of Dr Burns that the following paragraph, written possibly by himself, must be quoted:—
In the important matter of schools we have suffered loss in losing the services of our principal teacher, Mr James Blackie. The school continues to be taught by a young man (Mr M'Dowell), who, having been four or five years at College, is perfectly competent to the task. If the Colony were a little farther advanced we must have an Academical Institution of a superior character in Dunedin, for it is felt to be of the last importance towards the best and highest well-being of the settlement that the means of a thoroughly good education should be within the reach of the rising generation. There ara three district schools and a girls' school in Dunedin. There are four Sabbath Schools in different districts. There is a monthly congregational prayer meeting at which missionary and other religious intelligence is communicated. There are several prayer meetings on week days in different parts of the Colony, conducted by the elders and others.
Minutes of First Church Session.
On Sunday, October 17, 1852, the church at Port Chalmers was opened for public worship. The minister invited the Dunedin congregation to attend in force, and his invitation was heartily responded to, the office-bearers and about 65 others voyaging to the Port in boats. It was a remarkable scene as the boats tacked to the landing place, past the ship Persia, which was beflagged for the occasion. Even such an excursion on the water did not lose the Sabbath calm. The commanding site had been selected by Mr Kettle and placed on the first map of Port Chalmers, which bears the date, " March to June, 1846."
See the booklet "Otago Seventieth Anniversary, 1848-1918," edited by the Rev. Alex. Whyte, Port Chalmers, published by the Otago Early Settlers' Association, Dunedin, and the Old Identities' Association, Port Chalmers, 1918. Pages 55-59. Much useful information is to be found in this booklet, which ran through several editions.
The church was the second building for the purpose in Otago, and the third Presbyterian church to be erected in the South Island, following upon the building of a church at Nelson by the Rev. T. D. Nicholson in 1849. In 1871 the old church at Port Chalmers was superseded by the present handsome structure which greets the travellers from the north by sea and land. The first resident minister was the Rev. William Johnstone, who was settled at Port Chalmers in 1858.
On June 7, 1852, a memorial was submitted to the Session and Deacons' Court by the Moderator, which traversed the ground of the interruption of the development of the Church and province by the failure of the Company and the approaching termination of the Association. It pointed out that while the Church had done its duty in meeting the needs of the scattered population, the number of the distant members was too small to form even the nucleus of a second church, and the Dunedin church could not support a missionary.
At Port Chalmers there might be an attendance of between 40 and 50, in the East Taieri between 20 and 30. Smaller groups are located in the West Taieri, in the Taieri village, in the Kuri Bush, in the Waihola, in the Tokomairiro, and several very small groups in the Clutha, besides detached families at remote sheep stations.
Accordingly the office-bearers respectfully petitioned the Colonial Committee of the Free Church to supply a missionary and pay his salary for a period of three years. On June 27, 1853, the movement for securing additional ministers took a definite form at a joint meeting presided over by Mr Burns, who stated that the object in view was to take into consideration the spiritual necessities of the rural districts. Captain Cargill prepared a circular in the form of an address on the subject, and suggested that a larger meeting, inclusive of former office-bearers of the Home Churches, should be called for the purpose of securing two ministers and also on behalf of two funds:—(1) For organising the Sustentation Fund (on the lines of the Free Church of Scotland) in order to raise £200 for defraying the expense of the passage and outfit of the additional ministers; and (2) for supporting the missionary schemes of the Home Church. It was also suggested that a quarterly collection should be made at the church door for the support of the district schools.
Dunedin, North-East Valley, and Port Chalmers. A school at East Taieri was in contemplation, with a building of its own which might serve for a church as well. First Church Session Minutes, June 7, 1852.
A committee to give effect to these resolutions and visit rural districts was appointed, and it was decided that one quarterly collection should be made for the district schools; and that the three remaining quarterly collections should be devoted to the Home Mission Fund of the Free Church.
These heroic and unselfish decisions showed the depth of Christian feeling which animated minister and people. When the New Zealand Company was liquidated Mr Burns had been left with his salary unpaid, and an amount of between £400 and £500 owing to him, and with only the untried method of small church door collections and seat rents as the means of raising revenue in the future.
See his letter to Gilbert Burns, p. 10, of Bannerman's "Early Otago," etc. The proceeds of property were very small, and were devoted to meeting arrears owing by the Trust.
Yet he fostered the cause of giving to general purposes and missions, as indicated in the foregoing resolutions.
At a meeting on October 23, 1853, the joyful tidings of the appointment by the Colonial Committee of a second minister, the Rev. William Will, was received by the Session, and a congregational meeting was held with a view to the thorough organisation of the Sustentation Fund and the division of the town from the rural districts, the latter being allotted to the new minister as his pastoral charge. The Colonial Committee in the meantime had secured another minister for the Colony in the person of the Rev. William Bannerman, who arrived with Mr Will on the ship Stately, which dropped anchor in Port Chalmers on February 8, 1854. Both young ministers were received with the greatest heartiness, Mr Bannerman being entertained at the manse, and Mr Will at the house of Captain Cargill. On the next Sunday the newly-arrived ministers preached at the respective diets of worship, and at the close the Session met, and the Moderator "offered up fervent thanksgiving to God for so signal an expression of His goodness and mercy towards this Church, and having commended the ministers and their future ministry in this Colony, introduced to them the several elders and deacons of the congregation, who gave them the right hand of fellowship."
On the following Sunday, February 19, 1854, Mr Burns introduced Mr Will to his future congregation at the schoolhouse of East Taieri, the charge extending from the town of Dunedin to the southern end of Waihola. Mr Bannerman preached at the First Church for the absent pastor, and proceeded on the following day to join him at East Taieri. Together they travelled southward, Mr Will accompanying the party to the boundary of his parish. At Tokomairiro in the house of Mr Alexander Duthie the first service under the new regime was held, probably on the Wednesday or Thursday of that eventful week. Mr Bannerman was there introduced to the people of Tokomairiro after the sermon by Mr Burns. On Saturday the two ministers reached the great Clutha River, and a service conducted by Mr Burns was held at Mr Redpath's house on Inchclutha on the following day, Sunday, February 26, at the close of which Mr Bannerman was introduced to the people of the Clutha district. Some settlers walked to the service from their little homes up to 10 miles away through the tall flax and toi tois. Mr Burns then returned to Dunedin, and Mr Bannerman conducted his first service at Hilly Park on March 19. Three preaching stations were appointed to Mr Bannerman, namely, South Clutha, Inchclutha, and Tokomairiro, but in reality his parish extended from Waihola to the Bluff, and from Kaka Point on the east to beyond the Aparima on the south-west. In the course of his minstry Mr Bannerman walked or rode over the whole of this immense area, often in perils of waters, cold, and weariness.
Biographical notices of the excellent ministers Will and Bannerman can be found in John Wilson's "Early Reminiscences of Otago," and Chisholm's "Fifty Years Syne," and need not be given here.
On June 27 of the same year the Presbytery of Otago was constituted, Mr Burns being elected Moderator. Mr John M'Glashan, who on the demise of the Lay Association had voyaged to Otago on the ship Rajah, arriving in September, 1853, was elected Clerk of Presbytery and also Procurator, an ecclesiastical and legal office for which he was remarkably well fitted. The Presbytery, as constituted, consisted of the following members:—
Ministers—Rev. Thomas Burns, Moderator, of Dunedin; Rev. William Will, of the Taieri and Waihola districts; Rev. William Bannerman, of the Clutha and Tokomairiro districts. Elders—Captain William Cargill, Superintendent of the Province of Otago; commissioner from the Kirk Session of Dunedin; Mr John M'Glashan, Provincial Treasurer and Solicitor, Procurator of the Church, and Clerk of Presbytery.
The following 20 office-bearers of the Church were also invited to sit with the Presbytery and give advice on the important matters which were to come before the reverend court:—Rev. Robert Hood, Messrs James Adam, Charles Robertson, George Hepburn, George Brown, James ElderBrown, Henry Clark, John Gillies, William Young, Thomas Ferguson, Thomas Bell, George Shand, Andrew Kay, James Cullen, Alexander Chalmers, Peter Lindsay, James Brown, William Smith, James Ritchie, James Souness.
Mr Burns's address on the occasion of the inauguration of the Presbytery referred to the origin, the character, and the progress of the Colony.
The original notes of Mr Burns are preserved in the John M'Glashan collection.
The report of the proceedings of the Presbytery may be found in a compilation
Proceedings of the Presbytery of Otago, 1854-1865. Compiled from the original records by Rev. A. M. Finlayson. Published by authority of the Synod of Otago and Southland, Dunedin; the Otago Daily Times and Witness Newspapers Co., Ltd., 1926.
issued by the Clerk of Synod. Mr Burns's time must have been fully taken up in writing, possibly with the assistance of Mr M' Glashan, the addresses which, in graceful and fervent phrasing, expressed the sentiments of the Church to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, to his Excellency the Officer Administering the Government of New Zealand, to the Venerable the General Assembly of the Free Church of Scotland, and to the Ministers of the Presbyterian Churches in New Zealand, which included a prayer that "at no distant period, through the favour of the Great Head of the Church, a closer union of these Churches and this Church may be consummated."
The Otago Witness, Saturday, July 8, 1854, contained a good account of the proceedings. " Fifty Years Syne," chap. XVI, also traverses the ground of this first meeting of the Presbytery.
The foundation of the Presbytery marked an epoch in the history of the province. The preparatory stages of pioneering under the Presbytery of Edinburgh, the authority of which was little more than nominal, were past, and the heroic efforts of the first minister of Otago were conserved and multiplied by the organisation of the Church Court and the labours of his devoted young colleagues. The legal changes brought about by the erection of the Presbytery were as great as the ecclesiastical. The services of Mr M' Glashan in preparing the necessary documents to give effect to the transfer of authority from the defunct Lay Association and the Edinburgh Presbytery to the local representatives were particularly valuable. Fresh ministers were applied for, and in due course arrived to carry on the work of supplying religious ordinances to the far-flung settlement.
The Rev. John M'Nichol, a Gaelic-speaking probationer of the Free Church, arrived early in February, 1858, and he was soon followed by the Rev. William Johnstone, who was inducted into the charge of Port Chalmers and the Northern Districts on June 23, 1858.
The Presbytery of Otago was the first to be established in New Zealand. Auckland followed on October 15, 1856, and Wellington Presbytery came into being on November 3, 1857. The influence of the southern movement was felt through the length and breadth of New Zealand. Canterbury Presbyterians were encouraged by Mr Burns to send Home for a minister, with the result that the Rev. Charles Fraser arrived at the house of the Deans family early in April, 1856. In the meantime the other religious denominations had not been unmindful of their obligations to their own members. Dr Frederick Richardson, who arrived in September, 1851, brought from England a sum of £270, Communion plate, a stone font, and a barrel organ
Now in the Early Settlers' Museum, Dunedin.
for the use of an Episcopal Church in Dunedin. Following upon the services which had been held by the Wesleyan missionary, the Rev. Charles Creed, in the gaol and afterwards in the courthouse, Bishop Selwyn appointed the Rev. J. A. Fenton to the Anglican parish of Dunedin. He arrived at Port Chalmers on January 1, 1852, and continued in office until 1858, when he was succeeded by the Rev. E. G. Edwards. In 1855 Father Petitjean, of the Roman Catholic Church, toured Otago in the interest of his Church. For the Methodist service the courthouse was used in the evenings, Mr Creed being succeeded in turn by the Rev. William Kirk and the Rev. George Stannard. The first resident minister of this church was the Rev. Isaac Harding, who arrived from Auckland on March 18, 1862.
See Mr Alfred Eccles's brochure "Records of the Early Days: Some Beginnings in Dunedin and Otago." Published by the Otago Early Settlers' Association, 1929.
Chapter XXI.Educational Progress.
We think it expedient that in everie notable town, and especiallie in the town of the soperintendent, be erected a colledge in which the artis, at least logick and rhetorick, togedder with the toungis, be read by sufficient maisteris, for whome honest stipendis must be appointed, as also provision for those that be poore, and be nocht able by themselvis, nor by thair friendis, to be sustened at letteris.
John Knox, The First Book of Discipline.
After God had carried vs safe to New England and wee bad bvilded ovr hovses provided necessaries for ovr liveli hood reard convenient places for God's worship and setted the civill government one of the next things we longed for and looked after was to advance learning and perpetvate it to posterity dreading to leave an illiterate ministery to the chvrches when ovr present ministers shall lie in the dvst.
—New England's First Frvits.
The fact that Dunedin is a strong centre of education to-day, and perhaps the most pronounced University town south of the Line, is mainly due to the influence which Mr Burns and his colleagues exercised upon the life and purposes of the early settlers. Many references have already been given from the pen of Burns himself to his ambitions for the Scottish Colony in this regard. The Session fostered the schools and looked forward to a college. The Presbytery at its first meeting passed a resolution appointing a committee for this purpose, and decided to "offer every encouragement to efforts for promoting the establishment of elementary and superior schools, founded on a broad and liberal basis for affording instruction based on religion, with a view to establishing a satisfactory system of education."
On December 18, 1854, the superintendent (Captain Cargill) had brought in recommendations " for providing a liberal education to the whole of the children of the province, and that a public grammar school or academy should be maintained at Dunedin, wherein will be taught all the branches of education necessary for qualifying the pupils for entering a University." In 1856 the Provincial Council, realising the needs of the increasing population, passed an ordinance establishing public schools to provide secular instruction, together with "the reading of Holy Scripture and instructions in the principles of religious knowledge." An Education Board was to be formed, consisting of the Superintendent, the members of his executive, the Rector of the High. School of Dunedin, and two members of each of the school committees. The High School which was proposed in this ordinance in 1856 was for the higher education of male and female students, and this was the first enactment of its kind in New Zealand.
In a letter addressed to Mr James Macandrew on April 14, 1854, Mr Burns showed a prophetic sense of the danger to religious teaching in the schools which would arise once the matter came before the General Assembly or legislature of New Zealand, and he urged that provincial control of the schools, especially in relation to religious lessons, should be allowed by the General Assembly. His strong views are shown by the following extract.
Burns's Letters, Hocken Library.
I have great objections to the governing body having no mind of its own as to the religious teaching that is given in the school which it supports. It is a system that is infidel in its essence, and no good can come of it.
With the abolition of the provincial system in 1876 the way was opened for legislation in the direction feared by Dr Burns, and the Education Act of 1877 was passed by the Colonial Parliament, by which, among other changes, education was made purely secular. Dr Burns did not live to see the abolition of religious teaching in the schools, an innovation which might be said to create a moral breach of trust with the assurances on which Otago and Canterbury were founded. Such a departure from the principles of the pioneers was enough to make the angels weep. The nearest approach to the practices for which Dr Burns contended is to be found in the schools and colleges which open with worship, and those that are in association with the Church.
In 1857 Mr Burns gave a general account of the progress of Otago in a letter printed for a book which Mr James Adam was then about to issue under the title of "Description of the Province of Otago."
"New Zealand, Otago," Vol. 6, item No. 8, Hocken Library.
Burns reviewed the progress made in " the higher interests " of the people. He paid a well-earned tribute to the zeal and devotion of his colleagues, Will and Bannerman. He continued:—
My own church, after all its successive additions, is again become too small. Subscriptions have been set on foot for erecting an entirely new church on the top of Church Hill— the highest eminence in Dunedin. So far as they have gone these subscriptions have been most liberal, considering the means of the people. An independent congregation has been formed in Dunedin, consisting of those holding independent, Baptist, and the voluntary principles. The officiating minister is a Mr Jefferies, an excellent man and a faithful preacher. The whole of the parents have been greatly gratified by the arrival of the four excellent teachers from Scotland, and are eagerly looking forward to the arrival of the other six that have been sent for. If the scheme of education that has just been set on foot can be carried out in the spirit in which it has been started it will result under God, I have no doubt, in Otago being one of the best-educated colonies in this part of the world.
The following teachers arrived in consequence of applications from Otago:—Messrs Alexander Ayson, A. Livingston (for the High School), John Hislop (afterwards secretary and inspector of schools), Colin Allan, Wright, Andrew Russell, A. D. Johnston, Alex. G. Allan, A. Grigor, R. S. Gardner, R. Peattie, W. Duncan, A. Stott, V. Graham, and Miss Jane R. Dods. The example of Dunedin in planting down the schoolhouse for both religious and educational purposes before proceeding to build a special place of worship was followed in the districts of Otago. A manse was also provided as soon as possible to accommodate the minister, who was then able to itinerate according to the distribution of the population. After the Company ceased to function, the school fees and special calls upon the liberality of the people were the main sources of the teachers' income until the Colony became more stabilised. Additional revenue was, however, provided by rural areas, the profits of which were dedicated to education. Mr Alfred Eccles, a grandson of Mr JohnJones, gratefully acknowledges the debt which Otago owes to the founders, led by their high-minded pastor, in these words: "Of the many heritages which the farsighted pioneers of Otago bequeathed to posterity probably none has been of greater value to the general community than the provisions that they made in the interests of scholarship."
"Records of the Early Days," by Alfred Eccles, p. 11.
Meanwhile the Church continued to establish itself in the land. In the summer of 1854-55, acting under instructions from the Presbytery, the Rev. W. Bannerman and Mr John M'Glashan visited Waikouaiti, Goodwood, and Moeraki, and were favourably received by the settlers in that fine district. They reported to the Presbytery that a subscription list of £111 had been made towards the support of a minister and the building of a manse and church. Green Island was joined on to East Taieri by the authority of the Presbytery in the following year. The care of the Natives was fostered by the Church, and by a "Society for Elevating the Condition of the Maoris," of which Mr John M'Glashan was the indefatigable secretary. In response to appeals for help the Colonial Committee, under the convenership of Dr John Bonar (who had succeeded the Rev. John Sym), pledged itself to raise about £1000 in aid of Church extension and supply of ministers in Otago. Southland began to be occupied with runholders, and Invercargill was marked as the southern capital. The official list of early ministers is as follows, with the charge and date of settlement in each case.
"Proceedings of the Presbytery of Otago," p. 53.
Rev. Thomas Burns, Otago Settlement, April, 1848; Rev. William Will, Taieri and Waihola, June 17, 1854; Rev. William Bannerman, Tokomairiro and Clutha, June 17, 1854; Rev. William Johnstone, Port Chalmers and North, June 25, 1858; Rev. John M'Nicol, Waihola, August 19, 1858; Rev. Alexander Bruce Todd, Tokomairiro, July 7, 1859; Rev. D. M. Stuart, Knox Church, Dunedin, May 16, 1860; Rev. James Urie, West Taieri, October 3, I860; Rev. A. H. Stobo, Invercargill, June 29, 1860; Rev. L. M'Gilvray, Riverton, April 11, 1861; Rev. J. H. M'Naughton, Anderson's Bay, July 9, 1863; Rev. John Christie, Hawksbury (Waikouaiti) and Goodwood, August 16, 1863; Rev. Donald Meiklejohn, St. Andrew's, Dunedin, August 19, 1863; Rev. James Kirkland, Inchclutha and Kaitangata, September 10, 1863; Rev. James Connor, Oamaru and district, December, 1863; Rev. James Urie (from West Taieri), Pomahaka and Mataura, March 23, 1864; Rev. James Clark, Riverton, April 6, 1864; Rev. JohnAllan, Waihola, May 26, 1864; Rev. Michael Watt, Green Island, June 1. 1864; Rev. Thomas Alexander, Oteramika and Long Bush, August, 1864; Rev. William Gillies, West Taieri, December, 1864.
This is truly a most remarkable record of the spread of religious ordinances, perhaps unrivalled in the history of colonisation! Within 10 years from the foundation of the Presbytery and 16 years from the arrival of the pioneer minister, 21 parishes with their own minsters, Sessions, and organisation had sprung into existence. To that list must be added a large number of out-stations, Sunday Schools, and other agencies, including day schools and the distribution of tracts, which had been nurtured under the fostering care of the Church. And the inspiring genius of this whole movement was the venerable Thomas Burns. His devotion had never faltered, and his wisdom and genius for organisation had never failed to elicit the best services from his followers and colleagues in the work of God.
At a meeting of the Kirk Session held on December 29, 1856, the Moderator drew attention to the urgent need of a new building, and mentioned that the resources of his church had provided no less than six new churches in other places, besides two manses. A considerable delay ensued, however, before effect was given to this recommendation. It was not until the end of 1864 that the second church building was ready for occupation. It was situated in Dowling street, where the King's Theatre afterwards stood.
On December 20, 1858, a deputation from the Dunedin congregation presented a memorial to the Presbytery praying for the appointment of an additional minister for the town of Dunedin. The members of the deputation and the Rev. T. Burns having been heard, the Presbytery cordially approved of the object, and resolved that the Moderator communicate with the Colonial Committee and others (named) for the selection of a minister.
Intimation was duly received from Scotland that the services of the Rev. (afterwards Doctor) Donald M. Stuart, of Falstone, Northumberland, would be available for the new charge, with the result that this honoured minister commenced his ministry in the second church of Dunedin, called Knox Church, on May 16, 1860, the building in which worship was then held being located at the corner of Frederick and Great King streets, the site of the present Knox Sunday School. Mr Burns was Moderator and read the edict, which is preserved in his writing in the John M'Glashan collection of manuscripts. The new minister soon gathered a large and influential congregation around him, including many of the office-bearers who had served their apprenticeship in the Session and Deacons' Court under Mr Burns.
Another important piece of work had just been accomplished by the veteran minister. He had visited Invercargill, leaving his pulpit to the care of Mr Stuart early in 1860. At Invercargill Mr Burns preached for seven consecutive Sundays, and once at Mataura Bridge. He called upon several families at Invercargill, and in the Waihopai and Oreti districts he made up a Communion roll of 105, and dispensed the Sacrament in the presence of 83 communicants. The upshot of this tour was that the First Church of Invercargill was formed under the Rev. A. H. Stobo's able ministry, which commenced on June 29, 1860. Writing about this time Burns referred to the intense pressure of work, "partly due to the increased population, partly to the formation of the second church in Dunedin, with the consequent rearrangement of Sessions, Deacons' Courts, and the Sustentation Fund. He stated that his time had not been absorbed to such an extent since the Disruption in 1843. He added: "My three months at Invercargill set me up in health. Despite my advancing years I am able to tramp all over my wide parish in a way that really surprises me."
"Early Otago" (Bannerman), p. 14.
In 1861 the signal distinction of the honorary degree of Doctor of Divinity was conferred upon the Rev. Thomas Burns by his "alma mater," the University of Edinburgh. The degree had been suggested in Scotland before the first party left for Otago, but it came at a far more fitting time as a recognition of the worth and ability which had characterized his labours in the Colony, as well as in Scotland. The proposal to confer the degree upon Mr Burns received the strong support of the Principal of the University, Sir David Brewster, and Professor Miller. The honour was received in Otago with much rejoicing, and the friends of Dr Burns felt that the Church and province shared in the honour which his own genius had rightly secured.
One of the greatest events in the history of Otago was the discovery of gold. In May, 1861, William Gabriel Read found rich deposits in the tributaries of the Tuapeka and Waitahuna Rivers. Soon "Gabriel's Gully" became a city of canvas tents. Thousands of men came from far and near to the vicinity of the present town of Lawrence. Other fields were discovered, and "rushes" continued for many years. Dunedin was transformed by the influx of population. Hundreds flocked to the diggings, while thousands poured into the port. The harbour was crowded with vessels. The revenue advanced from £97,000 at December, 1860, to £470,000 in 1862. Writing to his brother, Burns described the change in terms which reflected the excitement of the times, and he revealed a tinge of sadness because of the passing of the old order of things.
Ibid., p. 14 to 15.
You will have seen by the papers accounts of the goldfields discovered in the north of Otago, and can see that it will very greatly change the character of the population. Otago is suffering from an extreme paroxysm of gold fever. Every male who can get away has gone to the diggings. The blacksmith's forge is blown out, the carpenters have bolted, the sawmill is silent. It is a most marvellous upturn, and working men have been literally shovelling gold. Why, the freight from Port Chalmers to Dunedin is equal to half the whole freight from London to Otago. There must now be about 8000 or 9000 men engaged in the various Otago diggings, and all this in six months' time! It would have taken 12 years of the old order of things to have put Otago in the position that six months of the gold diggings have done. So far as the diggers are concerned the bulk of them are quiet, civil, hard-working fellows, but it is the non-worker who comes with them who causes all the trouble. They will not work, but they manage to exist in some way, and incidentally keep our police force very busy. But things in general are not good. Overtrading in Dunedin has run its course, and everyone is a storekeeper or owns a gin palace. The consequences of all this are looked for every day with rueful apprehension.
These predictions of a slump were realised in 1864 and the following years. Dr Burns referred to these strenuous times in an impartial, critical, but unsparing manner, and his expression of views conveys a clearer impression of the actual position of affairs than most of the other sources of information of the day. Despite the extra-ordinary depression, Dr Burns maintained that when Otago was forced back upon her natural resources she would continue on her old steady and prosperous way. And so it proved to be, although he did not live to see Otago reach maturity. "Dr Burns was half a century in advance of his time."
Ibid., p. 16.
The travelling in the early days was a severe test of endurance. The journeys on foot were over tracks sometimes knee deep in mud. Folk carried their purchases home on their backs. Horses were scarce, and bullocks were often used to draw sledges. The roads of Dunedin were a byword for many years. The Rev. A. B. Todd's journey to Tokomairiro was typical of many undertaken by Burns and his colleagues. Accompanied by his wife from Dunedin, four different modes of travel were used. The first stage to East Taieri 10 miles) was accomplished by Mrs Todd on a sledge drawn by a couple of bullocks, while Mr Todd walked on foot. The second stage, to Taieri Ferry (12 miles), was in a bullock dray. But old Tom, the bullock, soon "struck work" in a creek. Fortunately, a man with a horse dray rescued the "new chums" and took them on their way. The next stage was by punt across the Taieri River and thence by boat rowed up the Waihola Lake. At the head of the lake Mr John L. Gillies met the travellers with horses, and they rode through the slush and mud to their future home, which completed the fourth stage of their 40-mile journey, the time taken being four days.
"Memorials of the Past, Being the Ministerial Reminiscences of the late Rev. Alex. B. Todd, Oamaru, New Zealand." Dunedin: Otago Daily Times and Witness Office, 1905. Mr Todd was inducted into Oamaru charge in 1869.
On one occasion Burns was being rowed across Lake Waihola by a carpenter when the boat had to lie out beyond a muddy bank. The carpenter insisted on carrying "the body of divinity" to the shore, but the weight of the Ayrshire minister was so great that he, too, sank knee deep in the mud. Mr Chisholm in his own witty way continued
"Fifty Years Syne," p. 136.
:—" Had the minister been a Pliable he would have wriggled back to the solid earth and wiped his feet and legs on the tussocks that he might appear respectable; but he was intent on doing his duty, and he sacrificed not a particle of his usual dignity, although for the rest of the day, like the image of Nebuchadnezzar's dream, his feet were partly clay."Mr Will and Mr Bannerman and the other, pioneer ministers experienced all the hardships of the work "in journeyings often in perils of rivers," and Mr Bannerman was so severely injured through an accident that he had to retire eventually from the active work of his large parish and confine his labours to clerical work for the Synod and the convenership of the Foreign Missions Committee. Even travelling by sea was full of dangers and delays. The devoted wife of Dr Burns took nine days to make the voyage to the Bluff in order that she might visit her daughter, Mrs Elles.
"Early Otago," p. 15.
The rise of the Synod of Otago is described at some length in the fine book "Fifty Years Syne," which was written by the Rev. James Chisholm on the occasion of the Jubilee of the Presbyterian Church of Otago, and therefore the events leading up to it need not be described in this biography at any length.
."Fifty Years Syne," p. 181 and ensuing chapter.
The rapid increase in the population following upon the gold discoveries led to the erection of the Presbyteries of Clutha and Southland in addition to Dunedin, and prepared for the creation of the Synod, which began its official history on January 16, 1866. The honoured minister of Dunedin was appointed Moderator of the higher court. His address was full of weighty counsel, in view of the situation in which the province found itself with its 57,000 people of varied types living together in a district that had once been dedicated to the ideals of a class settlement. Without wavering in his loyalty to that ideal, or minimising in the least degree the value of the early standards of religion, education, and destiny, Burns sadly recognised that the day of an exclusive Scottish Colony had passed away. He declared that the hope of future progress could be found only in the Church of the living God. Other things have their place, such as "timely legislation," the "humanising influences of civilised society," but "the spiritual forces " represented by the Church alone can further God's Kingdom in the world. "Let it be our part, then, fathers and brethren," he urged, "through the grace of God, fully to realise to our own hearts the grandeur of that work to which in God's providence we have been called in these the utmost ends of the earth."
The Synod advanced the cause—ever dear to the heart of a living Church—of the education of her ministers. A College Committee was appointed to consider and report as to "the best method of encouraging young men to give themselves to the work of the ministry and of securing for them a thorough literary and theological equipment."
The Presbyterian Church has always insisted upon a broad base of culture for her ministers. The regular course includes a full curriculum in arts at the University as an essential foundation for specialised training in theology. Hence, the establishment of a seminary for her ministers involves the Church in the promotion of University education. This motive was at work when the plans of the Scottish Colony were being drawn up in the Homeland. The tradition of the Scottish Church and the example of the founders of the puritan colony of New England, as expressed in the quaint words of the extract from the old records given at the head of this chapter, ever shone before the eyes of the founders of Otago. That vision inspired the paragraph which appeared in the very first number of the Otago Journal:—
Ample provision will be made for teaching every branch of a liberal education. The instruction will not only comprehend all that is given in the best institutions of the kind in this country, but will embrace many of the higher branches of
literature and philosophy which are usually taught at the Universities. A thorough English education will be made the basis of a sound knowledge of the classics, mathematics, and mental and physical science, while the modern languages, drawing, and other accomplishments will not be neglected. Great efforts will be made to render the instruction solid and substantial, such as befits a Colony which aspires to become a centre of civilisation in the southern hemisphere. The whole institution will be conducted on Christian principles, and the doctrines and duties of religion will be carefully inculcated. In the house every care will be taken to provide for the health and comfort of the pupils, who will be taught to regard themselves as members of a well-regulated Christian family. The domestic arrangements will be managed by a lady of respectability and piety. Out of doors the pupils will be continually under the superintendence of a master.
The article concludes with a most ambitious expectation that such an establishment will afford the greatest satisfaction not only to the settlers in Otago, but also to "many of high respectability in India, Australia, and Van Dieman's Land, since it will assure them that, though far from their native land, they can still obtain for their children the blessing of a sound and liberal education." Such a grandiloquent scheme was propounded by the leaders of the enterprise, abandoning altogether their national canniness, and laying themselves open to the charge of having "a guid conceit o' themselves." And yet, leaving aside the closing scene which, like Joseph's dream, represented all the sheaves bowing down to the Otago sheaf, we find here the germ of a great idea. When Maitland, of Lethington, heard of Knox's scheme for education he characterised it as "a devout imagination," but in essence the system actually came into being in the parish schools and Universities of Scotland. For after all, "ideas have hands and feet"; they do things and they walk upon the solid earth. From an idealistic scheme the Colony of Otago sprang into being, and from the educational vision of the founders of a Scotland beneath the Southern Cross the present institutions of religion and learning in the province have derived their origin. In the University of Otago, as an integral part of the University of New Zealand, and the pioneer institution of learning in the Dominion; in Knox College of residence, and Theological Hall; in St. Margaret's College, the High Schools; in John M'Glashan College for boys, Columba College and Archerfield School for girls, one can find the fulfilment in the spirit, if not in the letter, of many of the early hopes of the planters of the Church and province of Otago.
At the Synod of 1866, definite steps were taken which led to the beginning of a Theological Hall, and greatly assisted in the establishment of the University of Otago. The measures which were adopted led to the appointment of Professor William Salmond as the first Theological professor.
Before reviewing these important developments, however, it is necessary that we should fill in the story of Dr Burns up to the closing years of his life. The first reference may well be to the passing of his old friend and colleague, William Cargill, whose death took place on August 6, 1860. In many respects the joint service of Cargill and Burns was eminently useful in the building up of the Colony, as it was vital to the initiation of the enterprise. The two men had much in common as patriotic and courageous leaders in the establishment of the Free Church settlement. They had different commissions in the army of the Empire. Cargill was an old soldier, with a gift for leadership and administration on the provincial scale. He was a man of affairs, with financial and legal experience. His election to the post of Superintendent of the Province without opposition showed the respect in which he was held even by those who chafed at times under his rod. The settlers had already shown their loyalty to their chief by a hearty public dinner, at which the toasts of Cargill and Burns had been most enthusiastically received. But Cargill undoubtedly had his limitations. His prejudices may not have been more intense than those of his ministerial colleague, but they ran through narrower channels, finding their way through ruts of sectarianism and provincialism which wore deeply into the surface of common life. As we take leave of William Cargill, the keen scion of the Covenanters, and the old campaigner who led the band of settlers to their future country, we realise that he was a man who sincerely tried to do his duty, and that he succeeded where nearly all would have failed in ruling a primitive settlement and in accomplishing a most difficult task.
The work of First Church was strenuously carried on by Dr Burns through the years of the gold rushes. In 1862 Mr James Roy arrived from Scotland, and became catechist to the congregation. The fostering care of the Mother Church was shown in the suburbs which grew up around Dunedin. Mr Roy started Sunday Schools in Kaikorai, Anderson's Bay, and Caversham, and, with the help of the office-bearers of First Church, assisted in laying the foundations of these and other strong charges of today. An effort to obtain an assistant after Mr Roy left at the end of 1865 did not succeed. In the meantime the change to the new and temporary church building in Dowling street had taken place. Burns's description of the fate of the old structure, as given in his published address delivered at a soiree on February 16, 1865, is too good to pass over:—
It is only since our brief experience of our present accommodation that the old fabric rises up before our imagin- ations in all its dirt and deformity. The poor old church! Never was there an honester, a more faithful servant. I say that it was a good servant of all work. Its sacred, its proper work was on Sunday. But from Monday to Saturday it held itself ready for all service. It was a school-room; it was a public lecture room; it was long the humble servant of the Dunedin Land Investment Company; it lent itself to many a stormy political meeting; it was the willing servant of the Horticultural Society; with patriotic zeal it accommodated the Provincial Council; it gave an honourable reception to his Excellency the Governor-General; it lent itself to many a concert, many a musical party. It was equally at the command of all. For 17 long years it had occupied, with the utmost credit to itself, the high and honourable position of the First Church of Otago. In one sad hour it fell from its high estate. The First Church of Otago was converted into a woolshed—it sank down to the level of a common hired drudge of the lowest grade. The poor thing never recovered the blow; it died of a broken heart; it perished like a martyr at the stake; it breathed its last in the midst of a devouring fire. Peace be with the ashes of our poor old church! It faithfully served its day and generation, and when its work was done, like Caesar under the refulgent stroke of Brutus, it folded its mantle with dignity, and gently bowed itself beneath, the disastrous blow of fate.
In the interim a new manse had been built on Church Hill, and on August 15, 1862, Dr Burns and his family left their old dwelling near Jetty street to occupy the loftier site. A year later, however, much to the chagrin of the pioneer minister, this house had to be given up, in consequence of the decision of the Government to cut down the hill and utilise the material for reclamation purposes. Dr Burns claimed compensation for this interference with his rights, and he wrote a very strong letter denouncing the action of the authorities as being opposed to honour and equity. His representations resulted in a grant from the Government by way of compensation. Dr Burns occupied Mr John Logan's house in London street, and afterwards took up his residence at Bankton, higher up in the same street, but did not live to see the completion of the fine scheme for building the church and manse.
The "special reserves" referred to in Chapter XVIII had been already transferred to the Presbyterian Church of Otago, with permission to lease or mortgage the properties and appropriate the funds in the following manner:— All rents from the old manse site and Church Hill were to be applied to the erection of a church and manse on the hill, and thereafter to the erection and repair of any manse or church under the care of the Presbytery, and all rents from the college site were to be directed to the erection and maintenance of a college, or other educational institution in Dunedin (ordinance passed on July 3, 1861). The Provincial Council also declared that in erecting a new church on Church Hill the building should be "such in style and architecture as to be in unison with so commanding a site, and an ornament to the town of Dunedin." The Synod now acts for the old Presbytery.
The church in Dowling street, which stood opposite to the present Dunedin Savings Bank, was occupied until 1873, two years after the death of Dr Burns, while the present First Church was being built. The present manse was completed before the walls of the new church had risen above the foundations. I have in my possession a photograph which shows the cruciform foundations of the church on the levelled site, the manse apparently ready for occupation, and on the further side the cliff-like wall of rock where quarrying was proceeding, with one or two small houses perched up on the remnant of the original peak. The church cost altogether £14,200, which was authorised by the Synod as a recognition of the services rendered by the intrepid minister and his congregation to the wider cause of the Church of Otago and education.
The noble building of First Church was opened for public worship on November 23, 1873, by the Rev. Dr James Begg, who had been one of the friends of the Colony from its foundation, and whose descendants have filled an honoured place in the life and work of Church and province to the present day. In the opinion of Sir Julius Vogel, First Church is "the fairest and most chaste of the ecclesiastical buildings south of the Line." The glorious spire is indeed like a psalm in stone. It towers from a broad and elaborated pedestal to a height of 185 feet. The design is Norman-Gothic. The building is of Oamaru stone, and it is seated for about 1000 persons. The architect was Mr R. A. Lawson, who came from Melbourne and served the church as Session Clerk for many years. Competitive designs had been called for in Australia and New Zealand, and Mr Lawson gained the award. For 10 years, however, the building was delayed in consequence of the decision to cut down the hill, and because of a feeling of dubiety in the minds of many members of the Synod regarding the need of "such a wonderful creation!" The claims of struggling Bethels in the wilds of Otago and Southland were raised in opposition to the building of a cathedral-like edifice for Dunedin. Mr Lawson has attributed to Dr Burns the idea and the fulfilment thereof. The idea of Dr Burns was to erect "a monument to Presbyterianism at the Antipodes." He informed Mr Lawson that without his "valiant assistance he could not have prevailed against a hungry phalanx of truculent desperadoes!"
From information given by Mr J. W. Lawson.
Here is the most wonderful thing in Dunedin—an altar to the Ideal. It is Burns's truest monument, although he never saw its piercing, cleaving, uplifting spire.
In 1867 the Rev. George Sutherland, from the Free Church of Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, arrived in Dunedin, and was secured by the Session as assistant to Dr Burns for two months. At the end of the period the congregation proceeded to call Mr Sutherland to be the "colleague and successor" to Dr Burns. The Presbytery requested a special meeting of Synod, and Mr Sutherland was inducted into the office on October 16, 1867. Dr Burns was then in his seventy-second year, and showed signs of failing vigour. He was able to live more quietly at home, although he continued for some time to take a lively interest in all matters affecting the Church, education, and the progress of the Colony. His medical advisers recommended that he should not continue to preach, and his last sermon was given on September 22, 1867. The pastoral side of his work did not altogether cease, for he officiated at baptisms, marriages, and prepared young communicants for the Sacrament. The interest of Dr Burns in educational matters helped to complete the preparations for the establishment of the Theological Hall of the Presbyterian Church, and the inauguration of the University of Otago.
An Act was passed by the General Assembly of New Zealand in 1866 for the consolidation and regulation of the legal provisions for administering the Church Trust lands and revenues. Trustees were appointed—viz., Dr Burns, Edward M'Glashan, John Hyde Harris, Arthur William Morris, William HunterReynolds, John Gillies, and James Paterson. It was decided that two-thirds of the proceeds of the funds should be designated "The Ecclesiastical Fund," and he devoted to the uses of the Synod in regard to "building or repairing manses and churches in the provinces of Otago and Southland, and for endowing or aiding in the endowment of any theological chair or chairs in connection with the said Presbyterian Church of Otago in any college or university which may hereafter be erected in the said province of Otago." The remaining one-third was to form "The Educational Fund," which was to be invested and used by the Synod, under certain regulations, in "the erection or endowment of a literary chair or chairs in any college or university which shall be erected or shall exist in the province of Otago." These provisions were framed on the recommendation of Dr Burns as an expression of the spirit in which the original Trust for Religious and Educational Uses had been founded and executed in the early days of the settlement. As the result of Dr Burns's early activities and later counsels in connection with these important purchases of lands for the objects named the Church gained its Theological Hall besides distributing aid to manses and churches, and the way was made easier for the creation of the University of Otago. The whole of New Zealand has profited by the endowments so wisely used by the trustees and their successors in Synod and the Church Board of Property.
In his "History of Otago University," Professor G. E. Thompson describes the rise of the University and the part taken by the Presbyterian Church therein,
History of the Otago University, by G. E. Thompson, pages 13, 15, 17, and 19.
including the courageous efforts which had been made from 1861 onwards by the Presbytery and Synod to establish higher secular education for candidates for the ministry. On January 18 the Synod appointed a committee to confer with the Provincial Government in regard to the establishment of a University. The Synod offered to provide for the support of the chair of Mental and Moral Philosophy. Two other chairs were founded at the time—Classics and
Mathematics. On June 3, 1869, the Provincial Council passed the Ordinance creating the University of Otago, which was the pioneer institution of its kind in New Zealand. The first council consisted of the Rev. Dr Burns, Rev. D. M. Stuart, the Hon. Major Richardson, Rev. R. L. Stanford, Dr E. Hulme, Dr Robert Burns, Mr A. C. Strode, Mr J. Hyde Harris, Mr W. H. Reynolds, Mr C. C. Graham, Mr E. B. Cargill, Mr Justice Ward. The Rev. Thomas Burns, D.D., was elected first Chancellor, a post of high honour which he held until his death. He did not live to see the official opening of the University which he had done so much to found. A fine painting of Dr Burns in his robes is hung in the University Library, and commemorates his noble work for religion and learning. The Presbyterian Church has continued to devote the proceeds of the Educational Fund to the foundation of chairs in the University, with the result that four are at the present time endowed by the Synod—Philosophy, English, Natural Philosophy (Physics), and History.
Chapter XXII.The Man and His Genius.
It is with strong interest that my prophetic eye wanders over the noble plains of Otago some generations hence to mark the future herds and flocks that cover the upland pastures far away to the range of the snowy mountains, whilst the lowerlying valleys are waving with the yellow corn and the pursuits of rural husbandry; the pretty farms, "the busy mile," and the happy smiling cottages by the wayside or nestling amid the trees in some bosky dingle or sylvan dell; and all this amongst a God-fearing people, with a bold peasantry, their country's pride, and an aristocracy whose highest honour it is to think that they are the disciples of Christ. But I awake; it is only a dream.
—Letter written by the Rev. Thomas Burns to Captain Cargill from Portobello, Scotland, on January 30, 1847.Himself from God he could not free;He builded better than he knew;The conscious stone to beauty grew.—Emerson.
For three years before his death Dr Burns took little part in any public duty, but his venerable form was still seen about the streets of Dunedin. In private conference his opinions were sought and freely given on the great subjects which concerned the province, the Church, and the proposed University. Early in January, 1871, he suffered a collapse, and he died on January 23, in the seventy-fIfth year of his age. Two days later the largest funeral procession ever held in Dunedin testified to the public sense of loss and the profound respect which was universally felt for the old minister of Otago. In accordance with a request made by the Superintendent and Mayor, all the offices and shops were closed, and flags were hoisted half-mast high on the buildings and the vessels in the harbour. At 1 o'clock the congregation assembled in First Chruch; and after service there and an address given by his successor, the Rev. George Sutherland, the congregation withdrew from the church and proceeded to the residence in London street, where the faithful partner of the departed leader watched with her family beside the lifeless form. The Rev. William Will, as the senior surviving minister, read that noble passage of St. Paul, beginning: "For we know that if our earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved, we have a building of God, a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens" (2 Corinthians, fifth chapter). At half-past 2 the casket was borne slowly out of the house by six of the oldest members of Session—theHon. James Paterson, Messrs Charles Robertson, James Adam, Robert Hood, James Souness, and George Hepburn. The long procession included the relatives, the Kirk Session, the Deacons' Court, and former office-bearers, the Presbytery, and other ministers, the members of the congregation, the University Council, the Mayor and Corporation of Dunedin, officials of the General and Provincial Governments, schoolmasters, the Friendly Societies, and the general public. At the Southern Cemetery the coffin was covered with flowers which had been brought in baskets by the ladies of the congregation. There was no religious service held at the grave out of respect to the wishes of the deceased minister, who had expressed a desire that the practice of the old Scottish Church should be followed in this simple, final interment.
To quote from the contemporary tributes in the Otago Daily Times, the Otago Witness, and the Evangelist (the Presbyterian journal which was then edited by the Rev. Dr Copland), also those passed by Session, Presbytery, and Synod would occupy too much of our space, but they would all show the affectionate veneration in which the ministerial founder of the Church and province was held by his contemporaries. Full of years and honours, the great, quiet man of Otago was laid to rest. His grave is marked by a plain tombstone on the hill overlooking the town and harbour which he had entered nearly 23 years before. In the vestibule of the First Church, as one passes into the sacred edifice, there is a large tablet to his memory, and in the heart of Dunedin, at the Octagon, there now rises a chaste threefold column crowned by a Celtic Cross, erected by an admiring friend (Mr Robert Chapman) to his honour. The Scottish bard, his father's brother, Robert Burns, is commemorated by a statue on the opposite side of the circular green sward. The busy traffic of the modern city passes by the spot, which resounds with the steps of the heirs of the pioneers—the dwellers of town and country. But the true monuments to Thomas Burns are to be found in all the agencies that uplift the heart to higher things—the First Church, with its spire "pricking through the mist" of earthly ambitions; and the sister spire of Knox Church, the largest of the Presbyterian sanctuaries south of, the equator. Further still, in every town and village throughout Otago and Southland, each equipped with its church and school, we may find the living harvest of his sowing. The University, Knox College (with its Theological Hall), St. Margaret's College, and the other schools and colleges dedicated to the sacredness of Truth and Life, acknowledge with gratitude their debt to the dreams and visions of a man who was old and yet ever young in heart, imagination, and enthusiasm for the Kingdom of God.
Having followed the story of his life, we are now in a position to estimate the contribution which Thomas Burns made to the Colony. In some respects we are better placed than those who knew him merely as "the auld minister." The correspondence with Cargill which is reviewed—all too slightly—in this book, throws much light upon his invaluable activities between 1843 and 1847 in preserving the Scottish scheme of colonisation from complete shipwreck. His services as a recruiting officer were not rewarded by results as they should have been; but one cannot refrain from asking what would have happened to the proposed undertaking if there had been no Thomas Burns? The only answer possible in the light of the facts is that the enterprise would have been abandoned. The difficulties in which the Company found itself were at times so overwhelming that failure would have been inevitable but for the steadfast faith, courage, and unselfish labours of the minister of New Edinburgh.
From the sturdy stock of yeomen, most of our great leaders have sprung. The farmer's son brought to his task a finely-wrought frame and a great store of physical energy. He was "well-built from base to crown." He had followed the plough with the zest of a son of the soil. He could walk long distances and endure hardships without fatigue. He was tall and of a noble presence, combining strength with ease and dignity of person. The portraits reveal the man to us—his grave face, with brow, cheeks, nose, and chin in good proportions, and head well set on the neck and shoulders. Above all, the eyes, large and bright, reveal that which surpasses mere beauty or physical endowment, the soul, the mind, and the character. Imagination and the gift of "seeing ideas," together with the power of expressing what is seen, shine in such eyes. An Otago settler wrote of Burns:—
Among old identities his well-known grave and solemnly dignified figure was familiarly known, distinguished by his Geneva cap, as the Captain (Cargill) was by his frequently assumed broad lowland bonnet; the only difference perceptible to settlers of the earliest date being that towards the last his long grey locks had changed to a pure silvery whiteness, and that he had aged very perceptibly, though the clear, bright eye and the soft, benignant expression of countenance remained unchanged to the end. From the first he bore among us a patriarchal carriage, and exercised a patriarchal influence, ever moving about, known to everyone, in the eyes of many the impersonated religion of the settlement, and warrant as it were for its orthodoxy.
T. J. Barr, in "The Old Identities," pages 39-40.
Dr Stuart's impressions of Dr Burns are well worth recording. At the ceremony of unveiling the monument to his late colleague Dr Stuart said:—
Dr Burns never doubted that industry, frugality, and a fixed purpose to give God and man their due would bring the prosperity, material and moral, which God connects with virtues of this order. In 1860, when I first met Dr Burns, though then well over sixty, he was well built from base to crown, with a noble presence. He went about the city with a firm step, but never in a hurry, noticing everything, especially houses that were a-building. It was his custom when we foregathered to pull up and direct my attention to the extending city, the opening of new streets, and the increasing population, with the remark that the growth of the city and settlement exceeded all his expectations. All his life his sympathies were ever on the side of education and religion, and in short the institutions of Christian civilisation.
Professor D. R. White retains a vivid recollection of the last time he saw Dr Burns. He was present at the New Year celebrations held at the northern sports ground. He wore his peaked cap with flaps over his ears, and was seated in the front row of the spectators. Like a benignant patriarch, he watched the various contests on the green, entering with a quiet pleasure into the well-earned recreations of a happy and industrious people.
The last of the letters preserved in the brochure by Bannerman touches upon his activities as the beloved chief representative of religion in the whole province. Writing to his brother Gilbert in March, 1865, he says:—
I have just returned from Oamaru, the capital of the north of the province, and a thriving town with a fine neighbourhood. My errand was to open a new church at Oamaru. I have become a noted opener of new kirks, and I open a new church at Waihola next week. By special request I recently opened the Wesleyan Chapel, the Independent Church, and the Baptist Chapel in Dunedin. In self-defence we recently commenced the erection of an interim new church. After 17 years of my old church we are now enjoying the comfort of our new handsome edifice, which will accommodate 1000 people. My congregation is steadily increasing, and I feel as fit for my clerical duties, despite my age, as I did in my youngest days in Scotland.
The intellectual endowment of Dr Burns was intimately associated with his work as a minister and as a coloniser. His scholarship was sound, his mind was ever open to truth, as he perceived it; and his interests were broad and deep. The work to which he gave himself as a busy pastor, an administrator, and an organiser, with the thousand-and-one problems of pioneering in a virgin province, prevented him from following the pursuits of literature, in which he could almost certainly have distinguished himself. Happily for Otago in its first callow years of existence his interest in books was subordinated to the practical everyday tasks of life. But those duties in which he immersed himself were performed with greater ability because he brought a highly-trained mind to bear upon the affairs of the Church and the community.
The man has been set before us in his own words and deeds. The letters of Burns rank high in the literature of personal correspondence. There is lucidity and the sense of style about them. He was one of those rare men who can always see the wood and the trees. His careful choice of the right word and his exact mode of bringing out his thought in graceful terms gave distinction to everything he wrote. His contributions to the literature of the Otago scheme and his sermons and addresses show the same artistic qualities. This characteristic impressed those who heard him preach from the pulpits of the primitive church of the early days. The obituary notice of the Evangelist on March 1, 1871, contained the following passage:—
No one could listen to the sermons delivered by the first minister of First Church without the consciousness that he was listening to a man of no common ability; to one of large natural powers, and possessed of rich stores gathered from many sources; to one whose heart was in his work, and who, from his own experience of the grace of God, longed and strove that others should be partakers with him of the great salvation, of the cheering hopes, and unspeakable peace of mind and heart which the possession of salvation invariably bestows. As a preacher of the Word he had no equal among the ministers of Otago. In depth of thought, in accuracy of statement, in beauty of diction, not less than in the calm dignity that characterised his every public appearance he excelled all the brethren. As is well known, Dr Burns was largely read in classics and general literature. He was no mean scholar in Hebrew. He was well read also in many branches of natural science; but in theology he was a very master—his sermons not unfrequently presenting the character of a professorial lecture to students in divinity, rather than a popular discourse to an ordinary congregation, yet delivered with such clearness and adaptation to his hearers as fully to carry them along with him, and leave upon their minds and hearts the most lasting impressions for good.
Sir Robert Stout, who often heard Dr Burns in First Church, has recorded the impression of perfect literary form which the sermons left on his mind. The discourses, as delivered, were ready for the printer. Another writer states:—
At rare intervals, when deeply stirred, he would raise himself from the paper, his eyes flashing, his face glowing with inner light, his voice quivering with emotion, and his apt words winged with forceful eloquence. At such times his hearers were reminded of his kinship with the poet. He was deeply conscious of his own sinfulness and weakness, and all the more on that account cherished as precious beyond telling the Atonement and Lordship of Jesus Christ.
Burns was a strong patriot, and he believed implicitly in the Church of which he was a minister. He was born in the traditions of old Scotland. He was baptised in the spirit of the revival which fired the Free Church with marvellous zeal and power. He was in the succession of John Knox, the Covenanters, and Thomas Chalmers. With his intense loyalty to his convictions, however, there was found a gracious charity which sweetened his relations with those who differed from him. He was courteous and friendly in his intercourse with all men. His private letters often revealed the fierceness of his indignation against wrong. He contended strenuously with that which he held to be evil; but in his speech he exercised reserve, and thus he prevented rancour from passing all bounds. In the courts of the church he allowed no differences of opinion to embitter personal regard for his brethren.
As a leader of his Church Burns had all the elements of greatness. For six years he was the sole minister, but he did not become an autocrat. He laboured constantly in his pastorate, but he ever aimed at the establishment of the Church on wide, constitutional lines. The Presbytery and the Synod in turn were the fruit of his efforts to establish the organisation; and the honour of the Moderatorship in each case was much more than a mere tribute to his seniority. The fact that the first Presbytery of three ministers has developed into six Presbyteries with about 100 ministerial charges and 20 home mission stations, and that in Dunedin the Church has a Theological Hall, two residential colleges, Missionary Training Institute, schools, social service agencies, including orphanages, an aged people's home (Ross Home), foreign missionaries, and other agencies—all serving the whole Presbyterian Church of New Zealand—reveals the wonderful progress made in the short space of 75 years, and fulfils the words of the Divine Founder of the Church—"one soweth, another reapeth; I sent you to reap that whereon ye bestowed no labour; other men laboured, and ye are entered into their labours."
In one respect at least the majority of the contemporaries of Dr Burns failed to carry on the tradition of his spirit and purpose. That was in regard to Church Union. From the inception of the Scottish scheme Burns sought for the extension of the Presbyterian Church throughout the whole of New Zealand, and he viewed the settlement at Otago as a great lay mission for establishing his Church in the land from end to end, and even unto the uttermost part of the sea. His example and precept in reference to missions was not forgotten. His little struggling congregation gave year after year to the missions of the Free Church of Scotland—to India, to Turkish lands (£36 17s 6d was given to these causes in 1856), to Scottish home missions (£15 15s 6d in 1857), to the proposed Jewish School of the Free Church (£40 in 1859). The New Hebrides mission of Dr Inglis in 1865 received a large donation. But his expectations of the Union of the Presbyteries of New Zealand were grievously weakened and hindered by the narrow parochialism of many of his brethren. In 1861 Burns presided over a conference for this purpose, and a Basis of Union was drawn up and sent to the Presbyteries and Sessions of New Zealand. Dr Burns prepared a pastoral address on the subject, setting forth the claims and advantages of union in the noble Christian spirit which breathed through all his pronouncements. But postponements occurred, difficulties increased, and selfishness triumphed for more than a generation over the high hopes that had been raised by the vision of one who was never a mere sectarian or provincialist. The claims of union with other denominations were not disregarded by the veteran pioneer of Presbyterianism in New Zealand, and if he had lived in our day the great cause of Christian unity would have had in him a prophet and a champion in the name of "the Lord and Master of us all, whate'er our name or sign."
It would be a dereliction of duty if the biographer of Thomas Burns failed to remember his devoted wife, the champion of all his toils and struggles, hardships and aspirations. Mrs Burns was a truly noble woman, an aristocratic lady of gentle upbringing and refined tastes, who shared with uncomplaining heroism in the sorrows and joys of her husband. Miss Burns speaks of her mother with loving reverence and admiration. On one occasion, as the daughter watched her mother cooking in the crude manse, she asked how it was that all she did turned out so well. Mrs Burns replied quietly: "Behind all I do there are oceans of tears." Honour, honour, honour, eternal honour to her name! Let generations to come recall the example and influence of the beautiful lady of the first manse in Otago! In the care of her large family and the experience of adversity, Mrs Burns proved herself to be a true "lady of grace." Without her aid and encouragement the leader of the Philip Laing and his flock could not have been the shepherd he was to so many in Otago. Her precious companionship and devotion sweetened and sanctified the manse and even the wider life of the Colony. To the women of the world's frontiers let us give the meed of praise, and let all generations call them blessed. Their powers are pervasive like beauty and truth and goodness,—
Such, perhaps,As have no slight or trivial influenceOn that best portion of a good man's lifeHis little, nameless, unremembered actsOf kindness and of love.
Wordsworth, Tintern Abbey Re-visited.
This may be a fitting place for giving the list of the members of the family of Dr and Mrs Burns. Arthur John married Sarah Scott Dickson; Clementina married Captain Elles of the Philip Laing, afterwards Collector of Customs in Invercargill; Jane married the Rev. Dr William Bannerman; Annie married Alexander Livingston, the first teacher of the High School,. Dunedin; Frances married Henry Livingston; Agnes, the present Miss Burns, still living as the sole survivor of the generation in Dunedin; and Isabella Grant, married to Alexander Stevenson. Mrs Burns survived her husband by seven years, and rests by his side in the same grave. She died on July 19, 1878.
The following is the list of the ministers of First Church, with the dates of their ministry:—Rev. Thomas Burns, D.D., 1848-1871; Rev. George Sutherland, 1867-1872; Rev. Lindsay Mackie, 1874-1883; Rev. Wm. H. Gaulter, 1885 (six months); Rev. James Gibb, D.D., 1886-1903; Rev. Thomas Nisbet, D.D., 1904-1910; Rev. Graham H. Balfour, M.A., B.D., 1911-1923; Rev. E. N. Merrington, M.A., Ph.D., 1923-1928.
Sufficient has been said in the course of the narrative to indicate that while Dr Burns ever set spiritual things first, he did not limit himself to the affairs of the Church as though they were the only sacred things in the sight of the God of all the earth. Burns as a coloniser might have used the word of Terence, "Homo sum; humani nihil a me alienum puto."
Terence, Heauton Timoroumenos 1, i, 25 (I am a man; I count nothing of human interest beyond my sphere).
As a farmer, Burns was able to guide the destinies of a young colony as few ministers or even statesmen could do. By example and precept, by hard work in cultivating his own glebe and advice to those who sought to make a start in a new land, by expert knowledge of all branches of husbandry and the care of stock, he was enabled to exercise enormous influence upon the beginnings of things in Otago. He went to the Kensington marshes with the surveyor and others to suggest the best mode of draining the land; he busied himself with seeking for the best stone, shells for lime, sites for mills, the most suitable soils for various kinds of fruit, vegetables, cereals, grasses; he weighed different schemes for industrial and pastoral development, export trade, the supply of foodstuffs, and the thousand-and-one concerns of a growing settlement. Cargill was an administrator, but Burns was a man of the land. Perhaps the minister was the most practical man who landed in Otago from the two first ships; certainly he was the most practical leader in all matters that concerned the primary industries. He was keen to have labour conditions satisfactory to those who gave their manual contribution to the prosperity of the community. He strove for the rights of self-government; he loved liberty. He hated tyranny, whether it emanated from an autocratic governor, as Sir George Grey undoubtedly proved himself to be at times, or whether it came belatedly from an incompetent Colonial Office seated thousands of miles across the seas. The work of Burns for meteorology has been sufficiently treated in the earlier part of this book. He spent many days in 1851 with Mr Kettle planning the route of the road from Dunedin to Port Chalmers. Behind all the pioneering labours of the settlement the quiet hand, the keen mind, and the devout spirit of Burns was ever at work.
Cargill and Burns have often been referred to as the Moses and Aaron of the Colony of Otago. Sometimes John M' Glashan is brought in as the Hur, who upheld the hands of Moses. It is not an apt comparison in any respect. Burns was far more like Moses than Aaron, the disappointing high priest of the Children of Israel. Burns was a devout statesman, humble, ever setting the people's interests before his own, and before all else. He believed that the only foundation of a nation's greatness is in the fear of God and loyalty to the Gospel of the Kingdom of God, as proclaimed by Jesus Christ and His Apostles. For that end he ever laboured according to his light, joining religion and education in the closest bonds, and preaching the Gospel of hard work in the faith of His Master. His own life was his finest sermon, and "he being dead yet speaketh."
Like all earth's leaders and idealists he experienced great disappointments; many of his dreams did not come true. His vision was narrowed by his intense Free Church convictions. For them, like the apostle, he had suffered the loss of all things at the Disruption except his faith, hope, and courage. It is not surprising that 80 years ago the fires of sacrificial flame should sometimes heat the souls of such men to a fierce intensity of fervour and austerity of life. We have lost much by our easy tolerance and lassitude. If the men of the middle of last century erred in the opposite direction, it is unbecoming on our part to adopt an air of superiority. Our post-war age has few enthusiasms. Life is too easy for all of us to permit us to appreciate the glory of men who gave every ounce of their strength for their chosen vocation. Burns had two great objectives in giving himself up to the Otago scheme of colonisation; it was a great lay mission to the islands of the Southern Seas; it was also a plan of establishing a Scottish and Free Church class settlement. He succeeded more in the first than in the second. For one thing it was more permanent. He did start a great mission of Christian colonisation, which is still going on not only in Otago, but in the whole of New Zealand, and whithersoever the finest streams of influence find their way through the earth. He could not keep to the hopes of realising the class settlement. It is impossible to maintain a homogeneous society of Scotch people and Presbyterians, even if it is desirable to do so—which is very doubtful. No nation liveth to itself. Men of other denominations and branches of nationality soon appeared in the Free Church Utopia, and ended any chance of literal fulfilment. Bitterness arose from the clash of ideals. The gold-mining rushes of the 'sixties ended the dream of a purely watertight class settlement, a Scotland under the constellation of the Southern Cross. The disillusionment was bound to come sooner or later. It appeared in the neighbouring community of Canterbury, where the English Churchmen made a similar experiment. In this age of speedy intercommunication by steam, aviation, and wireless the notion of segregation of one section of the human race is forever banished from practical politics. We see now, with Edith Cavell, that "patriotism is not enough."
But the experiment was infinitely worth while, for all that. It laid the foundations of a stable and progressive colony. It nurtured men and women from childhood with the venerable traditions of race and religion, and after all "we live by admiration, hope, and love." Without such sanctions society becomes amorphous and degenerate. Instead of the anarchic groups of whalers and desperadoes which dotted the coast, the Scottish party set up a community inspired with lofty aims and organic spiritual tissues. The plantation grew. It did not merely happen or struggle into existence. It was charged with faith and ideals which alone can make life worth living for the community and the individual. The best service such a community can render is to fulfil the aims of the Christian religion, which is a religion of universal brotherhood, rising above all prejudices and distinctions, and binding all men together in the rule or Kingdom of God and Father of us all.
The prosperity of Otago rests upon the most solid of all foundations—the spiritual basis of character. Burns was appointed the Chaplain of the first Provincial Council, and prepared the following prayer, which was read in the Council during the existence of the Provincial Government at every session from December 30, 1853, till its last on May 3, 1875, and it may fittingly conclude this work:—
Most gracious God, we humbly beseech Thee, as for this Colony in general so especially for this Council now assembled, that Thou wouldst be pleased to direct and prosper all our consultations to the advancement of Thy glory, the good of Thy Church, the safety, honour, and welfare of our beloved Sovereign and these her dominions; that all things may be so ordered and settled by our endeavours upon the best and surest foundations, that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety may be established among us for all generations. These and all other neccssaries for them, for us, and Thy whole Church we humbly beg in the name and mediation of Jesus Christ our most blessed Lord and Saviour.
Bibliography.
I.—History of Colonisation, with Special Reference to New Zealand.
"The Constitutional History and Law of New Zealand."Hight and Bamford."State Experiments in Australia and New Zealand."W. Pember Reeves, London (1902)."The LongWhite Cloud" (1924 edition). W. Pember Reeves."A Letter from Sydney" (1829). Edward Gibbon Wakefield."England and America" (1833). Edward Gibbon Wakefteld."A View of the Art of Colonisation" (1849). Edward Gibbon Wakefleld."The Expansion of England."Sir John Seeley."England and New Zealand."A. J. Harrop (1926)."The Colonisation of New Zealand."J. S. Marais (1927)."The Colonial Gazette,"London."The New Zealand Journal,"London.1842-53."Edward Gibbon Wakefield."Richard Garnett."The Amazing Career of Edward Gibbon Wakefleld."A. J. Harrop."History of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand."John Dickson.Dunedin (1899)."The Story of New Zealand," Book II: "The Pioneers."Whitcombe and Tombs,New Zealand."A Short History of New Zealand."J. B. Condliffe.Christchurch (1929)."Sir George Grey."A. C. Henderson.London (1907)."The Six Colonies of New Zealand."W. Fox. London (1851).
II.—History of Otago.
"Contributions to the Early History of New Zealand (Otago)."Thomas Morland Hocken.London (1898)."Fifty Years Syne."James Chisholm.Dunedin (1898)."Reminiscences of the Early Settlement of Dunedin and South Otago."John Wilson(Dunedin)."The Story of the Otago Church and Settlement."C. Stuart Ross.Dunedin (1887)."The Old Identities; Being Sketches and Reminiscences During the First Decade of the Province of Otago, New Zealand, by an Old Identity."(Thomas James Barr.)Dunedin (1879)."Medical Practice in the Early Days."Robert Valpy Fulton.Dunedin (1922)."A History of the University of Otago (1869-1919)."G. E. Thompson.Dunedin."The Presbyterian Church Trust."William Gillies.Dunedin (1876)."The Province of Otago in New Zealand."By authority of the Provincial Government,Dunedin (1868)."Twenty-five Years of Emigrant Life in the South of New Zealand."James Adam.Edinburgh (1876)."Encyclopædia of New Zealand," Volume 4, Otago and Southland. "The Otago Seventieth Anniversary, 1848-1918."Alexander Whyte.Dunedin (1918).The Otago Daily Times and Witness Jubilee Numbers,March, 1898.The Evening Star, Otago Jubilee Edition,March, 1898."These Sixty-one Tears: The History of Warepa Presbyterian Church."A. Watson. Clutha Leader Print,Balclutha."Records of Early Days, Some Beginnings in Dunedin and Otago."Alfred Eccles.Dunedin (1929)."Historical Papers."Collected by Dr Hocken, J. M.McIndoe, and James Barr(Hocken Library).Numerous Pamphlets issued by The Lay Association of the Free Church of Scotland in connection with the Otago Scheme of Colonisation, including various editions of the "Terms of Purchase" from1845.Numerous Pamphlets and Brochures containing Histories of Congregations in Otago and Southland."Otago." Volumes of bound Manuscripts in Hocken Library."Variæ." Bound Manuscripts in Hocken Library."Flotsam and Jetsam."(Hocken Library)."The Otago Journal, 1-8" (1848-53, complete). Otago Early Settlers' Library.Legal Documents and Manuscripts in John McGlashan Collection,John McGlashan College, Dunedin."Proceedings of the Provincial Council of Otago."
III.—Biographical.
1. —Manuscript Sources (from pen of Dr Burns).
The letters (141) from the Rev. Thomas Burns to Captain William Cargill, bound, in Hocken Library.Sundry other letters (few in number) in Hocken Library.Sundry letters in Otago Early Settlers' Library.Diary of Rev. Thomas Burns, 1848-51, with a few later jottings. Early Settlers' Library.Visiting Book kept by Rev. Thomas Burns, 1848-58. Early Settlers' Library.Meteorological records kept at back of Diary and in separate volume. Early Settlers' Library.Sermons. Early Settlers' Library.Letters and Notes (very few in number) in John McGlashan Collection,John McGlashan College, Balmacewen, Dunedin.First Church Session Minutes, written by Rev. T. Burns for many years.
2.—Records (Manuscript).
Minutes of the Synod of Otago and Southland.Minutes of Deacons' Court, First Church.
3.—Printed Sources.
"Early Otago and Genesis of Dunedin; Letters of Rev. Thomas Burns, D.D., 1848-65." Reprinted from Dunedin Evening Star. J. W. H. Bannerman(1916)."The Otago Journal," 1848-53, containing many extracts from Burns's Dunedin letters."Minutes of the General Assembly of the Free Church of Scotland," 1843-52, two volumes.Edinburgh."A Little Scottish World."KirkwoodHewat, Kilmarnock,Scotland."Half-hours at the Manse."KirkwoodHewat,Paisley."Annual Burns Chronicle," No. V, January, 1896. By kindness of Mr W. B. McEwan, City Librarian,Dunedin."The Annals of the Disruption, 1843."Thomas Brown."Life of Edward Irving."Mrs Oliphant."The Book of Robert Burns." Issued by the Grampians Club, Edinburgh. Vol. III."Fasti Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ," Revised Edition,Edinburgh. Vol. III (1920)."The Evangelist,"Dunedin, Otago. Vol. III, No. 3 (March 1, 1871). Press sources, also works on Otago given above."Proceedings of the Presbytery of Otago, 1854-1865." Compiled from the Original Records by A. M. Finlayson. Published by authority of the Synod of Otago and Southland, Dunedin (1926)."In the New Hebrides."John Inglis."Dictionary of Australasian Biography.A Discourse delivered in the Church of Otago on Friday, the 23rd of March, 1849, being a day of Public Thanksgiving, Humiliation, and Prayer, and the Anniversary of the Arrival of the First Party of Settlers; by the Rev. Thomas Burns, Minister of the Church of Otago. Published by request. Dunedin. Printed at the Otago News Office, Rattray Street, 1849."Early Otago." Farewell address delivered by the late Rev. Dr Burns at the original First Church on December 25, 1864. Te Pono Press, Waimate, 1909."A Brief Account of the Origin and History and also the Income and Expenditure of the Presbyterian Church of Otago, etc." By Rev. Dr Burns, Dunedin, 1865.Diary of Rev.T. D. Nicholson.Otago Early Settlers' Library.